Outline of Topics

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pp. 363-398 - Summary and conclusions of the Morgan Report

Senator Morgan's complete 35 page summary of the report of his Committee on Foreign Relations to the full Senate is at the beginning of the Morgan report.

For a shorter version of that summary, created by Aloha For All editors to highlight topics of greatest interest today, see: Highlights of Morgan's summary

The remainder of the Morgan report (about 800 pages) is a collection of transcripts of sworn testimony before the committee; historical documents from the Kingdom of Hawaii; various reports describing the Hawaiian islands and their commercial and military significance to the United States, etc. There seems to be no logic to the order in which these items are presented.

pp. 399-401 - Translation of poster calling on supporters of the Queen

translation of a poster calling upon supporters of the Queen to attend a mass meeting

translation of the accompanying extra edition issued by the Ka Leo o Ka Lahui, a Honolulu newspaper, published in Honolulu in the Hawaiian language, on January 16, 1893.

pp. 401-402 - Instructions to Commodore Perry

instructions of the secretary of the navy to commodore perry, dated april 15, 1847 (Related to Mexico, not Hawaii. Perhaps this is in the Morgan report to show that it is customary for Presidents to send personal emissaries on confidential missions without Senate confirmation, and/or to compare American military aggressiveness in Mexico in 1847 with the relatively modest peacekeeping action in Hawaii in 1893)

pp. 402-405 - Treaty of Annexation by Kamehameha III

treaty of annexation made in the time of kamehameha iii, which failed of the king's signature by reason of his death, the original being on file in the office of the secretary of state -- the treaty contained ten articles plus a separate and secret article

pp. 405-407 - Instructions to General Winfield Scott

instructions from hon. w. l. marcy, secretary of war, to maj. gen. winfield scott, commanding the army of the united states in mexico (Related to Mexico, not Hawaii. Perhaps this is in the Morgan report to show that it is customary for Presidents to send personal emissaries on confidential missions without Senate confirmation, and/or to compare American military aggressiveness in Mexico in 1847 with the relatively modest peacekeeping action in Hawaii in 1893)

pp. 407-409 - Treaty of Reciprocity

treaty of reciprocity between the united states and hawaii, dated and signed the 20th of july, 1855, submitted to the senate for ratification by President Pierce on December 22, 1855, but which was not ratified by the senate

pp. 409-418 - Report on Hawaii

report on the physical features, facts of landing, supplies, climate, diseases, etc., of the hawaiian islands, prepared by capt. george p. scriven, of the signal corps, assisted by lieut. j. y. mason blunt, of the fifth cavalry, with the accompanying maps.

Contents. Page.
Location, distances from the Pacific coast 410
Communications with the United States 410
Names, areas 411
General physical characteristics 411
Soil 412
Climate 412,413
Earthquakes 413
Population, characteristics, religions, education 413-415
Laws, military forces, police 415
Language, Government 415,416
Business, currency, finance, commerce 416,417
Products, resources, vegetation 417
Industries 417
Diseases (other than leprosy) 418
Manner of life, clothing 418

pp. 419-436 - Individual characteristics of the eight inhabited islands of the Hawaiian group

(Cities, Towns, and Ports of each) -- Island of Oahu; Island of Hawaii; Island of Maui; Island of Kauai; Island of Molokai; Island of Lanai or Ranai; Island of Niihau; Island of Kahulaui [Kahoolawe]. Also Kaula, Lenua [Lehua], Molokini.

pp. 436-437 - Communications of the Hawaiian Islands.


pp. 437-440 - LEPROSY.

pp. 441-454 - Lectures by Capt. C.E. Dutton

Lectures delivered at the U.S. National Museum February 9 and March 15,1884, under the auspices of the Smithsonian Institution and of the Anthropological and Biological Societies of Washington, by Capt. C. E. Dutton, of the U.S. Army ordnance dept. in Washington, D.C., on U.S. geological duty.

THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS AND PEOPLE. [geology, volcano, weather, Hawaiian language, ancient navigation, religion, Kamehameha conquest, government, population, private property, legal system, education]

pp. 454-464 - SANFORD B. DOLE academic paper "EVOLUTION OF HAWAIIAN LAND TENURES" read before the Hawaiian Historical Society December 5, 1892

EVOLUTION OF HAWAIIAN LAND TENURES [how the Polynesians settled Hawaii; land of plenty and peace; religious taboos; irrigation; population increase caused warfare to control land; feudal system of land tenure wherein chiefs and tenants could be disposessed arbitrarily. Kamehameha I, following conquest, redistributed land but then kept land tenures stable. Kamehameha II wanted to redistrubute, but Kaahumanu stopped it. Under Kamehameha III chiefs and foreigners wanted civil rights protected and stability of land tenure written into law. Process of the steps in the Mahele described in great detail. "A brief ten years had been sufficient for the Hawaiian nation to break down the hoary traditions and venerable customs of the past, and to climb the difficult path from a selfish feudalism to equal rights, from royal control of all the public domain to peasant proprietorship and fee-simple titles for poor and for rich. It came quickly and without bloodshed because the nation was ready for it. Foreign intercourse, hostile and friendly, and the spirit of a Christian civilization had an educating influence upon the eager nation, united by the genius of Kamehameha I, with its brave and intelligent warrior chiefs resting from the conquest of arms, their exuberant energies free for the conquest of new ideas; with rare wisdom, judgment, and patriotism they proved equal to the demands of the time upon them."

