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Reports of Committee on Foreign Relations 1789-1901 Volume 6 pp564-565 300dpi scan (VERY LARGE!)

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is one thing that impressed me very deeply and that was the unaniimity of feeling among the members of both the executive and advisory councils. I remained in office untill March 16, just two months, when I found that the strain was so great that I was fast breaking down under it, and I retired.

And further, with regard to the events and the causes which led up to the late revolution, this affiant says as follows: The causes which led to the late revolution in January last are of no recent origin, but date back to 1874 when Kalakaua secured the throne. Almost immediately after his accession to the throne he began to use his high position to gain more power, and this he continued to do until the revolution of 1887. The community was patient and long suffering and for years submitted to many annoyances before rising up and protecting its rights.

No King ever had better prospects for a peaceful and succesful reign than did Kalakaua, and if he had made a proper use of his rights and powers might have made his reign a prosperous one. He seemed to be wholly corrupt, and his influence was one which had its effect upon the mass of the native people. Not satisfied with the appointment of the House of Nobles, he interfered in the election of representatives by using liquor which was taken from the custom-house duty free and promising offices under his patronage. He dismissed more than one cabinet for nothing, and in some instances sent messages to their houses in the middle of the night asking for their resignations, while others whom he assured had his implicit confidence he discharged a few hours after. Kalakaua surrounded himself with men of bad character and gave himself up to habits unbecoming a King. He was always in debt and resorted to measures for raising money that were wholly dishonorable for any man, much more a King. The Legislature of 1890 paid up his debts and issued bonds to the amount of $95,000 to meet his obligations, pledging the income of the Crown lands at the rate of $20,000 a year to meet these bonds, but when his sister came to the throne she repudiated the pledge given by her brother, and now this debt has to be borne by the State, only $5,000 having been received on this account.

When he died the country had much hope for the better state of things from his sister Liliuokalani. When she ascended the throne most of the better class of our people associated with her and did all in our power to surround her with good influences, and many of our best women stood ready to help and encourage her in all good works; but it was soon evident that she was more ambitious for power than her brother, and she began to use means to place herself in power, and while she professed friendship for those good women she was scheming to get entire control of the Government. She evidently had not profited by the revolution of 1887 and thought herself to be sufficiently strong to get back that power taken from her brother in 1887. She was more cunning, more determined, and no coward as he had been. On my arrival at Honolulu in September, 1892, after a visit of a year in the United States, I found that the Widemann cabinet had been removed by a vote of want of confidence, and in more than a week no new cabinet had been made up that would be satisfactory to the Queen and Legislature.

The Queen, however, did finally appoint E. C. Macfarlane, Paul Neumann, S. Parker, and C. T. Gulick, and as two of those were members of the late Widemann cabinet and Macfarlane had betrayed the members of the Legislature, this cabinet was soon voted out, when the Queen, still persisting in having her own way, appointed a new cabinet with

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W. H. Cornwell at its head. This cabinet was turned but a few hours after it presented itself before the Legislature, and it became evident to the Queen that she must comply with the desires of the majority of the Legislature. A committee was appointed by the house to advise the Queen that they would support a cabinet made up by either one of three men who were named to her. After waiting for a week or more she sent for G. N. Wilcox, one of the three men mentioned, and asked him to form a ministry. He selected Mr. Cecil Brown, Mr. Mark Robinson, and myself as his colleagues, and the Queen expressed herself as being fully satisfied with his choice. I hesitated to accept the position, but I was urged to take the position by many of our citizens and by men who were opposed to me in politics, among them Mr. Widemann, who came to me to prevail upon me, saying I had made my money here and it was my duty to serve the country at this time.

The Queen sent for me on the evening of November 6 and asked me to take the position of minister of finance with Wilcox as premier, and as all of the gentlemen were men in whom I had special confidence I accepted. And it was understood that we should meet at the palace on the morning of the 7th to take the oath of office and receive our commissions. The Queen wanted to have her way here and appoint Mr. Brown as premier, but this we refused, as it was contrary to the decision of a majority of the Legislature, and we sent her word that Mr. Wilcox must be premier or we would decline to serve. This message was sent on the morning of the 7th, when we had assembled at Mr. Brown's office for the purpose of going to the palace. We soon received a message from the Queen by the chamberlain that she was not ready for us, and we learned that she had hopes of sending Mr. Parker back again and so delayed the matter. Mr. Brown and myself at first were inclined to send back word to the Queen that we declined to accept the positions, but at the earnest solicitation of many friends we withdrew our objections and concluded to accept if she would send for us. Supposing that she could not carry her point and appoint Mr. Parker, the Queen sent for us at noon, November 8, and gave us our commissions.

We went to the Legislature which had assembled to receive us and assumed at once the duties of our respective offices. We had frequent interviews with the Queen and assured her that it was our desire to confer fully with her upon all important matters and that we would do all in our power to make matters pleasant and agreeable for her. Soon after we had taken up our duties we prepared a paper setting forth our policy which we presented to the Legislature. Before doing this, however, we submitted and fully explained it to the Queen and had her assurance that it met her hearty approval and that we should have her support in carrying it out. The document contained the following points of policy:

(1) To promote closer relations with the United States to the end that the products of the Kingdom may be remunerative to those engaged in their cultivation and production.

(2) To assist in the passage of such laws as will relieve the present want of labor.

(3) To carry on all branches of the Government economically.

(4) To oppose any measure tending to legalize a lottery or license gambling.

(5) To oppose any measure that will interfere with or change the present monetary system of the Kingdom.

(6) To remove all employes of the Government who are incapable or not trustworthy.

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