appoint him and used every argument that the facts justified. She wanted to appoint Mr. Antone Rosa. I told her of facts that unfitted him for the place, but they had no effect, and it was not until her adherents, among them Paul Neumann, told her that if she had promised her cabinet to appoint Mr. Frear that she must do so, that she signed the commission.
The paper-money bill having been defeated, and the lottery bill being considered dead, and a ministry possessing the confidence of the men of character, wealth, and intelligence of this country—G. N. Wilcox, M. P. Robinson, P. C. Jones, and Cecil Brown—having been appointed, the appropriation bill having been signed (usually the last act of the Legislature), the community were generally relieved and confidence was being restored, when events occurred which explained the Queen's delay in the matter of the appropriation bill and the postponing of the prorogation. Six among the best members of the Legislature had left town, some for the other islands and some for the United States, and one to England. The justices of the supreme court had shortly before this in a reply to the Legislature expounded the constitution to mean that to oust a ministry on a vote of want of confidence it would require the concurrence of a majority of all the members of the Legislature, exclusive of the cabinet; that is, 25 votes were essential.
On the 4th of January, 1893, Mr. J. E. Bush, then an adherent of the Queen, though in the early part of the session he was violently opposed to her, introduced a vote of want of confidence in the Wilcox-Jones cabinet. It failed by a vote of 19 to 22, but rumors were thick that it would be tried again. Suddenly, on the 10th of January, the lottery bill was called up and after but little discussion it passed its second reading by a vote of 20 to 17. Only one white man voted for it. It was brought up again on the next day and passed its third reading by a vote of 23 to 20. This was considered as a test vote adverse to the cabinet, and the opposition lacked only two votes to oust the cabinet, twenty-five being the requisite number. On the 12th of January the Queen gave a lunch to the opposition members at noon. The members came into the House looking serious and excited. Two natives who had hitherto voted in favor of the cabinet came in from lunch with yellow wreaths on, which the Queen had given them. I found out that she had begged them to vote the ministry out, appealing to their loyalty to her and to their native land.
Mr. C. O. Berger, a noble (German), had promised that he would not go to the Legislature again, but at noon he was promised that his father-in-law, Judge H. A. Widemann, should form the new cabinet, and he went to the House, and, with W. H. Cornwell (who did not vote for the lottery bill owing to his mother's persuasions, who came to the Legislature and labored with him), the twenty-five votes were secured. The promise to Mr. Berger, was made by Mr. Samuel Parker, who went off as if to the palace from Mr. Berger's office and returned as if he had secured the Queen's consent. The resolution of "want of confidence" was introduced by J. N. Kapahu, member from Kau Hawaii. It expressed no reasons and was put to vote and carried without discussion.
When the lottery bill and the vote of want of confidence were passed the lobbies were full of natives, half-whites, and low foreigners, who gave vent to their feelings of joy by shouts, hurrahs, tossing up their hats, shaking hands, and all rushed out all jubilant as the House adjourned. The feeling all over town was intense and despair was seen reflected on many faces, but as yet all that was done was within the law. Mr. Berger and others tried to get members to coalesce and repair the mischief,
but it was too late. A quorum was secured on Friday p. m., the 13th January, and the new cabinet came in with their commissions, Parker, Colburn, Cornwell, and Peterson. Mr. Parker had that morning told Mr. Widemann that he could go into the cabinet with himself. (Parker), Peterson, and Colburn. Mr. Widemann told me that he could not go into the cabinet with such a man as Colburn, and declined, and so the office of minister of finance was given to Cornwell.
On Saturday morning the cabinet announced that the Queen had signed the lottery and opium bills, and the Queen at 12 o'clock prorogued the Legislature. I think the Queen approved the opium bill and suppressed the Chinese registration act to please the Chinese, from which class she expected contributions of money, and she approved the lottery bill to please the natives and to get favor with the class of whites who opposed the "Missionaries," besides wishes for the revenue it would yield. Mr. John Phillips, one of the promoters of the lottery bill, said to a friend of mine, when every one was debating whether the Queen would sign it, "She will sign it; there is too much in it for her." That Saturday morning it leaked out to me that Bill White, the member from Lahaina, had said that after the prorogation the natives were all going to the palace and the Queen would proclaim a new constitution.
I went down town and mentioned this rumor to several persons, but only a few believed it. While near Mr. Hartwell's law office I saw Mr. Colburn (the minister) drive up and go into Mr. Hartwell's office, and thought it was a very strange proceeding, as he seemed excited and in a great hurry. Returning to the Government building I met Peterson, who looked very much agitated, and he said he did not expect to remain in office over a day or so. A large crowd of natives was collecting in the Government building premises and there was a general air of expectation. The ceremony of prorogation went off as usual and at the close the chamberlain invited us over to the palace. This was not unusual. I urged my associate, Justice Dole, to go to the palace with Justice Bickerton and myself, telling him my fears that the Queen was going to proclaim a new constitution. Jude Dole had another engagement and declined to go. I then noticed from my balcony that the Hui Kalaiaina, a political association, were marching out of the yard to the palace. They were all dressed in evening dress, with tall hats, banners, and badges, and marched two and two. In the front rank was John Akina carrying a large, flat package in front of his breast, suspended by ribbons about his shoulders. This was the new constitution.
When I reached the palace the Hui Kalaiaina were already in the throne room in regular lines, constitution in hand, and their president, Alapai, had an address to deliver which he had open in his hand. In their rear were members of the Legislature and the corridors were crowded with natives. We, i.e., the diplomatic corps, justices, Governor Cleghorn, and the young princess, President Walker and staff officers, were stationed in our usual positions for a state ceremony. But the Queen and cabinet did not come. They were closeted in the blue room. We waited and waited. I asked, in turn, Cleghorn, the princess, President Walker, the diplomatic corps, the staff officers, what the delay meant. No one knew. I told them my suspicions. One by one these person's left their positions, some went home, some went to the dining room. We waited.
Little by little we ascertained that the Queen was urging the cabinet to approve the new constitution. Wilson told me in great emotion