Difference between revisions of "Historical Background and Importance of the Morgan Report"

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=Background=
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===[[The Rest of The Rest of The Story]]===
The "Morgan report" is today's name for a report to
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Short essay on Cleveland's reaction to the Morgan Report.
the U.S. Senate by its Committee on Foreign Relations,
 
whose chairman was Senator John T. Morgan, Democrat of
 
Alabama.  Senate Report 227 of the 53rd Congress,
 
second session, was dated February 26, 1894.
 
  
The Morgan report was printed as part of a large volume containing other government documents:  "Reports of Committee on Foreign Relations 1789-1901 Volume 6."  In that volume the "Hawaiian Islands" section begins with its own title page being page 360.  The actual content of the Morgan report doesn't begin until page 363 of the larger volume 6.  The page numbers shown on this webpage are the same as printed in the larger volume 6.  Therefore, anyone desiring a page number for the Morgan report as though it is a stand-alone document should subtract 359 from the numbers shown on this webpage.
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You can read compilations [[Messages and Papers of Grover Cleveland|Cleveland's messages and papers]] for yourself here, thanks to Project Gutenberg.
  
A few words are needed about the political situation
+
For an example of previous historical misunderstandings about Cleveland's evolving opinions, read about his [[Joke Proclamation]] of February 25, 1894 (one day before the Morgan Report was submitted).
in the U.S., 1893-1894.  At the time the Hawaiian
 
monarchy was overthrown, President Harrison, a
 
Republican expansionist, was only a few weeks from the
 
end of his term.  The Provisional Government of
 
Hawai'i immediately delivered a treaty of annexation
 
to President Harrison, who referred it to the Senate.
 
Shortly thereafter Grover Cleveland became President.
 
Because he was a friend of Lili'uokalani and was
 
opposed to U.S. expansionism, he immediately withdrew
 
the treaty from the Senate.  James Blount, a Democrat,
 
had been chairman of the House Foreign Relations
 
Committee during Harrison's term.  The newly installed
 
President Cleveland, without confirmation from the
 
Senate (which was in session at the time), appointed
 
Blount to be a special envoy to Hawai'i with
 
"paramount" powers and secret instructions to
 
investigate the circumstances of the revolution and
 
the stability of the Provisional Government.  Blount
 
met secretly with royalists in Honolulu and neglected to
 
meet with key annexationists and other parties with first hand
 
knowledge of the events.  He took testimony
 
informally and not under oath.  He delivered a report
 
to President Cleveland claiming improper U.S. backing
 
for the revolution had been responsible for its
 
success, and that the Provisional Government lacked
 
popular support.  President Cleveland then ordered
 
Hawai'i President Sanford Dole to dissolve the
 
Provisional Government and restore the Queen, but Dole
 
refused.  Cleveland sent a message to Congress
 
declaring the revolution improper and decrying the
 
U.S. involvement in it.  The Senate then passed a
 
resolution empowering its Foreign Relations Committee
 
to hold hearings to investigate U.S. involvement in
 
the revolution and also to investigate whether it had
 
been proper for President Cleveland to appoint Blount
 
and give him extraordinary powers to represent the
 
U.S. and intervene in Hawai'i without Senate
 
confirmation.
 
  
Senator John Tyler Morgan, Democrat of Alabama, was
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===What is the Morgan Report?===
Chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee.  He had
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The "Morgan report" is today's name for a report to the U.S. Senate by its Committee on Foreign Relations, whose chairman was Senator John T. Morgan, Democrat of Alabama. Senate Report 227 of the 53rd Congress, second session, was dated February 26, 1894.
been Brigadier General in the Confederate States Army.
 
During the Reconstruction period, and his Senate
 
service from 1876 to 1907,  he was a strong advocate
 
of states rights, a segregationist and supporter of
 
Jim Crow laws.  He was also an expansionist,
 
supporting U.S. acquisition of the Panama Canal,
 
Puerto Rico, the Philippines, and Hawai'i.  He was
 
Chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee at
 
the time of the hearings on Hawai'i.  That was the
 
only two-year period between 1881 and 1913 when the
 
Democrats held a majority. As an expansionist Morgan
 
wanted to defend the Hawai'i revolution and eventual
 
annexation as legitimate.  As a Democrat he also
 
wanted to defend the right of President Cleveland to
 
appoint James Blount and invest him with extraordinary
 
powers without Senate confirmation, even though the
 
Blount report contradicted Morgan's views on the
 
legitimacy of the revolution.  The minority
 
Republicans on the Morgan committee wrote a dissenting
 
commentary declaring that Blount's appointment had
 
been grossly improper.  The Morgan report defends the
 
legitimacy of Blount's appointment, but disagrees with
 
many of his conclusions in the light of the more
 
complete and dispassionate testimony the Morgan
 
committee received from both sides in open hearings
 
(plus affidavits from Hawai'i) where witnesses were
 
sworn to tell the truth and could be cross-examined.
 
  
=Summary=
+
The Morgan report was printed as part of a large volume containing other government documents: "Reports of Committee on Foreign Relations 1789-1901 Volume 6." In that volume the "Hawaiian Islands" section begins with its own title page being page 360. The actual content of the Morgan report doesn't begin until page 363 of the larger volume 6. The page numbers shown on this webpage are the same as printed in the larger volume 6. Therefore, anyone desiring a page number for the Morgan report as though it is a stand-alone document should subtract 359 from the numbers shown on this webpage.
The first 35 pages of the Morgan report are a summary
 
of the committee's conclusions, running from page 363
 
to 398, including separate comments at the end by
 
minority (Republican) members. Those 35 pages are
 
already a summary; hence it is difficult to summarize
 
them further without leaving out material of enormous
 
historical significance.  It is strongly recommended
 
to read the entire 35 pages in detail; and then to
 
scan the outline of the remaining several hundred
 
pages of the Morgan report for topics of interest.
 
  
[[363-398| For the entire 35-page Morgan report verbatim summary, as originally published (without section headings), click here.]]
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The Morgan Report was the final result of Cleveland's referral of the matter of the overthrow to Congress. Quoting Clevland from the Blount Report:
  
Following are the most important points in the
+
:...Though I am not able now to report a definite change in the actual situation, I am convinced that the difficulties lately created both here and in Hawaii and now standing in the way of a solution through Executive action of the problem presented, '''render it proper, and expedient, that the matter should be referred to the broader authority and discretion of Congress'''[emphasis added], with a full explanation of the endeavor thus far made to deal with the emergency and a statement of the considerations which have governed my action...
summary, from the perspective of the political
 
controversies of year 2006.  Most of the language
 
below is verbatim content from the summary.  
 
  
==Limits of authority==
+
:...I therefore submit this communication with its accompanying exhibits, embracing Mr. Blount's report, the evidence and statements taken by him at Honolulu, the instructions given to both Mr. Blount and Minister Willis, and correspondence connected with the affair in hand.
The following resolution of the Senate defines the
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limits of the authority of the committee in the
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:'''In commending this subject to the extended powers and wide discretion of the Congress''' [emphasis added], I desire to add the assurance that I shall be much gratified to cooperate in any legislative plan which may be devised for the solution of the problem before us which is consistent with American honor, integrity and morality.
investigation and report it is required to make:
+
 +
:GROVER CLEVELAND
 +
 +
:{{sc|Excecutive Mansion}},
 +
 +
:''Washington, December 18, 1893''
  
:"Resolved, That the Committee on Foreign Relations shall inquire and report whether any, and, if so, what irregularities have occurred in the diplomatic or other intercourse between the United States and Hawaii in relation to the recent political revolution in Hawaii, and to this end said committee is authorized to send for persons and papers and to administer oaths to witnesses."
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In what may have been a surprise to Cleveland, the Morgan Report thoroughly repudiated the conclusions of Blount, and with the Morgan Report's conclusion, the matter was legally closed.  Cleveland explicitly accepted the conclusions of the Morgan Report, continuing to engage in international relations with the Provisional Government, recognizing the Republic of Hawaii, and even negotiating treaties originally ratified under the Kingdom government with the Republic.
  