pp. 464-465 - Extract from Report of John Quincy Adams

ALSO THE FOLLOWING EXTRACT FROM THE REPORT OF HON. JOHN QUINCY ADAMS, CHAIRMAN OF THE COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. "It is a subject of cheering contemplation to the friends of human improvement and virtue, that by the mild and gentle influence of Christian charity, dispensed by humble missionaries of the gospel, unarmed with secular power, within the last quarter of a century, the people of this group of islands have been converted from the lowest debasement of idolatry to the blessings of the Christian gospel; united under one balanced government; rallied to the fold of civilization by a written language and constitution, providing security for the rights of persons, property, and mind, and invested with all the elements of right and power which can entitle them to be acknowledged by their brethren of the human race as a separate and independent community. To the consummation of their acknowledgment the people of the North American Union are urged by an interest of their own, deeper than that of any other portion of the inhabitants of the earth—by a virtual right of conquest, not over the freedom of their brother man by the brutal arm of physical power, but over the mind and heart by the celestial panoply of the gospel of peace and love."

pp. 465-475 - Review of Treaty Commercial Results

ALSO THE FOLLOWING HAWAIIAN TREATY [Reciprocity Treaty of 1875 as greatly strengthened in 1887] AND REVIEW OF ITS COMMERCIAL RESULTS

A review of the extensive commercial interaction between Hawaii and its chief trading partner, the U.S. Great detail is provided about the financial activities of sugar baron Claus Spreckels, along with arguments that he did not have a monopoly.

"The Hawaiian treaty was negotiated for the purpose of securing political control of those islands, making them industrially and commercially a part of the United States and preventing any other great power from acquiring a foothold there, which might be adverse to the welfare and safety of our Pacific coast in time of war."

pp. 475-482 - Article by Capt. A.T. Mahan

ARTICLE IN THE "FORUM" FOR MARCH, 1893, ON "HAWAII AND OUR FUTURE SEA-POWER," WRITTEN BY CAPT. A. T. MAHAN. The United States compared with the great naval powers Britain, France, and Spain; including sea lanes, distances to be traveled for refueling in case of war, the need for a chain of secure seaports across the Pacific and the anticipated Central American canal.

pp. 483-488 - 1840 Hawaiian Constitution


pp. 489-500 - Remarks of Mr. Draper

REMARKS OF MR. DRAPER, OF MASSACHUSETTS, MADE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, AND PUBLISHED IN THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD OF FEBRUARY 4, 1894. [Extensive discussion of distances between secure ports for major naval powers, the need for coaling stations. Recounting some views favorable to annexation as expressed by various U.S. officials beginning 1866. 91% of the international trade of Hawaii is with the U.S.]

"I believe that the true policy of this Government is to negotiate a suitable treaty with the de facto Government in Hawaii, and annex the islands. After this (or before if necessary), if Liliuokalani is supposed to have any rights, purchase them (since she is willing to sell), but on no account ought we to neglect this opportunity of securing this naval and coaling station, so important to us, both from the point of view of commerce and of coast defense."

pp. 500-503 - Article about Paulet affair of 1843


pp. 503-517 - History of the Hawaiian Islands by James Jackson Jarves

EXTRACTS FROM THE HISTORY OF THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, BY JAMES JACKSON JARVES, PUBLISHED IN 1846. (How the first Constitution was created with the help of Reverend Richards. Some of the missionaries resigned from their ministries to go to work for the King. The continuing mission, and the former missionaries now the King's men, were united in their wish to build up a nation of Hawaiians independent from all foreign influence. They adopted 8 rules of protocol, copied here as taken from the missionary minutes for 1838, regarding church/state relations. The peopie came to trust the written laws -- they were thoroughly convinced that the immunity, once claimed by chiefs for crimes, was at an end when there was an impartial jury trial of a chief in 1840 for the murder of his wife. He, with an accomplice, were both found guilty, and suffered the full penalty of the law, death by hanging. The foreigners also began to see that there was some virtue in the courts by a fine imposed upon the English consul for riotous conduct. 6-point demand letter of Captain Paulet (1843). Full text of King's response. Provisional ceding of sovereignty. November 28, 1843 joint declaration of Britain and France recognizing independence of Hawaii. Government courts and executive agencies established. Names of the (House of) Nobles are listed. Royal school established; names of the 15 students are listed. Vast majority of foreign ships visiting Hawai'i are American. Hawaii has 70,000 people who read; 65 million pages published (as of 1846!). Titles of some newspapers, and of many liberal arts books printed in Hawaii, are listed. The (im)morality of the people is described, and a table shows how many crimes were recorded of each category.

pp. 517-521 - Timeline by C.C. Bennett

EXTRACTS FROM THE HONOLULU DIRECTORY AND HISTORICAL SKETCH OF THE HAWAIIAN OR SANDWICH ISLANDS, BY C. C. BENNETT, INCLUDING A CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF NOTABLE EVENTS CONNECTED WITH HAWAIIAN HISTORY A timeline for the period 1736 to 1869. Birth and death dates of important alii. Dates and names of ship arrivals, Hawaiian battles, political events, and arrival of each company of missionaries.

pp. 521-522 - Deed of Cession

DEED OF CESSION of Hawaii by Kamehameha III to Captain Paulet, February 25, 1843.

pp. 522 - Voter Qualifications

XIX . ARTICLE 78, CONSTITUTION OF 1852. (Qualifications to vote for legislative Representatives)

pp. 522-530 - Hawaiian Constitution of 1864

pp. 530 - Joint Resolution of Hawaiian Legislature 1856

Joint resolution of the Hawaiian Legislature of 1856. Comment on legislative provision for publication of Hawaiian law reports.

