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Mr. Alexander. Yes.
The Chairman. Did the marines bring any flags with them?
Mr. Alexander. I do not remember. I gave an account of that in a paper I furnished Mr. Blount.
Senator Butler. You have been a long while in Honolulu. What is your opinion of the sentiment of the people, taking them as a whole, in regard to the form of government they would prefer, whether a monarchy or a republic?
Mr. Alexander. In Honolulu itself, I suppose a majority of the natives, at the present time, would prefer a monarchy.
Senator Butler. A majority of the natives woufd prefer a monarchy?
Mr. Alexander. Yes.
The Chairman. By natives you mean Kanakas?
Mr. Alexander. Yes.
Senator Butler. What about the whole population?
Mr. Alexander. There is always a large number of natives very indifferent, always a large number wanting to be on the winning side, whatever it may be—awaiting events. I think there is less of race feeling on the other islands than in Honolulu. That has always been the headquarters of the Palace party, and for some reason or other the race antagonisms are stronger in Honolulu than anywhere else. On the island of Kauai, for instance, the feeling might be the other way.
Senator Butler. Outside of the native population, you do not think the sentiment is or was?
Senator Gray. Was prior to this affair.
Mr. Alexander. I think that probably seven-eighths of the Americans are on the side of the Provisional Government; nearly all the Germans: all the Portuguese, without exception. In regard to the English, they are divided. I think a majority of the English would probably favor a monarchy from jealousy of the Americans.
Senator Butler. A majority of the Americans, I understood you to say, would favor the Provisional Government or more liberal government?
Mr. Alexander. Seven-eighths of them.
Senator Frye. Professor Alexander did not say a majority.
Senator Butler. What did he say?
Mr. Alexander. Seven-eighths.
Senator Butler. Seven-eighths of the American population are in favor of the Provisional Government?
Mr. Alexander. That is my impression.
Senator Gray. How many votes were in that island under the constitution that existed prior to this emeute?
Mr. Alexander. According to the census and the registration of 1890, under the constitution of 1887, there were about 13,000.
The Chairman. Are you speaking of the island of Kauai?
Mr. Alexander. No, the whole islands.
Senator Gray. How would the vote have been, in your opinion, in regard to this Provisional Government, prior to this emeute?
Mr. Alexander. I think it has varied from time to time.
Senator Gray. How do you think it would have been. Do you think a majority of those voters would have been in favor of the Provisional Government?
Mr. Alexander. At the time it was formed?
Senator Gray. Yes.
Mr. Alexander. Probably not. Later it gained in strength. Along
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about August or September the annexation club had 6,200 names on its rolls including about 1,200 natives. Probably at the present time there is a reaction the other way, among the natives, at least.
Senator Gray. Against the Provisional Government. But you think at the time the Provisional Government was formed the people who had the right to vote were in favor of it?
Mr. Alexander. Yes, if you counted noses. There was a number registered. I noticed in the election of 1890 the number of votes cast was actually 11,072; in the election of 1892 it was 10,000 or 11,000 actual votes.
The Chairman. What proportion of the enlightened property-holding element in Hawaii, taking the whole of them together, do you believe was in favor of this Provisional Government at the time of its establishment?
Mr. Alexander. Well, I think about seven-eighths. I judge that from a list that was published in the papers of the tax-payers, who pay taxes on property above a certain valuation, which list gave their names. It was footed up. I remember the footing gave about that result. I think it is safe to say three-fourths.
The Chairman. You are the author of this little history of the Hawaiian people. It is by W. D. Alexander, and is a brief history. Have you carefully examined the facts upon which you have made the historical statements contained in this book?
Mr. Alexander. I have. I spared no means to verify every statement.
The Chairman. And you are satisfied that these historical statements are correct?
Mr. Alexander. Yes. In regard to your asking about the property-holding class?
The Chairman. Well?
Mr. Alexander. I would like to add one word, that the most intelligent natives, those of the best character, independence of character, were on the side of the Provisional Government when I left the islands. I think two-thirds of the native preachers and those members of the Legislature who had independence enough to vote against the lottery bill, and many of those whom I consider the best natives, are on that side. It required a good deal of moral courage on their part, because they were called names, traitors, by their fellow-countrymen, and were threatened in case the Queen came back that it would go hard witli them (and it was confidently believed that the Queen would be restored); that element of the natives has been ignored by some writers on the subject.
The Chairman. Were you in Honolulu at the time that Mr. Blount gave the order to the commander of the Boston to order the American flag hauled down and brought back to the ship by the marines?
Mr. Alexander. Yes; I was a spectator.
The Chairman. Was there any commotion amongst the people on account of that order?
Mr. Alexander. There was not. There was a large crowd of spectators— the feeling was intense, but it was suppressed.
Senator Gray. What sort of feeling?
Mr. Alexander. Well, it depended upon the party to which they belonged.
Senator Gray. There were two feelings, then?
Mr. Alexander. Yes; very intense, or both sides, but suppressed. It was a very impressive scene.
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