==Witnesses under oath==
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Although sovereignty activists insist that the Provisional Government was a puppet government, installed by the U.S., as per Cleveland's December 18, 1893 letter to Congress, it is critical to note that with the submission of the Morgan Report on February 26, 1894, Cleveland accepted that his original assertions were in error.
The witnesses were examined under oath when it was
 
possible to secure their appearance before the
 
committee, though in some instances affidavits were
 
taken in Hawaii and other places, and papers of a
 
scientific and historic character will be appended to
 
this report and presented to the Senate for its
 
consideration.
 
  
==Continuity of relations==
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===What historical circumstances caused the U.S. Senate to hold hearings and produce the Morgan report?===
The government of the United States had a continuous
 
relationship with the government of Hawai'i, even when
 
President Harrison was replaced by President
 
Cleveland.
 
  
===Special relationship===
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A few words are needed about the political situation in the U.S., 1893-1894.  
The U.S. has a long-standing special relationship with
 
Hawai'i, of a very different kind from its
 
relationship with European nations.  Hawai'i falls
 
within the scope of the Monroe doctrine that European
 
powers must not interfere in the American sphere of
 
influence.
 
  
Hawai'i is entitled to expect U.S. support when it
+
At the time the Hawaiian monarchy was overthrown, President Benjamin Harrison, a Republican expansionist, was only a few weeks from the end of his term. The Provisional Government of Hawai'i immediately delivered a treaty of annexation to President Harrison, who referred it favorably to the Senate for ratification.  
desires to be rid of arbitrary monarchial power.
 
  
==Threat of violence==
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Shortly thereafter Grover Cleveland became President. Because he was a friend of Lili'uokalani and was opposed to U.S. expansionism, he immediately withdrew the treaty from the Senate.
A condition of affairs existed in Honolulu which led
 
naturally to the apprehension that violence or civil
 
commotion would ensue, in which the peace and security
 
of American citizens would be put in peril, as had
 
been done on three or more separate occasions
 
previously when changes occurred or were about to
 
occur in the government of Hawaii.  
 
  
==Paralysis of government==
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James Blount, a Democrat, had been chairman of the House Foreign Relations Committee during Harrison's term. The newly installed President Cleveland, without seeking confirmation from the Senate (which was in session at the time), appointed Blount to be a special envoy to Hawai'i with "paramount" powers and secret instructions to investigate the circumstances of the revolution and the stability of the Provisional Government.  
Whatever we may conclude were the real causes of the
 
situation then present in Honolulu [January, 1893],
 
the fact is that there was a complete paralysis of
 
executive government in Hawaii.  
 
  
The action of the Queen in an effort to overturn the
+
Blount held secret, informal conversations with royalists and annexationists in Honolulu.  But he invited only royalists to sit with him to give formal statements in the presence of a stenographer, to be published later in the Blount Report.  The statements were not under oath. He delivered a report to President Cleveland on July 17, 1893 claiming improper U.S. backing for the revolution had been responsible for its success, and that the Provisional Government lacked popular support.
constitution of 1887, to which she had sworn obedience
 
and support, had been accepted and treated by a large
 
and powerful body of the people as a violation of her
 
constitutional obligations, revolutionary in its
 
character and purposes and that it amounted to an act
 
of abdication on her part, so far as her powers and
 
the rights of the people under the constitution of
 
1887 were concerned. This state of opinion and this
 
condition of the executive head of the Hawaiian
 
Government neutralized its power to protect American
 
citizens and other foreigners in their treaty rights,
 
and also their rights under the laws of Hawaii.  
 
  
It was her conduct, opposed by her people, or a large
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President Cleveland then ordered Hawai'i President Sanford Dole to dissolve the Provisional Government and restore the Queen through Minister Willis, but Dole refused. On December 18, 1893, Cleveland sent a message to Congress declaring the revolution improper and decrying the U.S. involvement in it, and referred the matter to their authority.  
portion of them, that paralyzed the executive
 
authority and left the citizens of the United States
 
in Honolulu without the protection of any law, unless
 
it was such as should be extended to them by the
 
American minister, in conjunction with the arms of the
 
United States then on board the Boston.
 
  
===Renunciation of constitution===
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In response the Senate passed a resolution empowering its Foreign Relations Committee to hold public hearings under oath, and cross-examine witnesses, to investigate U.S. involvement in the revolution and also to investigate whether it had been proper for President Cleveland to appoint Blount and give him extraordinary powers to represent the U.S. and intervene in Hawai'i without Senate confirmation.
She had openly renounced the constitution of 1887
 
before the troops were landed or any preparation was
 
made or any order was issued to land them, and the
 
people were preparing to substitute the monarchy,
 
which was still existing in the constitution, by a
 
ruler of their own choice before any troops left the
 
Boston.
 
  
The well-known legal authority Blackstone, commenting
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The final result of this investigation is the Morgan Report.
on the overthrow of King James II of England in 1688,
 
asserted the principle that when a monarch violates
 
and disavows the constitution that originally
 
empowered him (even though that constitution was
 
unwritten in England), that monarch has thereby
 
abdicated office and created a vacancy which the
 
people can fill as they see fit.  The replacement of
 
the head of government (and close associates) does not
 
destroy the government itself, and certainly not the
 
nation.  
 
  
===Motives behind the overthrow===
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===Who was Senator John T. Morgan?===
Under her [Lili'uokalani's] brief rule, it [the
+
Senator John Tyler Morgan, Democrat of Alabama, was Chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee at the time of the hearings on Hawaii. That was the only two-year period between 1881 and 1913 when the Democrats held a majority in the Senate.
monarchy] was kept alive by the care and forbearing
 
tolerance of the conservative white people, who owned
 
$50,000,000 of the property in Hawaii, until they saw
 
that the Queen and her party had determined to grasp
 
absolute power and destroy the constitution and the
 
rights of the white people. When they were compelled
 
to act in self-defense the monarchy disappeared. It
 
required nothing but the determined action of what was
 
called the missionary party to prostrate the monarchy,
 
and that action had been taken before the troops from
 
the Boston landed.
 
  
===Respectful actions of troops===
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Morgan had been Brigadier General in the Confederate States Army. During the Reconstruction period, and during his Senate service from 1876 to 1907, he was a strong advocate of states rights, a segregationist and supporter of Jim Crow laws.  
In landing the troops from the Boston there was no
 
demonstration of actual hostilities, and their conduct
 
was as quiet and as respectful as it had been on many
 
previous occasions when they were landed for the
 
purpose of drill and practice. In passing the palace
 
on their way to the point at which they were halted,
 
the Queen appeared upon the balcony and the troops
 
respectfully saluted her by presenting arms and
 
dipping the flag, and made no demonstration of any
 
hostile intent.  
 
  
The committee agree that such was the condition of the
+
He was an expansionist, supporting U.S. acquisition of the Panama Canal, Puerto Rico, the Philippines, and Hawai'i.  As an expansionist Morgan wanted to defend the Hawaii revolution and eventual annexation as legitimate. As a Democrat he also wanted to defend the right of President Cleveland to appoint James Blount and invest him with extraordinary powers without Senate confirmation, even though the Blount report contradicted Morgan's views on the legitimacy of the revolution.  
Hawaiian Government at the time that the troops were
 
landed in Honolulu from the steam warship Boston; that
 
there was then an interregnum in Hawaii as respects
 
the executive office; that there was no executive
 
power to enforce the laws of Hawaii, and that it was
 
the right of the United States to land troops upon
 
those islands at any place where it was necessary in
 
the opinion of our minister to protect our citizens.
 