"It may not be inappropriate in this connection to state that so highly esteemed are some of the dicta of our Hawaiian courts abroad that their decisions have in more than one instance been quoted in some of the higher courts of the United States. This is no small honor to be attained by a nation which, one generation only ago, had no law but the "word of the chief"

pp. 530-531 - List showing large American presence in hawaiian government

XX. LIST SHOWING THAT NATIVE HAWAIIANS WERE A VERY SMALL PROPORTION OF THE OFFICERS IN CHARGE OF THE CONDUCT OF THE KINGDOM GOVERNMENT. The largest proportion of Kingdom government officers were American citizens; or immigrants from America who became naturalized Kingdom subjects or denizens; or native-born Kingdom subjects whose parents were American immigrants.

pp. 531-533 - Published newspaper article by Admiral Belknap from the Boston Herald of January 31, 1893.

"The revolution in the Hawaiian Islands, resulting in the deposition of the Queen and the establishment of a provisional government, is an event not unexpected to diplomatic, naval, and consular officers who have had any acquaintance or familiarity with the course of affairs in that island Kingdom for the past twenty years. ... A glance at a chart of the Pacific will indicate to the most casual observer the great importance and inestimable value of those islands as a strategic point and commercial center. Situated in mid-north Pacific, the group looks out on every hand toward grand opportunities of trade, political aggrandizement, and polyglot intercourse. ... The group now seeks annexation to the United States; the consummation of such wish would inure to the benefit of both peoples, commercially and politically. ... Our statesmen should act in this matter in the spirit and resolve that secured to us the vast Louisiana purchase, the annexation of Texas, and the acquisition of California."


pp. 533 - Testimony before the Committee on Foreign Relations


Resolved, That the Committee on Foreign Relations shall inquire and report whether any, and, if so, what irregularities have occurred in the diplomatic or other intercourse between the United States and Hawaii in relation to the recent political revolution in Hawaii, and to this end said committee is authorized to send for persons and papers and to administer oaths to witnesses.


WASHINGTON, D. C, December 27,1893.

pp. 533-560 - Testimony of Oliver P. Emerson

Emerson was born in 1845 on Maui, the son of a missionary, and grew up there [a native-born subject of the Kingdom]. He himself became an ordained minister several years after his father died; and was fluent and preached in Hawaiian. He held minor government posts. He was living in Honolulu in January 1893, and had always been a Royalist until the distillery, lottery, and opium bills passed during the closing week of the legislature, when it also became clear the Queen would proclaim a new constitution. Great corruption in the government and bribery in the legislature related to liquor, opium, and gambling; including Mr. Wilson, the Chief Marshall of the Kingdom, who conspired with opium smugglers. A new constitution would have the Queen appointing the Nobles, allowing greater corruption. Easing voting requirements would allow more of the lower classes to vote who could easily be bribed or emotionally swayed. The Wilcox-Jones cabinet (which resisted the distillery, opium, and lottery bills), was voted out (by the legislature) on the Friday before the revolution, and the Cornwell-Peterson cabinet (which favored those bills) was appointed by the Queen the same day. [The constitution required that at least one member of the cabinet must sign a bill along with the Queen before it can become law] Events of January 16 and 17, 1893. Flying of U.S. flag. Lengthy testimony regarding the Portuguese, Japanese, and Chinese contract laborers, describing their religions, how they get wives, moral conduct, right to vote, living conditions; their relationships with whites and kanakas; and the labor contract arrangements between the government of Hawaii and the governments of these other nations. "The CHAIRMAN. I will ask if it is your opinion that the native population of Hawaii, the Kanakas, in view of the facts you have stated, are liable to become so powerful in government as to be able to control the other nationalities that have come into those islands, or have they lost the power to rule them? Mr. EMERSON. I consider that they have lost that control already, and in my opinion they can never regain it." Among the 13,000 who were eligible to vote, the majority were kanakas. Before the revolution most kanakas opposed annexation and supported the concept of monarchy, although perhaps most did not support Liliuokalani being monarch. Now that the monarchy is finished, most probably support annexation. Among 12,000 Portuguese, of whom 1500-2000 were voters, nearly all would have voted against the monarchy; and since the monarchy has disappeared, would now solidly favor annexation. Likewise the other Europeans, although some English favor the monarchy.

For a more thorough summary of Emerson's testimony, please read the Summary of Emerson's Testimony.

pp. 561-593 - Testimony of Peter Cushman Jones

Peter Cushman Jones gave a sworn deposition in Honolulu, and then appeared before the Morgan Committee in Washington where he read his deposition into the record and he was cross-examined. November 8, 1892 the Queen appointed him Minister of Finance. January 17, 1893 he took the same position in the provisional Government. Jones offered to Grover Cleveland's commissioner James Blount a detailed eyewitness account of the overthrow, but Blount refused to receive it or to interview him. Jones read into the [Morgan] record the statement he had prepared for Blount, filled with details of the events that took place during the revolution. Jones gave details of who attended various meetings of the Committee of Safety and the Provisional Government, by what route they traveled (using a map), and the times those meetings occurred. He described the corruption and instability of the Kalakaua and Liliuokalani governments. The American sailors from the Boston did not participate in taking over any buildings. The revolution would have taken place, and been successful, even if the Boston had not been present.

For a more thorough summary of P.C. Jones' testimony, please read the Summary of P.C. Jones' Testimony.

pp. 593-621 - Testimony of Zephaniah Swift Spalding

Mr. Spalding was born in Ohio, September, 1837. He had been a lieutenant colonel in the army. He was sent to Hawaii in 1867 (just after the Civil War) by Secretary Seward as a secret or confidential agent of the State Department. It was at the time the treaty of reciprocity was being advocated, and Secretary Seward wished to know what effect it would have upon the future relations of the United States and Hawaii. Discussion of Mahele, Crown lands, government lands, kuleana lands.