  
===Threat against vital liberties===
+
The minority Republicans on the Morgan committee wrote a dissenting commentary declaring that Blount's appointment had been grossly improper. The Morgan report defends the legitimacy of Blount's appointment, but disagrees with many of his conclusions in light of the more comprehensive and dispassionate testimony the Morgan committee received from both sides in open hearings (plus affidavits from Hawaii) where witnesses were sworn to tell the truth and could be cross-examined.
The assurance given that future efforts "to change"
 
the constitution of 1887 should be conducted only in
 
the method therein prescribed, was no assurance that
 
her foreign-born subjects should be protected in their
 
vital liberties. To the reverse, it was a continuing
 
threat that they should be disfranchised and placed at
 
the mercy of racial aggression, backed by the power of
 
the crown. The declarations of the Queen made in
 
person to Minister Willis, on three occasions, and at
 
long intervals of time after the lapse of nine months
 
of sedate reflection, show that this assurance, given
 
in fact by her ministers, was only a thin disguise of
 
her real purpose to drive out the white population and
 
confiscate their property, and, if need be, to destroy
 
their lives.  
 
  
The opinions, or sentiments, expressed by her in the
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===Why is the Morgan Report important today?===
three interviews she had with Mr. Willis, in which she
+
The Morgan Report disproves many allegations made in the Blount Report, and discredits the way the Blount Report was created. The Blount Report was the primary basis for the U.S. Apology Resolution of 1993; which in turn is the primary basis for both the Akaka bill and for claims that Hawaiians have a right to independence under international law.
uttered the severest denunciations against the white
 
race in Hawaii, and declared her willingness, if not
 
her purpose, to confiscate their estates and to banish
 
or to destroy them, while they are a seeming
 
expression of the lofty indignation of an offended
 
ruler, are so unsuited to the character of a queen
 
crowned by a Christian and civilized people, and so
 
out of keeping with her character as a woman who had
 
received kindly recognition and personal regard from
 
other good and refined ladies, that they shock all
 
right-minded people in Christendom.  
 
  
The President, on the first intimation of these harsh
+
Today there are two kinds of Hawaiian sovereignty activists -- those who favor Hawaiian independence and those who favor the Akaka bill.  Some independence leaders support the Akaka bill as a way to get political power and U.S. reparations while seeking independence.  Most supporters of the Akaka bill probably see independence as a long-term ideal.  
declarations of the Queen, at once laid them before
 
Congress, and abandoned the further exercise of his
 
good offices to bring about a reconciliation between
 
her and those who were conducting and supporting the
 
Provisional Government.
 
  
Mr. Willis, however, regarding his instructions as
+
Both kinds of sovereignty activists rely heavily on the U.S. Apology Resolution of 1993 which, in turn, was based on the Blount Report of 1893.  Independence activists agree with Senator Gorton's statement on the floor of the Senate in 1993 that the logical consequence of the Apology Resolution would be secession. The language of the Akaka bill cites the Apology Resolution as its major justification.
continuing to require his intercession beyond the
 
point where the President considered that it should
 
cease, held a second and third interview with
 
Liliuokalani. After these interviews had closed, the
 
Queen being still firm in her course, Mr. Carter, a
 
trusted friend, obtained her signature to a pledge of
 
amnesty, and made that the basis of his proposition to
 
Mr. Dole for the abandonment of the Provisional
 
Government, which was summarily refused. This closed
 
that incident.  
 
  
==Restoration of Monarchy unjustified==
+
The Morgan Report of 1894 is the U.S. Senate's response to the Blount Report of 1893.  Newly sworn President Grover Cleveland commissioned Blount's visit to Hawai'i and the writing of his report as part of a power struggle over the possible annexation of Hawai'i.  The Morgan Report knocks the legs out from under the Blount Report by disproving allegations in the Blount Report and by discrediting the way the Blount Report was created.  
When a crown falls, in any kingdom of the Western
 
Hemisphere, it is pulverized, and when a scepter
 
departs, it departs forever; and American opinion can
 
not sustain any American ruler in the attempt to
 
restore them, no matter how virtuous and sincere the
 
reasons may be that seem to justify him. There have
 
been heathen temples in the older States in this
 
hemisphere where the bloody orgies of pagan worship
 
and sacrifice have crimsoned history with shame; and
 
very recently such temples have been erected in the
 
United States to abuse Christianity by the use of its
 
sacred name and ritual. When the arms of invaders, or
 
mobs of the people, have destroyed these temples, no
 
just indignation at the cruelties that may have been
 
perpetrated in their destruction could possibly
 
justify their restoration.
 
  
The question presented in Honolulu on and after the
+
Morgan Report testimony was taken under oath in public before a Senate committee in 1894, with cross-examination of witnesses (including Blount himself). By contrast Blount had informal conversations in secret with both royalists and annexationists; and then sent secret invitations only to royalists to make formal statements in the presence of a stenographer. Those statements were not under oath, and there was no cross-examination.  Those statements were kept secret until the entire report was published, probably to achieve maximum political impact and to avoid demands for fair representation of opposing views.
12th of January, 1893, was whether the Queen continued
 
to be the executive head of the Government of Hawaii.
 
That was a question of fact which her conduct and that
 
of her people placed in perilous doubt until it was
 
decided by the proclamation of a new executive.
 
Pending that question there was no responsible
 
executive government in Hawaii.  
 
  
==Protectorate disavowed==
+
The Hawaiian Revolution was followed by an immediate proposal from the Provisional Government of a treaty of annexation.  That treaty arrived in Washington during the closing days of the Harrison administration (Republican); and the President promptly sent it to the Senate.  A few weeks thereafter Grover Cleveland (Democrat) became President. In less than a week after taking the oath of office, Cleveland withdrew the treaty of annexation and issued secret papers appointing Blount to be his personal envoy to Hawai'i with paramount powers, without Senate confirmation or even awareness.
Afterward, on the 1st day of February, 1893, the
 
American minister caused the flag of the United States
 
to be raised on the Government building in Honolulu,
 
and assumed and declared a protectorate over that
 
nation in the name of the United States. This act on
 
the part of our minister was without authority, and
 
was void for want of power. It was disavowed by
 
Secretary Foster and rebuked by Secretary Gresham, and
 
the order to abandon the protectorate and haul down
 
the flag was in accordance with the duty and honor of
 
the United States. To haul down the flag of the United
 
States was only an order to preserve its honor.
 
  
The diplomatic officers of the United States in Hawaii
+
Blount arrived in Hawai'i, issued orders to U.S. military personnel to leave their encampment on land, gave other orders, and began interviewing people, all without notifying U.S. Minister Stevens, who was still officially in office; and without presenting his Presidential authorities to the Provisional Government.
have the right to much larger liberty of action in
 
respect to the internal affairs of that country than
 
would be the case with any other country with which we
 
have no peculiar or special relations.  
 
  
==Close relationship between governments==
+
The speed of those events, and other historical information, indicate that Cleveland wanted to undo the Hawaiian revolution and put Lili'uokalani back on the throne -- indeed, Cleveland's emissary in Honolulu later sent a formal message to Hawaii President Sanford Dole "ordering" Dole to step down and restore the Queen.  It seems likely that President Cleveland sent Blount to destabilize the Provisional Government and to write a report to undercut growing Congressional support for annexation.  
In our diplomatic correspondence with Hawaii and in
 
the various treaties, some of them treaties of
 
annexation, which have been signed and discussed,
 
though not ratified, from time to time, there has been
 
manifested a very near relationship between the two
 
governments. The history of Hawaii in its progress,
 
education, development, and government, and in
 
Christianity, has been closely identified with that of
 
the United StatesÑso closely, indeed, that the United
 
States has not at any time hesitated to declare that
 
it would permit no intervention in the affairs of
 
Hawaii by any foreign government which might tend to
 
disturb the relations with the United States, or to
 
gain any advantages there over the Americans who may
 
have settled in that country. The United States has
 
assumed and deliberately maintained toward Hawaii a
 
relation which is entirely exceptional, and has no
 
parallel in our dealings with any other people.
 