Would any natives would be capable of managing Spalding's sugar plantation? "I do not think there was ever a native on the islands who could run it for five years without ruining it. I was in partnership with Kamehameha V when he was King, and got to know him pretty well. ... Kalakaua, the last king, was a good-natured, indolent sort of man. He was a man of very fair education; but ... his idea of morality was not very great. ... he owned a quarter interest in my plantation at one time. ... I found it was utterly useless to depend on him. He had engaged people to do work in the fields. They would start out to do the work, then would stop and have a little talk over it, and then go fishing instead of going to work. ... I was obliged to buy Kalakaua out."

Discussion of what led up to the revolution of 1887 ("Bayonet Constitution"), especially Walter Murray Gibson who was simultaneously minister of foreign affairs, ex-officio minister of the interior, ex-officio minister of finance, and ex-officio attorney-general. The members of the House of Nobles were all appointed by the King and beholden to him, so there was no way to reform the government except by creating a revolution to take the nobles out of the King's hands. This revolution was so powerful and had so much support that it would have been possible to overthrow the monarchy and establish a Republic at that time.

" ... the natives have looked more upon the United States as the father of their Government. They always speak of the American war ships as "our war ships," in contradistinction from the British war ships; and the 4th of July, has been the gala day of the country." About 90% of the value of all property in Hawaii is owned by whites; and about 75% of that is owned by people of American parentage.

Spalding said that since he returned to Hawaii in October 1893, he has heard rumors of royalists wanting to restore the Queen (such as Wilson) hiding guns. "But it was only when they expected to have aid and assistance from the United States in doing it." There would not be enough royalist arms or manpower to restore the Queen or to keep her in power without help from outside Hawaii.

Hawaii is not a good place to produce sugar. Plantation workers must be paid highly enough to be able to recruit them from abroad; therefore, labor costs are too high. Before the reciprocity treaty (1875 and 1887) all the plantations had gone bankrupt. The treaty is what made the plantations successful. Neither a monarchial nor a republican form of government would allow Hawaii to flourish as an independent nation without the protection of a foreign government, because there is not enough land or labor to make Hawaii self-sustaining without economic concessions or military uses. If there is a restoration of the monarchy, the preference would probably be for Kaiulani rather than Liliuokalani, because it is a choice of evils; and the evil we do not yet know seems less frightening than the evil we already know.

Senator FRYE. Have you ever thought over the question of annexation to California? Mr. SPALDING. Yes, a good deal. Senator FRYE. How would that do? Mr. SPALDING. I do not see any objection to it. Senator FRYE. You would elect your members of the house and senate, and perhaps one member of Congress? Mr. SPALDING. All these things would follow the change."

For a more thorough summary of Spalding's testimony, please read the Summary of Spalding's Testimony.

pp. 622-684 - Testimony of William De Witt Alexander

Mr. Alexander's testimony and cross examination occupied the Morgan committee for several days. The transcript spans 63 pages of the Morgan Report, from 622-684. Following are a few of the highlights. A more detailed summary is available at Summary of Alexander's Testimony.

William DeWitt Alexander was born on Kauai in 1833 [a native-born subject of the Kingdom]. His father was a Presbyterian missionary. He attended a mission school which has now (1894) become Oahu College. It has a large endowment given by Charles R. Bishop. Alexander attended Yale; then taught at Beloit and Vincennes, then returned to Oahu College where he taught for 7 years and then was president for 7 years. Alexander wrote a 340-page book on the history of Hawaii used throughout the Kingdom as a textbook. He was fluent in Hawaiian and wrote a grammar textbook. Later he became surveyor-general of the Kingdom under Kamehameha V and continued in that office through 1893.

Discussion of Mahele, and unique surveying problems for ahupuaa system (surveying still not complete after 55 years!). Discussion of forests and wood supply; sandalwood trade; streams, wind, climate, rain, ocean currents. As of early 1894 nearly all the schools use English as the language of instruction; only about 1/20 still use Hawaiian. Hawaiian is an easy language to learn; but it lacked words needed for theology, mathematics, and law -- those words had to be invented. Nobody has ever tried to teach chemistry in Hawaiian!

When Alexander was a child, the Hawaiians "... had thrown away their idols—their taboos. But they had a great deal of superstition still, particularly about sorcery.

Alexander: "I joined the Board of Education in 1887. There was then a great deficiency of schoolhouses. During the reign of Kalakaua government money was diverted to other purposes. But a great many schoolhouses were built, improvements made ... the Chinese and Japanese are subject to this compulsory education the same as the Hawaiian" [School budget discussed in detail]

Discussion of the economy. Clothing, food supply, leprosy colony, prisons, low crime rate, almost never a murder except among Japanese on sugar plantations; beef, pork, poultry, taro, rice, fruit, coffee, artesian wells, tobacco crop, railways and tramways. "Mr. ALEXANDER. In the 40's it was referred to as a serious evil that so many of the young men were sailors—never came back; and they passed a law in 1850 restricting young men from leaving the country without permission of the Government."

Revolution of 1887. Wilcox rebellion of 1889 -- U.S. troops patrolled Honolulu for a week -- Dueling Palace coup plots by Kalakaua and Liliuokalani; see Wilcox Rebellion 1889 and Dueling Palace Coup Plots

Requirements for naturalization and denization. Death of Kalakaua. Liliuokalani struggles with legislature; numerous cabinets appointed and dismissed; rampant corruption (including her favorite, Marshal C.B. Wilson); lottery and opium bills. Paul Neumann from Germany, legislator in California, scandalous attorney, wrote Queen's proposed new constitution; Immediately after the revolution the Queen demanded all copies be destroyed.