  
Observing the spirit of the Monroe doctrine, the
+
When the U.S. Senate passed the Apology Resolution in 1993, it did so without any hearings, based on a single hour of floor debate, and without considering the Senate's own Morgan report from a century earlier. The Apology Resolution of 1993 was handled in the same way as the Blount Report a century previously -- no formal presentation of opposing historical facts.
United States, in the beginning of our relations with
 
Hawaii, made a firm and distinct declaration of the
 
purpose to prevent the absorption of Hawaii or the
 
political control of that country by any foreign
 
power. Without stating the reasons for this policy,
 
which included very important commercial and military
 
considerations, the attitude of the United States
 
toward Hawaii was in moral effect that of a friendly
 
protectorate.  
 
  
The treaty relations between Hawaii and the United
+
Today's Hawaiian independence activists repeatedly cite the Blount Report as evidence that the U.S. government was the primary instigator of the Hawaiian revolution, and that the revolution could not have succeeded without the landing of 152 U.S. peacekeepers from a ship in Honolulu Harbor. They claim that Hawai`i has been under belligerant occupation by the United States for more than a century.  They say the Apology Resolution of 1993 is a confession of a crime by the U.S. against Hawaii, and that the U.S. is now obligated under international law to withdraw from Hawai`i, thereby restoring Hawaiian independence.  They say the Blount Report provides strong evidence that Hawaiian independence was stolen by the U.S. "armed invasion" of 1893 -- evidence to be used in an international court to force the U.S. to give up Hawai`i.
States, as fixed by several conventions that have been
 
ratified, and by other negotiations,
 
have been characterized by a sentiment of close
 
reciprocity. In addition to trade relations of the
 
highest advantage to Hawaii, the United States has so
 
far interfered with the internal policy of Hawaii as
 
to secure an agreement from that Government
 
restricting the disposal of bays and harbors and the
 
crown lands to other countries, and has secured
 
exclusive privileges in Pearl Harbor of great
 
importance to this Government.
 
  
This attitude of the two governments and the peculiar
+
The Akaka bill is a proposal to allow ethnic Hawaiians to establish a government based solely on race that would then be recognized by the federal government as comparable to an Indian tribe.  The purpose of seeking such recognition is to acquire land, money, and legal authority through negotiations among the federal government, state government, and "Native Hawaiian governing entity."  The Apology Resolution is cited repeatedly in the language of the Akaka bill as the primary justification for it, along with victimhood claims regarding health, education, etc.  
friendship of the two peoples, together with the
 
advantages given to Hawaii in commerce, induced a
 
large and very enterprising class of people from the
 
United States to migrate to those islands and to
 
invest large sums of money in the cultivation of sugar
 
and rice, and in other trade and industry.  
 
  
==Military presence in the past==
+
Today's sovereignty activists have placed the entire Blount Report on the internet, along with the anti-annexation petitions from 1897.  They got grants from the University of Hawai`i to digitize all the important documents related to annexation.  They got space on the University library's website to make all the documents easily available to the public.  But somehow they ran out of money before they could get to the Morgan Report.  Thanks to the voluteers of morganreport.org, we don't have to wait for them any longer.
Apprehensions of civil disturbance in Hawaii caused
 
the United States to keep ships of war at Honolulu for
 
many years past, almost without intermission, and the
 
instructions that were given to our diplomatic and
 
consular officers and to the naval commanders on that
 
station went beyond the customary instructions
 
applicable to other countries. In most instances, the
 
instructions so given included the preservation of
 
order and of the peace of the country, as well as the
 
protection and preservation of the property and of the
 
lives and treaty rights of American citizens.
 
  
The circumstances above mentioned, which the evidence
+
Without the Morgan Report there cannot be a fair and balanced view of history. The time has come to set the record straight.  Today's decisions about Hawai`i's future should be made in view of the complete historical record.  The facts really do matter.  Before 2006 it was extremely difficult for scholars and students to read the Morgan Report.  It was available only by making a personal visit to the dusty archives of one of the few libraries that had it; the book was so rare and old that librarians would not allow it to be taken out of the library.  Now it is easily available to anyone with internet access.  The editors of this project thank readers for taking the time to make use of it.
shows to have existed, create a new light under which
 
we must examine into the conduct of our diplomatic and
 
naval officers in respect of the revolution that
 
occurred in Hawaii in January, 1893. In no sense, and
 
at no time, has the Government of the United States
 
observed toward the domestic affairs of Hawaii the
 
strict impartiality and the indifference enjoined by
 
the general law of noninterference, in the absence of
 
exceptional conditions. We have always exerted the
 
privilege of interference in the domestic policy of
 
Hawaii to a degree that would not be justified, under
 
our view of the international law, in reference to the
 
affairs of Canada, Cuba, or Mexico.
 
  
The cause of this departure from our general course of
+
===The University of Hawaii Library on-line collection of annexation documents===
diplomatic conduct is the recognized fact that Hawaii
 
has been all the time under a virtual suzerainty of
 
the United States, which is, by an apt and familiar
 
definition, a paramount authority, not in any actual
 
sense an actual sovereignty, but a de facto supremacy
 
over the country. This sense of paramount authority,
 
of supremacy, with the right to intervene in the
 
affairs of Hawaii, has never been lost sight of by the
 
United States to this day, and it is conspicously
 
manifest in the correspondence of Mr. Willis with Mr.
 
Dole, which is set forth in the evidence which
 
accompanies this report.
 
  
==Purpose of the Provisional Government==
+
The Library website for the University of Hawai'i has a collection of digitized documents. Part of that collection is devoted to documents related to the annexation of Hawai'i to the United States (1898), including the overthrow of the monarchy (1893).  
Annexation was an avowed purpose of the Provisional
 
Government, because it would popularize the movement.
 
No one could project a revolution in Hawaii for the
 
overthrow of the monarchy, that would not raise the
 
question among the people of annexation to the United
 
States.
 
  
In the diplomatic correspondence of the United States
+
The URLs changed in the last year or two without forwarding; and might do so again without notice (possibly the last time was due to the flood of 2004).  As of early 2006, here are the links:
with our ministers to Hawaii, frequent and favorable
 
allusion is made to this subject as a matter of
 
friendly consideration for the advantage of that
 
country and people, and not as a result that would
 
enhance the wealth or power of the United States. So
 
that, there was no thought of conspiracy against the
 
monarchy in openly favoring the project of annexation.
 
  
Commissioners to treat with the United States for the
+
[http://libweb.hawaii.edu/digicoll/annexation/annexation.html Annexation Documents Home Page]
annexation of Hawaii were sent to Washington
 
immediately upon the adoption and promulgation of the
 
Provisional Government, and they negotiated and signed
 
a treaty in conjunction with Mr. Secretary Foster,
 
which was submitted to the Senate of the United States
 
and was subsequently withdrawn by the present
 
administration. Accompanying that treaty was a paper
 
signed by Liliuokalani, in which she stated no
 
objection to the project of annexation to the United
 
States, but in which she protested earnestly against
 
her dethronement.
 
  
The recognition of the Provisional Government was
+
[http://libweb.hawaii.edu/digicoll/annexation/blount.html Blount Report (1893)]
lawful and authoritative, and has continued without
 
interruption or modification up to the present time.
 
It may be justly claimed for this act of recognition
 
that it has contributed greatly to the maintenance of
 
peace and order in Hawaii and to the promotion of the
 
establishment of free, permanent, constitutional
 
government in Hawaii, based upon the consent of the
 
people.
 
  
==Liliuokalani's complaint dismissed==
+
[http://libweb.hawaii.edu/digicoll/annexation/petition.html Anti-Annexation Petition (Palapala hoopii kue hoohuiaina) (1897)]
The complaint by Liliuokalani in the protest that she
 
sent to the President of the United States and dated
 
the 18th day of January, is not, in the opinion of the
 
committee, well founded in fact or in justice. It
 
appears from the evidence submitted with this report
 
that she was in fact the author and promoter of a
 
revolution in Hawaii which involved the destruction of
 
the entire constitution, and a breach of her solemn
 
oath to observe and support it, and it was only after
 
she had ascertained that she had made a demand upon
 
her native subjects for support in this movement which
 
they would not give to her, that she, for the time,
 
postponed her determination to carry this revolution
 
into effect, and made known her determination to do so
 
as soon as she could feel that she had the power to
 
sustain the movement.
 