Queen and Hui Kalaiaina plotted the timing of proclaiming new constitution to immediately follow ending of legislature to prevent objections. Rising tensions. Queen or henchmen threatened bodily harm to cabinet ministers for refusing to agree to new constitution. Household troops lined up on Palace grounds with weapons. Sunday -- dueling mass meetings of annexationists at Armory (1500) and royalists at Palace (500).

Rifle companies from 1887 and 1889 citizens militias were revived to support provisional government. Queen's forces panic-stricken and demoralized. Proclamation of Provisional Government read at government building (Aliiolani) Tuesday 2:45 PM. Capt. Ziegler's German militiamen secured the building first; an hour later 200 riflemen present. PG militia found several thousand rounds of ammunition the Queen's government had stored there. BUt the governmentofficials has abandoned the government building to go to the police stationhouse for refuge.

[Discussion of the riot in 1874 when Kalakaua was elected King. American peacekeepers came ashore, restored order, stayed for a week in charge of Honolulu, and then went back to their ships.]

Mr. ALEXANDER. I think that probably seven-eighths of the Americans are on the side of the Provisional Government; nearly all the Germans: all the Portuguese, without exception. In regard to the English, they are divided. I think a majority of the English would probably favor a monarchy from jealousy of the Americans. ... Senator GRAY. How many votes were in that island under the constitution that existed prior to this emeute? Mr. ALEXANDER. According to the census and the registration of 1890, under the constitution of 1887, there were about 13,000. ... Along about August or September the annexation club had 6,200 names on its rolls including about 1,200 natives. Probably at the present time there is a reaction the other way, among the natives, at least. Senator GRAY. Against the Provisional Government. But you think at the time the Provisional Government was formed the people who had the right to vote were in favor of it? Mr. ALEXANDER. Yes, if you counted noses. There was a number registered. I noticed in the election of 1890 the number of votes cast was actually 11,072; in the election of 1892 it was 10,000 or 11,000 actual votes.

Mr. ALEXANDER. On my part I thought it was a mistake to have declared a protectorate; I thought it was unnecessary. Senator GRAY. You thought it a mistake to raise the flag? Mr. ALEXANDER. Yes; it tended to put the Provisional Government in a false light. The events following showed it was unnecessary. But, being there, one could not see the flag hauled down without deep emotion. ... the Provisional Government could have sustained itself without it ...

The CHAIRMAN. Were there any armed forces except in Honolulu and Oahu?... The whole force of the Kingdom was concentrated at Honolulu? Mr. ALEXANDER. Yes. The CHAIRMAN. Were there any fighting ships, called ships of war, belonging to that Government? Mr. ALEXANDER. None. The CHAIRMAN. Had the Government any ships at all? Mr. ALEXANDER. No, except steam tugs. These steam tugs towed vessels in and they belonged to the Government. The CHAIRMAN. At Honolulu? Mr. ALEXANDER. Yes. The CHAIRMAN. What other men-of-war were in the harbor of Honolulu when these troops landed in January, 1893? Mr. ALEXANDER. No other men-of-war except the American man-of war. The CHAIRMAN. No British? Mr. ALEXANDER. No other nation. The CHAIRMAN. So that there was no chance to appeal to any outside power? Mr. ALEXANDER. No other nation represented.


"Prof. W. D. Alexander had several informal conversations with Col. J. H. Blount in Honolulu, which were not taken down by his stenographer. At Col. Blount's request, Prof. Alexander prepared written papers on the history of the uncompleted annexation treaty of 1854, on the general causes which led to the late revolution, on the political history of Kalakaua's reign until 1888, and on the constitutional history of the country since the beginning of this century. All of these were printed except the last. He also furnished him pamphlets on the land system, the census, etc.

"Col. Blount's sketch of the causes of the late revolution on pp. 3-15 of his report betrays a total misconception of Hawaiian history and of the nature of the political contest that has been going on during the last fifteen years or more.

"His remarks about the descendants of missionaries seem to be borrowed from C. T. Gulick and Nordhoff. The sneering use of the term dates from the days of the "beach-combers" and Botany Bay convicts, who preceded the missionaries in those islands. The descendants of the latter are hated chiefly for their adherence to the principles of their fathers and their endeavors to preserve the constitutional lines on which the Government was administered under the Kamehameha dynasty.

"Col. Blount's total misapprehension of history is shown by his astonishing statement on page 7, that the ex-Mormon adventurer Gibson was "free from all suspicion of bribery." On page 8 he speaks of several criminal acts, proved in open court, as "alleged," and says that the "alleged corrupt action of the King Kalakaua could have been avoided by more careful legislation," when the whole difficulty lay in the autocratic power of the King, which enabled him to appoint the upper house and to pack the lower house of the Legislature. He ignores the fact that it was impossible for a white man to be naturalized unless he was a tool of the King. He passes very lightly over the outrages which caused the uprising of all white men and of the more decent natives in 1887. On page 10 he omits the vital change made in section 20, which struck at the root of the King's power to pack or bribe the Legislature. It also should be borne in mind that naturalization in the Hawaiian Kingdom never had included abjuration of one's former citizenship.

Col. Blount is grossly misinformed in regard to the character of the election held after that revolution, 1887. It was the first fair and free election by really secret ballot held for many years. No intimidation whatever. The law was improved afterwards, on the Australian system, by the reform party. The appointment of the upper house was taken from an irresponsible semi-savage monarch and vested in citizens possessing a moderate property qualification. Otherwise all the great financial interests of the country would have been at the mercy of an ignorant populace.


Col. Blount shows a singular hostility to the Portuguese, who form one of the most valuable elements in the islands, the most moral as shown by the reports of the attorney-general and chief justice, and perhaps the most industrious people in the country, and the most easily Americanized. He even goes so far as to say that they ought not to be classed as Europeans.