  
But the President of the United States, giving
+
[http://libweb.hawaii.edu/digicoll/annexation/protest.html Anti-Annexation Protest Documents]
attention to Liliuokalani's claim that this Government
 
had alarmed her by the presence of its troops into the
 
abdication of her crown, believed that it was proper
 
and necessary in vindication of the honor of the
 
United States to appoint a commissioner to Hawaii who
 
would make a careful investigation into the facts and
 
send the facts and his conclusions to the President,
 
for his information.  
 
  
==Defending Cleveland's appointment and empowerment of Blount (despite Blount's mistaken conclusions based on his gathering of information only from Royalists)==
+
[http://libweb.hawaii.edu/digicoll/annexation/organic.html Congressional debates on Hawaii Organic act (excerpts)]
The commissioner, Mr. Blount, went to Hawaii under
+
   
circumstances of extreme embarrassment and executed
+
There are also related links to Lili'uokalani's book "Hawaii's Story by Hawaii's Queen", political caricatures of the Hawaiian Kingdom ca. 1875-1905, and
his instructions with impartial care to arrive at the
+
People and Places connected with the Annexation
truth, and he presented a sincere and instructive
+
   
report to the President of the United States, touching
+
The website promised:  "Scanning of Morgan Report [Hawaiian islands: report of the Committee on Foreign Relations] planned for future"
the facts, the knowledge of which he thus acquired. In
 
the agitated state of opinion and feeling in Hawaii at
 
that time, it was next to impossible to obtain a full,
 
fair, and free declaration in respect of the facts
 
which attended this revolution, and particularly was
 
this difficult to obtain from the persons who actively
 
participated in that movement.
 
  
The evidence submitted by the committee, in addition
+
However, the library's project ended in 2002 and no further grants were applied for; it is also understood that a [http://www.hawaii.edu/ala/flood.php devastating flood] caused significant setbacks for their program.  The [http://libweb.hawaii.edu/digicoll/grants/HCH/hch02-narrative.htm project narrative] for the 2002 grant application to digitize documents, including the Morgan Report said, "The materials selected however are not one-sided. The Morgan Report challenges the Blount Report, which implicated the United States in the overthrow of the Hawaiian monarchy.".  Although started with the best of intentions, the materials actually finished were one-sided, and woefully incomplete.
to that which was presented by Mr. Blount, having been
 
taken under circumstances more favorable to the
 
development of the whole truth with regard to the
 
situation, has, in the opinion of the committee,
 
established the fact that the revolutionary movement
 
in Hawaii originated with Liliuokalani, and was
 
promoted, provided for, and, as she believed, secured
 
by the passage of the opium bill and the lottery bill
 
through the Legislature, from which she expected to
 
derive a revenue sufficient to secure the ultimate
 
success of her purpose, which was distinctly and
 
maturely devised to abolish the constitution of 1887,
 
and to assume to herself absolute power, free from
 
constitutional restraint of any serious character.
 
  
An authority was intrusted to Mr. Blount to remove the
+
That's why the editors of the Morgan Report project felt a need to fill the gap, and complete the job. We have been assured that it was not the Univeristy of Hawaii's direct intent to suppress the Morgan Report, and they have graciously posted a link to this wiki from their webpage on [http://libweb.hawaii.edu/digicoll/annexation/annexation.html Annexation Documents].  We hope to join with them in future collaborative efforts to digitize and copyedit important historical documents.
American flag from the Government building in Hawaii,
 
and to disclaim openly and practically the
 
protectorate which had been announced in that country
 
by Minister Stevens, and also to remove the troops
 
from Honolulu to the steamer Boston. This particular
 
delegation of authority to Mr. Blount was paramount
 
over the authority of Mr. Stevens, who was continued
 
as minister resident of the United States at Honolulu,
 
and it raised the question whether the Government of
 
the United States can have at the same foreign capital
 
two ministers, each of whom shall exercise separate
 
and special powers.
 
  
The control given to Mr. Trist over the military
+
In the single token of balance in the documents they did complete, the library project did post [http://libweb.hawaii.edu/digicoll/annexation/petition/pet820.html Lorrin Thurston's 32-page protest documenting fraud in the anti-annexation petitions].  Morgan Report project editor-in-chief [[User:Jere Krischel|Jere Krischel]] assembled those 32 pages into a more [http://www.krischel.org/wp-content/Anti-Annexation%20Petition%20Fraud.pdf user-friendly pdf document].
operations in Mexico, when war was flagrant, was far
 
greater than that which was confided to Mr. Blount.
 
The secret orders given to the commanders of the Army
 
and of the Navy on that occasion are set out in the
 
appendix to this report.
 
  
The committee find nothing worthy of criticism in the
+
====Specific examples of forged signatures in the Ku'e Petition====
negotiation of the treaty of annexation with the
+
Regarding [http://libweb.hawaii.edu/digicoll/annexation/petition/pet084.html page 84] of the Ku'e Petition, an anonymous poster claiming nearly two decades of study in epigraphy made the following handwriting analysis:
Provisional Government of Hawaii.
 
  
==Hawaii government undisturbed except for chief executive==
+
''The names on lines 1-3 were very likely written by the same person (W1), but not the same person who wrote the names on subsequent lines. You can see this pretty clearly by looking at the initial stroke of M, its sharp angled peaks, and how it does or does not join with following letters. In lines 1-3 it doesn't, in lines 4-12 (W2) it does. You can also see a clear distinction between the letter H in line 3 versus the H in line 6.''
The revolution in Hawaii had the effect of displacing
 
one chief of the executive department and substituting
 
another. Except the Queen and her cabinet, no officer
 
of the Government was removed. The legislative body,
 
including the house of nobles and house of
 
representatives and their presiding officers, remained
 
in commission. The supreme court and all other
 
judicial magistracies and the officers of the courts
 
were left undisturbed, and, when the interregnum
 
ended, they pursued their duties without change or
 
interruption; commerce with foreign countries and
 
between the islands was not in any way prevented, and
 
the commercial and banking houses were open for
 
business, which resumed activity when the executive
 
head of the Government was again in the exercise of
 
lawful authority.
 
  
The Government had not been displaced and another
+
''So far we have two writers.''
substituted, but only a department which was left
 
vacant had been rehabilitated.
 
  
When this was done and the fact was recognized, the
+
''Line 13 is the start of yet another handwriting style (W3). Again, look at the sharp peaks of the M and it's unusual descender; the lack of a join between the M and the following r. All three s'es in this same line have sharper peaks (consistent with the M, for example) than earlier s'es. I personally believe line 13 and 14 were written by the same person (W3).''
Government of Hawaii was as competent to treat of
 
annexation to the United States as it had ever been,
 
or as it ever will be, until the United States shall
 
decide that it will annex no more territory unless
 
with the consent of the people to be annexed, to be
 
ascertained by a plebiscite.
 
  
==Blount's appointment proper==
+
''Line 15 is in another person's hand (W4), to my eye. This same person is probably responsible for the remaining signatures in this column. The consistent shape of the K's, M's and H's support this.''
There was nothing improper about President Cleveland's
 
appointment of Mr. Blount without Senate confirmation, even though it was not a recess appointment (because the Senate was in session at the time).  U.S. presidents and heads of
 
other governments often send personal represenatives, with secret instructions,
 
to gather information and deliver messages.
 
  
In the opinion of the committee, based upon the
+
''The first 2 lines in the second column are the same handwriting as line 1-3 (W1) in the first column. The remaining lines of this column are also by W4.''
evidence which accompanies this report, the only
 
substantial irregularity that existed in the conduct
 
of any officer of the United States, or agent of the
 
President, during or since the time of the revolution
 
of 1893, was that of Minister Stevens in declaring a
 
protectorate of the United States over Hawaii, and in
 
placing the flag of our country upon the Government
 
building in Honolulu. No actual harm resulted from
 
this unauthorized act, but as a precedent it is not to
 
be considered as being justified.
 
 
 
==Dissenting views on some points==
 
We are in entire accord with the essential findings in
 
the exceedingly able report submitted by the chairman
 
of the Committee on Foreign Relations. But it is our
 
opinion-
 
 
 
First. That the appointment on the 11th day of March,
 
1893, without the advice and consent of the Senate, of
 
Hon. James H. Blount as "special commissioner" to the
 
Hawaiian Government under letters of credence and
 
those of instruction, which declared that "in all
 
matters affecting relations with the Government of the
 
Hawaiian Islands his authority is paramount" was an
 
unconstitutional act, in that such appointee, Mr.
 
Blount, was never nominated to the Senate, but was
 
appointed without its advice and consent, although
 
that body was in session when such appointment was
 
made and continued to be in session for a long time
 
immediately thereafter.
 
 
 
Second. The orders of the Executive Department by
 
which the naval force of the United States in the
 
harbor of Honolulu was in effect placed under the
 
command of Mr. Blount or of Mr. Willis were without
 
authority or warrant of law.
 
 
 
Third. The order given by Mr. Blount to Admiral
 
Skerrett to lower the United States ensign from the
 
Government building in Honolulu and to embark the
 
troops on the ships to which they belonged, was an
 
order which Mr. Blount had no lawful authority to
 
give. Its object was not to terminate a protectorate.
 
That relation had been disavowed by the administration
 
of President Harrison immediately upon receiving
 
information of its establishment. The flag and troops,
 
when such order was given by Mr. Blount, were in the
 
positions from which he ordered them to be removed for
 
the purpose of maintaining order and protecting
 
American life and property. Their presence had been
 
effectual to those ends, and their removal tended to
 
create, and did create, public excitement and, to a
 
degree, distrust of the power of the Provisional
 
Government to preserve order or to maintain itself.
 
That order of Mr. Blount was susceptible of being
 
construed as indicating an unfriendly disposition on
 
the part of the United States toward the Provisional
 
Government, and it was so construed, particularly by
 
the people of Hawaii.
 
 
 
In the light of subsequent relations between Mr.
 
Blount and his successor, Mr. Willis, with the Queen,
 
whose office had become vacant by her deposition and
 
abdication under the attack of a successful
 
revolution, this order and its execution were most
 
unfortunate and untoward in their effect. Such
 
relations and intercourse by Messrs. Blount and Willis
 
with the head and with the executive officers of an
 
overthrown government, conducted for the purpose of
 
restoring that government by displacing its successor,
 
were in violation of the constitution and of the
 
principles of international law and were not warranted
 
by the circumstances of the case.
 
 
 
Fourth. The question of the rightfulness of the
 
revolution, of the lawfulness of the means by which
 
the deposition and abdication of the Queen were
 
effected, and the right of the Provisional Government
 
to exist and to continue to exist was conclusively
 
settled, as the report so forcibly states, against the
 
Queen and in favor of the Provisional Government, by
 
the act of the administration of President Harrison
 
recognizing such Provisional Government, by the
 
negotiation by that administration with such
 
Provisional Government of a treaty of annexation to
 
the United States; by accrediting diplomatic
 
representation by such administration and by the
 
present administration to such Provisional Government;
 
therefore, it incontrovertibly follows that the
 
President of the United States had no authority to
 
attempt to reopen such determined questions, and to
 
endeavor by any means whatever to overthrow the
 
Provisional Government or to restore the monarchy
 
which it had displaced.
 
 
 
While it is true that a friendly power may rightfully
 
tender its good offices of mediation or advice in
 
cases such as that under present consideration, it is
 
also true that the performance of such offices of
 
mediation or advice ought not to be entered upon
 
without the consent previously given by both the
 
parties whom the action or decision of the friendly
 
power may affect. Such consent was not given in the
 
present instance. The Provisional Government never so
 
consented; it was never requested to consent. It
 
denied the jurisdiction of the present administration
 
on every proper occasion. Therefore the proceedings by
 
the President, which had for their result his request
 
and monition to the Provisional Government to
 
surrender its powers, to give up its existence and to
 
submit to be displaced by the monarchy which it had
 
overthrown, had no warrant in law, nor in any consent
 
of one of the parties to be affected by such
 
proceedings.
 
 
 
Fifth. The avowed opinion of the President of the
 
United States, in substance, that it is the duty of
 
this Government to make reparation to the Queen by
 
endeavoring to reinstate her upon her throne by all
 
constitutional methods, is a clear definition of the
 
policy of the present administration to that end. The
 
instructions to Messrs. Blount and Willis must be
 
construed to be other and more ample forms of
 
expression of that policy. No other presumption is
 
permissible than that their actions at Honolulu were
 
with intent to carry out that avowed policy. These
 
considerations make immaterial any discussion, in this
 
connection, of the personal intentions,
 
circumspection, or good faith of these gentlemen in
 
the performance of the task to which they had been
 
plainly commanded by the present administration.
 
 
 
:John Sherman.
 
:Wm. P. Frye.
 
:J. N. Dolph.
 
:Cushman K. Davis.
 
 
 
==Additional dissenting views==
 
The undersigned, members of the Committee on Foreign
 
Relations, submit herewith the following views adverse
 
to the report of the committee, upon the subject of
 
the recent political revolution in Hawaii.
 
 
 
Agreeing as we do with the conclusions submitted by
 
the chairman of the committee that no irregularities
 
were committed either in the appointment of Special
 
Commissioner Blount or in the instructions given him
 
by the President, and without denying or conceding in
 
any manner the correctness of the facts as claimed, or
 
of the statements as made, in said report concerning
 
other matters therein mentioned, we especially dissent
 
from that portion thereof which declares that the only
 
substantial irregularity in the conduct of Mr.
 
Stevens, the late minister, was his declaration of a
 
protectorate by the United States over Hawaii. We are
 
of the opinion also that there are no valid reasons
 
and no course of dealing in our past relations with
 
those islands which justifies interference by the
 
United States with the political internal affairs of
 
Hawaii any more than with those of any other
 
independent state or nation in this hemisphere. We can
 
not concur, therefore, in so much of the foregoing
 
report as exonerates the minister of the United
 
States, Mr. Stevens, from active officious and
 
unbecoming participation in the events which led to
 
the revolution in the Sandwich Islands on the 14th,
 
16th, and 17th of January, 1893. His own admissions in
 
his official correspondence with this Government, his
 
conduct for months preceding the revolution, as well
 
as the facts established by the evidence before the
 
committee, clearly justify such a conclusion.
 
 
 
On the other hand, we are not inclined to censure
 
Capt. Wiltse, commanding the United States war-ship
 
Boston, or the officers of that vessel. Their position
 
was one of extreme delicacy and difficulty, and we
 
appreciate their anxiety to afford protection to the
 
lives and property of American citizens. The force of
 
United States marines of the Boston with their
 
ordinary arms stationed at the American legation, and
 
at the consulate in Honolulu, would have effectually
 
represented the authority and power of the United
 
States Government, and would have afforded whatever
 
protection American interests might have required; and
 
at the same time would have avoided the appearance of
 
coercion or duress, either upon the people of Honolulu
 
or the Queen in the controversy between them.
 
 
 
The moral support and good offices of this Government,
 
or of any government, is always permissible in
 
promoting the moral tone and political improvement of
 
the government of foreign countries on terms of amity
 
with their own; but there is nothing in international
 
law, in sound public policy, or in our past history
 
and traditions which justifies a representative of
 
this Government in interfering officiously or
 
improperly in the domestic or political affairs of a
 
foreign country, whatever may be the character of its
 
rulers, its form of government, or its political
 
condition. We have enough to do to attend to our own
 
business.
 