On the other hand, his account of the native race is surprisingly incorrect and superficial, although ample statistics relating to lands, property, occupations, accounts of native character, etc., were before him. He says the "majority (of the common people) received nothing" in the way of land. The fact was that all heads of families received homesteads, if they applied for them, and the census shows that 10 per cent of the natives, counting women and children, are even now landowners. Between 1850 and 1860 a large proportion, 40 per cent, of the Government land was sold, mainly to natives, at nominal prices, and every effort was made to encourage habits of thrift among them. Many are now living on the rents of their lands.

CHAIRMAN. You found that the foreign oriental population was building up the country too rapidly? Mr. ALEXANDER. Yes; the Chinese and the Japanese, come into competition with the white and Kanaka mechanics and shop keepers. They do not remain laborers; they serve out their contracts and try to make a living in some other way. The CHAIRMAN. Suppose the reciprocity treaty were continued with all the benefits which were had before the arrival of the McKinley bill, which you say was a blessing in disguise to the Kanaka people Mr. ALEXANDER I suppose many disagree with me about that. The CHAIRMAN. Suppose that condition of things would produce a continuous supply of Oriental people as laborers, what would be the ultimate result of that on the Kanaka people? Mr. ALEXANDER. They would be displaced gradually and the islands would become a Mongolian colony. The CHAIRMAN. And the Kanakas would disappear? Mr. Alexander. They would decrease. The CHAIRMAN. There is a decrease there, and you think the ultimate effect would be the disappearance of the Kanakas? Mr. ALEXANDER. Yes; the liquor and demoralization would hasten the decline of the Kanaka race. The CHAIRMAN. Is there not a purpose, a policy, amongst the missionary element, the more enlightened property-holding element in Hawaii, to prevent that result? Mr. ALEXANDER. Yes; they are very anxious to save the native race —have made sacrifices of money, time, and labor for the natives.


[In great detail: How and by whom the Declaration of the Rights of Man was written; how the first constitution was written, what laws were passed in the early years to implement those documents and to create the government bureaucracy and court system]










Note: A small segment of additional testimony by Mr. Alexander appears later, on pp. 819-822.

pp. 684-709 - Testimony of Lieutenant Lucien Young

Lucien Young is a lieutenant in the U.S. Navy who was on duty on the Boston during its stay in Honolulu from August 24 1892 until after the revolution. His current job (1894) is compiling the Navy records related to that period. Lieutenant Young was a direct observer of many critical events during the overthrow, including the prorogation of the legislature and the array of the Queen's forces. Young testifies to the explicit instructions of neutrality given to the U.S. troops who landed ashore. "Mr. Wilson showed me a statement where he claimed that he had 800 men. I told him that I had been informed by participants, and I had verified their statements, that he had only 80 and 60, and he laughed and told me of course he had not that number..." Lengthy discussion of whether a military officer must obey orders given to him by a civilian (Blount); and when such orders might be illegal and therefore the responsibility of the officer to make the "right" decision. Young also notes that Minister Stevens traveled on the Boston to Hilo along with one of Stevens' daughters. Stevens and the Boston returned to Honolulu on January 14 while his daughter remained in Hilo for a few days. The daughter drowned while trying to board an interisland steamer probably on January 18. Stevens heard about his daughter's drowning a day or two after the revolution, while tensions were very high in Honolulu.

For a more thorough summary of Young's testimony, please read the Summary of Young's Testimony.

pp. 710-723 - Testimony of E.K. Moore

E. K. Moore was navigator of the U. S. S. Boston in January, 1893. He testified to Capt. Wiltse's preparations for landing prior to Stevens' request, establishing clearly that both Wiltse and Stevens apprehended a situation volatile enough to warrant the landing of U.S. peacekeepers to protect American lives and property. Moore had also been in Honolulu in 1874 on the U.S. Ship Portsmouth under the command of S. J. Skerrett, now Rear-Admiral. Moore begins his testimony by describing events of 1874 when both U.S. and British troops went ashore at Honolulu to put down rioting that happened when the Kingdom legislature elected Kalakaua King. On that occasion American troops were quartered at the government building, and British troops were quartered at Iolani Palace, for a week or two. They arrested native ringleaders of the riots and turned them over to government officials. A German, Mr. Berger, was head of the Hawaiian government forces. Moore then describes the events of January 1893. The Provisional Government quickly established itself in power, producing political stability and economic security that caused stock values to rise. Social events and friendly race relations continued as before, without much of an interruption; and the government continued to function with all the same officers as previously except for the Queen and her cabinet. Moore's testimony ends with an extended discussion of the importance of Pearl Harbor as a potential U.S. naval base, its relation to a possible future canal through Nicaragua, and the defense of the U.S. west coast.

For a more thorough summary of Moore's testimony, please read the Summary of Moore's Testimony.

pp. 723-732 - Testimony of I. Goodwin Hobbs

I. Goodwin Hobbs was paymaster on the Boston in January 1893. He went on the target-practice trip to Hilo, returning to Honolulu on January 13. Hobbs had also been present in Honolulu as a crewmember on the Tuscarora in 1874, when Kalakaua was elected King and rioting broke out. Hobbs says the landing of troops in 1893 was for the same purpose as in 1874 -- protection of lives and property without intervening in political struggles. Hobbs also had high priase for the Provisional Government, and criticism for the administration of the Kalakaua dynasty. He says there is no way the Queen, in January 1893 or now in 1894, could muster enough political or military power to overcome the Provisional Government.