 
 
We cannot, therefore, avoid the conviction that the
 
inopportune zeal of Minister Stevens in the project of
 
annexation of the Sandwich Islands to the United
 
States caused him to exceed the proper limits of his
 
official duty and of his diplomatic relations to the
 
government and people of those islands. His conduct as
 
the public representative of this Government was
 
directly conducive to bringing about the condition of
 
affairs which resulted in the overthrow of the Queen,
 
the organization of the Provisional Government, the
 
landing of the United States troops, and the attempted
 
scheme of annexation; and upon this conclusion his
 
conduct is seriously reprehensible and deserving of
 
public censure.
 
 
 
:M.C. Butler,
 
:David Turpie,
 
:John W. Daniel,
 
:George Gray,
 
:Members of Minority.
 
 
 
February 22, 1894.
 
 
 
The question of annexation is not submitted for the
 
consideration of the committee, except as it
 
incidentally affects the main question discussed; but
 
it may not be improper for me to say, in this
 
connection, that I am heartily in favor of the
 
acquisition of those islands by the Government of the
 
United States; and in a proper case and on an
 
appropriate occasion I should earnestly advocate the
 
same. But I am unwilling to take advantage of internal
 
dissentions in those islands, for which I believe we
 
are in some measure responsible, to consummate at this
 
time so desirable an object.
 
 
 
:M.C. Butler.
 
 
 
I concur in the above.
 
 
 
:David Turpie.
 

Latest revision as of 03:06, 14 March 2006

The Rest of The Rest of The Story

Short essay on Cleveland's reaction to the Morgan Report.

You can read compilations Cleveland's messages and papers for yourself here, thanks to Project Gutenberg.

For an example of previous historical misunderstandings about Cleveland's evolving opinions, read about his Joke Proclamation of February 25, 1894 (one day before the Morgan Report was submitted).

What is the Morgan Report?

The "Morgan report" is today's name for a report to the U.S. Senate by its Committee on Foreign Relations, whose chairman was Senator John T. Morgan, Democrat of Alabama. Senate Report 227 of the 53rd Congress, second session, was dated February 26, 1894.

The Morgan report was printed as part of a large volume containing other government documents: "Reports of Committee on Foreign Relations 1789-1901 Volume 6." In that volume the "Hawaiian Islands" section begins with its own title page being page 360. The actual content of the Morgan report doesn't begin until page 363 of the larger volume 6. The page numbers shown on this webpage are the same as printed in the larger volume 6. Therefore, anyone desiring a page number for the Morgan report as though it is a stand-alone document should subtract 359 from the numbers shown on this webpage.

The Morgan Report was the final result of Cleveland's referral of the matter of the overthrow to Congress. Quoting Clevland from the Blount Report:

...Though I am not able now to report a definite change in the actual situation, I am convinced that the difficulties lately created both here and in Hawaii and now standing in the way of a solution through Executive action of the problem presented, render it proper, and expedient, that the matter should be referred to the broader authority and discretion of Congress[emphasis added], with a full explanation of the endeavor thus far made to deal with the emergency and a statement of the considerations which have governed my action...
...I therefore submit this communication with its accompanying exhibits, embracing Mr. Blount's report, the evidence and statements taken by him at Honolulu, the instructions given to both Mr. Blount and Minister Willis, and correspondence connected with the affair in hand.
In commending this subject to the extended powers and wide discretion of the Congress [emphasis added], I desire to add the assurance that I shall be much gratified to cooperate in any legislative plan which may be devised for the solution of the problem before us which is consistent with American honor, integrity and morality.
GROVER CLEVELAND
Excecutive Mansion,
Washington, December 18, 1893

In what may have been a surprise to Cleveland, the Morgan Report thoroughly repudiated the conclusions of Blount, and with the Morgan Report's conclusion, the matter was legally closed. Cleveland explicitly accepted the conclusions of the Morgan Report, continuing to engage in international relations with the Provisional Government, recognizing the Republic of Hawaii, and even negotiating treaties originally ratified under the Kingdom government with the Republic.

Although sovereignty activists insist that the Provisional Government was a puppet government, installed by the U.S., as per Cleveland's December 18, 1893 letter to Congress, it is critical to note that with the submission of the Morgan Report on February 26, 1894, Cleveland accepted that his original assertions were in error.

What historical circumstances caused the U.S. Senate to hold hearings and produce the Morgan report?

A few words are needed about the political situation in the U.S., 1893-1894.

At the time the Hawaiian monarchy was overthrown, President Benjamin Harrison, a Republican expansionist, was only a few weeks from the end of his term. The Provisional Government of Hawai'i immediately delivered a treaty of annexation to President Harrison, who referred it favorably to the Senate for ratification.

Shortly thereafter Grover Cleveland became President. Because he was a friend of Lili'uokalani and was opposed to U.S. expansionism, he immediately withdrew the treaty from the Senate.

James Blount, a Democrat, had been chairman of the House Foreign Relations Committee during Harrison's term. The newly installed President Cleveland, without seeking confirmation from the Senate (which was in session at the time), appointed Blount to be a special envoy to Hawai'i with "paramount" powers and secret instructions to investigate the circumstances of the revolution and the stability of the Provisional Government.

Blount held secret, informal conversations with royalists and annexationists in Honolulu. But he invited only royalists to sit with him to give formal statements in the presence of a stenographer, to be published later in the Blount Report. The statements were not under oath. He delivered a report to President Cleveland on July 17, 1893 claiming improper U.S. backing for the revolution had been responsible for its success, and that the Provisional Government lacked popular support.

President Cleveland then ordered Hawai'i President Sanford Dole to dissolve the Provisional Government and restore the Queen through Minister Willis, but Dole refused. On December 18, 1893, Cleveland sent a message to Congress declaring the revolution improper and decrying the U.S. involvement in it, and referred the matter to their authority.

In response the Senate passed a resolution empowering its Foreign Relations Committee to hold public hearings under oath, and cross-examine witnesses, to investigate U.S. involvement in the revolution and also to investigate whether it had been proper for President Cleveland to appoint Blount and give him extraordinary powers to represent the U.S. and intervene in Hawai'i without Senate confirmation.

The final result of this investigation is the Morgan Report.

Who was Senator John T. Morgan?

Senator John Tyler Morgan, Democrat of Alabama, was Chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee at the time of the hearings on Hawaii. That was the only two-year period between 1881 and 1913 when the Democrats held a majority in the Senate.

Morgan had been Brigadier General in the Confederate States Army. During the Reconstruction period, and during his Senate service from 1876 to 1907, he was a strong advocate of states rights, a segregationist and supporter of Jim Crow laws.

He was an expansionist, supporting U.S. acquisition of the Panama Canal, Puerto Rico, the Philippines, and Hawai'i. As an expansionist Morgan wanted to defend the Hawaii revolution and eventual annexation as legitimate. As a Democrat he also wanted to defend the right of President Cleveland to appoint James Blount and invest him with extraordinary powers without Senate confirmation, even though the Blount report contradicted Morgan's views on the legitimacy of the revolution.

The minority Republicans on the Morgan committee wrote a dissenting commentary declaring that Blount's appointment had been grossly improper. The Morgan report defends the legitimacy of Blount's appointment, but disagrees with many of his conclusions in light of the more comprehensive and dispassionate testimony the Morgan committee received from both sides in open hearings (plus affidavits from Hawaii) where witnesses were sworn to tell the truth and could be cross-examined.

Why is the Morgan Report important today?

The Morgan Report disproves many allegations made in the Blount Report, and discredits the way the Blount Report was created. The Blount Report was the primary basis for the U.S. Apology Resolution of 1993; which in turn is the primary basis for both the Akaka bill and for claims that Hawaiians have a right to independence under international law.

Today there are two kinds of Hawaiian sovereignty activists -- those who favor Hawaiian independence and those who favor the Akaka bill. Some independence leaders support the Akaka bill as a way to get political power and U.S. reparations while seeking independence. Most supporters of the Akaka bill probably see independence as a long-term ideal.

Both kinds of sovereignty activists rely heavily on the U.S. Apology Resolution of 1993 which, in turn, was based on the Blount Report of 1893. Independence activists agree with Senator Gorton's statement on the floor of the Senate in 1993 that the logical consequence of the Apology Resolution would be secession. The language of the Akaka bill cites the Apology Resolution as its major justification.

The Morgan Report of 1894 is the U.S. Senate's response to the Blount Report of 1893. Newly sworn President Grover Cleveland commissioned Blount's visit to Hawai'i and the writing of his report as part of a power struggle over the possible annexation of Hawai'i. The Morgan Report knocks the legs out from under the Blount Report by disproving allegations in the Blount Report and by discrediting the way the Blount Report was created.

Morgan Report testimony was taken under oath in public before a Senate committee in 1894, with cross-examination of witnesses (including Blount himself). By contrast Blount had informal conversations in secret with both royalists and annexationists; and then sent secret invitations only to royalists to make formal statements in the presence of a stenographer. Those statements were not under oath, and there was no cross-examination. Those statements were kept secret until the entire report was published, probably to achieve maximum political impact and to avoid demands for fair representation of opposing views.

The Hawaiian Revolution was followed by an immediate proposal from the Provisional Government of a treaty of annexation. That treaty arrived in Washington during the closing days of the Harrison administration (Republican); and the President promptly sent it to the Senate. A few weeks thereafter Grover Cleveland (Democrat) became President. In less than a week after taking the oath of office, Cleveland withdrew the treaty of annexation and issued secret papers appointing Blount to be his personal envoy to Hawai'i with paramount powers, without Senate confirmation or even awareness.

Blount arrived in Hawai'i, issued orders to U.S. military personnel to leave their encampment on land, gave other orders, and began interviewing people, all without notifying U.S. Minister Stevens, who was still officially in office; and without presenting his Presidential authorities to the Provisional Government.

The speed of those events, and other historical information, indicate that Cleveland wanted to undo the Hawaiian revolution and put Lili'uokalani back on the throne -- indeed, Cleveland's emissary in Honolulu later sent a formal message to Hawaii President Sanford Dole "ordering" Dole to step down and restore the Queen. It seems likely that President Cleveland sent Blount to destabilize the Provisional Government and to write a report to undercut growing Congressional support for annexation.

When the U.S. Senate passed the Apology Resolution in 1993, it did so without any hearings, based on a single hour of floor debate, and without considering the Senate's own Morgan report from a century earlier. The Apology Resolution of 1993 was handled in the same way as the Blount Report a century previously -- no formal presentation of opposing historical facts.

Today's Hawaiian independence activists repeatedly cite the Blount Report as evidence that the U.S. government was the primary instigator of the Hawaiian revolution, and that the revolution could not have succeeded without the landing of 152 U.S. peacekeepers from a ship in Honolulu Harbor. They claim that Hawai`i has been under belligerant occupation by the United States for more than a century. They say the Apology Resolution of 1993 is a confession of a crime by the U.S. against Hawaii, and that the U.S. is now obligated under international law to withdraw from Hawai`i, thereby restoring Hawaiian independence. They say the Blount Report provides strong evidence that Hawaiian independence was stolen by the U.S. "armed invasion" of 1893 -- evidence to be used in an international court to force the U.S. to give up Hawai`i.

The Akaka bill is a proposal to allow ethnic Hawaiians to establish a government based solely on race that would then be recognized by the federal government as comparable to an Indian tribe. The purpose of seeking such recognition is to acquire land, money, and legal authority through negotiations among the federal government, state government, and "Native Hawaiian governing entity." The Apology Resolution is cited repeatedly in the language of the Akaka bill as the primary justification for it, along with victimhood claims regarding health, education, etc.

Today's sovereignty activists have placed the entire Blount Report on the internet, along with the anti-annexation petitions from 1897. They got grants from the University of Hawai`i to digitize all the important documents related to annexation. They got space on the University library's website to make all the documents easily available to the public. But somehow they ran out of money before they could get to the Morgan Report. Thanks to the voluteers of morganreport.org, we don't have to wait for them any longer.

Without the Morgan Report there cannot be a fair and balanced view of history. The time has come to set the record straight. Today's decisions about Hawai`i's future should be made in view of the complete historical record. The facts really do matter. Before 2006 it was extremely difficult for scholars and students to read the Morgan Report. It was available only by making a personal visit to the dusty archives of one of the few libraries that had it; the book was so rare and old that librarians would not allow it to be taken out of the library. Now it is easily available to anyone with internet access. The editors of this project thank readers for taking the time to make use of it.

The University of Hawaii Library on-line collection of annexation documents

The Library website for the University of Hawai'i has a collection of digitized documents. Part of that collection is devoted to documents related to the annexation of Hawai'i to the United States (1898), including the overthrow of the monarchy (1893).

The URLs changed in the last year or two without forwarding; and might do so again without notice (possibly the last time was due to the flood of 2004). As of early 2006, here are the links:

Annexation Documents Home Page

Blount Report (1893)

Anti-Annexation Petition (Palapala hoopii kue hoohuiaina) (1897)

Anti-Annexation Protest Documents

Congressional debates on Hawaii Organic act (excerpts)

There are also related links to Lili'uokalani's book "Hawaii's Story by Hawaii's Queen", political caricatures of the Hawaiian Kingdom ca. 1875-1905, and People and Places connected with the Annexation

The website promised: "Scanning of Morgan Report [Hawaiian islands: report of the Committee on Foreign Relations] planned for future"

However, the library's project ended in 2002 and no further grants were applied for; it is also understood that a devastating flood caused significant setbacks for their program. The project narrative for the 2002 grant application to digitize documents, including the Morgan Report said, "The materials selected however are not one-sided. The Morgan Report challenges the Blount Report, which implicated the United States in the overthrow of the Hawaiian monarchy.". Although started with the best of intentions, the materials actually finished were one-sided, and woefully incomplete.

That's why the editors of the Morgan Report project felt a need to fill the gap, and complete the job. We have been assured that it was not the Univeristy of Hawaii's direct intent to suppress the Morgan Report, and they have graciously posted a link to this wiki from their webpage on Annexation Documents. We hope to join with them in future collaborative efforts to digitize and copyedit important historical documents.

In the single token of balance in the documents they did complete, the library project did post Lorrin Thurston's 32-page protest documenting fraud in the anti-annexation petitions. Morgan Report project editor-in-chief Jere Krischel assembled those 32 pages into a more user-friendly pdf document.

Specific examples of forged signatures in the Ku'e Petition

Regarding page 84 of the Ku'e Petition, an anonymous poster claiming nearly two decades of study in epigraphy made the following handwriting analysis:

The names on lines 1-3 were very likely written by the same person (W1), but not the same person who wrote the names on subsequent lines. You can see this pretty clearly by looking at the initial stroke of M, its sharp angled peaks, and how it does or does not join with following letters. In lines 1-3 it doesn't, in lines 4-12 (W2) it does. You can also see a clear distinction between the letter H in line 3 versus the H in line 6.

So far we have two writers.

Line 13 is the start of yet another handwriting style (W3). Again, look at the sharp peaks of the M and it's unusual descender; the lack of a join between the M and the following r. All three s'es in this same line have sharper peaks (consistent with the M, for example) than earlier s'es. I personally believe line 13 and 14 were written by the same person (W3).

Line 15 is in another person's hand (W4), to my eye. This same person is probably responsible for the remaining signatures in this column. The consistent shape of the K's, M's and H's support this.

The first 2 lines in the second column are the same handwriting as line 1-3 (W1) in the first column. The remaining lines of this column are also by W4.