For a more thorough summary of Hobbs' testimony, please read the Summary of Hobbs' Testimony.

pp. 732-745 - Testimony of Lieutenant Charles Laird

Lieutenant Charles Laird's first visit to Hawaii was August 24, 1892 when the Boston arrived in Honolulu. Things seemed generally quiet, but there was a lot of tension over government instability and corrupt legislation. He spent most of his time when off duty going ashore and meeting local people. He spent a lot of time visiting in the home of Sam Parker, who was Minister of Foreign Affairs and cabinet member. Laird was on the Boston for the trip to Hilo from January 4-14, 1893. Laird commanded some of the bluejackets who came ashore as peacekeepers during the revolution. Most of his testimony is eyewitness description of what the peacekeepers did, when and where. He also testified to his (and everyone else's) clear understanding that the orders to the U.S. peacekeepers demanded strict neutrality. For a more thorough summary of Laird's testimony, please read the Summary of Laird's Testimony.

pp. 745-778 - Testimony of James H. Blount

[Brief historical background: The Hawaiian monarchy was overthrown on January 17, 1893. The new Provisional Government immediately send its proposed treaty of annexation to Washington. President Benjamin Harrison (Republican) submitted it to the Senate. President Grover Cleveland (Democrat) took office on March 4, 1893 (unlike today when Presidents take office early in January). Cleveland immediately withdrew the treaty from the Senate. James Blount (Democrat) had been Chairman of the House Committee on Foreign Affairs during the Harrison administration. On March 10 Cleveland sent a message to Blount asking him to go to Hawaii as the President's personal representative and U.S. commissioner with paramount powers. On March 11 Blount received his written commission. His job was to investigate U.S. wrongdoing in the revolution, to assess whether the Provisional Government was firmly in control, to take charge of U.S. military forces in Hawaii and abrogate the temporary US. protectorate, and to write a report. Blount's instructions were kept secret, and he was neither nominated nor confirmed for his position by the Senate, despite the fact that his powers would be greater than those of Minister Stevens who remained on duty in Honolulu.]

In Honolulu Blount conducted his activities in secret. Other than presenting ordinary documents to enter Hawaii he did not present any formal credentials to officials of the Provisional Government. He did not show his documents of authority even to Minister Stevens, until Blount published those documents in the Honolulu newspapers for political reasons. Blount did not confer with Minister Stevens regarding Blount's order to remove U.S. military personnel from land and to haul down the U.S. flag from the Hawaii government building -- actions he took only 2 or 3 days after arriving in Honolulu. Blount did not take testimony under oath. He spoke with many people informally, both royalists and annexationists. But he selected only some of them for formal examination with stenographic record -- all of whom were royalists. Blount said some potential witnesses were reluctant to go on the record for fear that the opposite side would ultimately be victorious and their testimony would then be held against them. He claimed he was unaware of the U.S. proposal to reinstate the Queen [or the related issue, not discussed in Blount's testimony, whether members of the Provisional Government would then face the death penalty for treason].

Some of the senators on the committee later said Blount's appointment to such a secret mission with such paramount powers, without Senate confirmation, was unconstitutional; but they were in the minority. The entire committee did conclude that most of Blount's conclusions in his report were in error, although he was treated quite gently during his testimony - the committee seems to have gone out of its way to place the blame not on Blount, but on the circumstances of his inquiry, such as not having an adequate clerical staff to aid him. His investigative efforts were hampered by the secrecy surrounding his mission, and the poor quality of witnesses he interviewed.

For a more thorough summary of Blount's testimony, please read the Summary of Blount's Testimony.

pp. 778-798 - Testimony of Commander Theodore F. Jewell, U.S. Navy

Jewell was not present in 1893, but speaks of the 1874 landing of U.S. peacekeepers to quell rioting following Kalakaua's election. He also testifies as to the details of the powers, authorities and regulations of naval officers and U.S. diplomats abroad. Senator Frye introduced documents containing U.S. rules and regulations tending to show it was proper for Capt. Wiltse's to land peacekeepers on his own discretion following a request from Minister Stevens; and hinting at the inappropriateness of Blount's orders to military personnel that countermanded what Stevens and Wiltse had done.

Theodore F. Jewell was Lieutenant Commander on the U.S. Tuscarora in 1874, and was Executive Officer when that ship landed peacekeeping troops to stop the rioting following Kalakaua's election by the legislature as King. American troops from 2 ships, and British troops from one ship, remained ashore and patrolled the streets for about 2 weeks; the ships remained about 6 weeks. Jewell had no part in the events of 1893. The Morgan committee questioned Jewell closely in order to get details of how the U.S. troops behaved in 1874, who gave orders to whom and at what point during those events; for the purpose of comparing American peacekeeping in 1874 with 1893. Jewell had also been involved in peacekeeping activities to protect American property due to political upheavals in Panama in 1872, and before that in Seoul, Korea. Discussion of importance of Hawaii in conjunction with anticipated canal through Nicaragua, regarding both military defense and commercial prosperity worldwide. Very lengthy list of rules and regulations was read into the record at the end of Jewell's testimony, by Senator Frye, regarding who has authority to give orders to whom, within and between different branches of the military and between military and civilian authorities; and rules of engagement for intervention in local affairs in foreign places. Documents showing civilian chain of command from President Cleveland to Minister Extraordinary Stevens and Paramount Minister Blount; Blount's orders [violating chain of command] to U.S. military personnel; Stevens' request [proper] to Captain Wiltse and Wiltse's orders to subordinates.

For a more thorough summary of Jewell's testimony, please read the Summary of Jewell's Testimony.

pp. 798-807 - Testimony of A.F. Judd, Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of the Hawaiian Islands

Albert Francis Judd was born in Honolulu January 7, 1838 (a native-born subject of the Kingdom). His father was Rev. Dr. Gerrit P. Judd, a medical missionary who arrived in Hawaii in 1828, and who was a close personal advisor to Kaahumanu and to Kauikeaouli Kamehameha III. Dr. Judd took significant actions to preserve Hawaii independence against threats from Britain and France. As a child A.F. Judd lived for three years on the palace grounds, attended the first royal school in which were the sons of Kinau, who became Kamehamehas IV and V, their sister, Victoria Kamamalu, who was Kuhina Nui under her brother, Kamehama IV. At the same school were Queen Emma, Mrs. Bernice Bishop, David Kalakaua, his brother, James Keliokalani, and Liliuokalani, whose name at that time was Lydia Kamakaeha Paki. Graduated Yale 1862, studied law at Harvard. Was secretary to the constitutional convention of 1864, and witnessed the legislative debates which led to Kamehameha V abrogating the constitution of 1852 and promulgating that of 1864. Elected a member of the Legislature 1868 and 1872. Voted for Lunalilo in 1873, and was appointed his attorney-general. As a member of the legislature, A.F. Judd voted for Kalakaua to be King. Kalakaua took the oath of office, stating at the time he had intended to promulgate a new constitution, but the rioting following his election had prevented it. A.F. Judd was appointed second associate justice of the supreme court 1874, promoted to first associate 1877. When Kalakaua returned from his world tour, he appointed Judd chief justice in 1881, where Judd has continued to serve through now. Having chambers in the Government building he was familiar with the political changes during the past twenty years, and personally knew all the twenty-six cabinets during Kalakau's reign. Judd was presiding judge for the treason trial of Robert Wilcox regarding the rebellion of 1889, which included testimony that both Kalakaua and Liliuokalani were attempting coups using Wilcox as a pawn. At the end of his testimony Judd gives details of his own eyewitness observations of how the troops from the Boston were deployed, how the Provisional Government took over the government building (where his court offices were), and the shooting of the native policeman who tried to stop a wagon loaded with guns.

For a more thorough summary of Judd's testimony, please read the Summary of Judd's Testimony.

pp. 807-810 - Affidavit of William C. Wilder

William C. Wilder was elected to the Legislature of the Kingdom in 1888 to fill the vacancy created by the death of his brother Samuel G. Wilder; and was elected again in 1892. He was a member of the committee of safety which planned and executed the revolution. His affidavit provides a very clear timeline of every meeting of the committee of safety, what topics were discussed at those meetings, what communications the committee had with Minister Stevens and with the Queen's cabinet and marshall; and when various events took place and various buildings were taken over. This short but comprehensive timeline makes clear that neither Minister Stevens nor the troops from the Boston played any role in planning or assisting the revolution.

pp. 810-811 - Affidavit of J.H. Soper

"That he is colonel commanding the national guard of Hawaii; that he has read the published extracts from the report of Col. Jas. H. Blount, late commissioner of the United States in Hawaii, and American minister resident; that certain statements in said report are incorrect and not founded on fact; that it is not true that affiant left the meeting of the citizen's committee held at Mr. Waterhouse's house in Honolulu, on the evening of January 16, 1893, either alone or in conrpany with any other members of the committee until the meeting adjourned; that he did not visit Mr. Stevens, American minister, alone or in company with others at any time on that day; that he did not report to said committee that he had full assurance from said Stevens that he, the latter, would back up the movement, nor did he report any remarks as coming from said Stevens; that he did look for recognition by said Stevens in case a de facto government was successfully established, but he was well aware that no assistance would be given by the American minister in establishing such de facto government. And he further says that he furnished to Lieut. Bertollette, of the U.S.S. Boston, a full statement of the arms and ammunition surrendered by the Queen's followers to the Provisional Government, and also a statement of the arms and ammunition in the hands of the supporters of the Provisional Government prior to such surrender by the Queen; that the supporters of the Provisional Government had a larger number of effective rifles than had the Queen's followers; that at Mr. Blount's request he furnished to him a copy of said report on June 10, 1893; that Mr. Blount appears to have made no mention of the same in his findings; that the arms of the Provisional Government were in the hands of white men who knew how to use them, and about whose determination to use them there could be no question. That affiant informed Mr. Blount, as was the fact, that the chief reason for his hesitating to accept the appointment of colonel was that he had no previous military training. Dated Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, December 4, A.D. 1893. JNO. H. SOPER, Colonel Commanding N.G.H. Subscribed and sworn to before me this 4th day of December, A. D. 1893. [SEAL.] CHARLES F. PETERSON, Notary Public.

pp. 811-812 - Affidavit of Albert S. Wilcox

Albert S. Wilcox, born Hawaii Island 1844 (a native-born subject of the Hawaiian Kingdom); parents were American missionaries. Lives on Kauai, was representative in Legislature during 4 sessions, including 1892. "I wish to state now that I served in the different sessions of the Hawaiian Legislature for no other reason than because I wished to do all that I could to assist the Hawaiian race, for whom I have great personal regard and aloha, in preserving if possible, a national government. I had an earnest desire to sustain the Hawaiian national institution. As I went through those sessions I was slowly convinced against my will of the difficulties of maintaining a monarchy, but it was not until the last revolutionary act of the Queen that I became convinced that a Hawaiian monarchy was inconsistent with the preservation of peace and prosperity and the protection of property in the islands. Until then I had never been an advocate of annexation to the United States, but had been opposed to it and had done all in my power to make it unnecessary."

pp. 812-813 - Affidavit of C. Bolte

C. Bolte was born in Bremen Germany, age 44, lived in Hawaii since 1878 and is vice-president of M.S. Grinbaum & Co. Bolte testifies that he was interviewed by James Blount in June. Bolte repeatedly objected to Blount regarding Blount's methods of interviewing, that Blount did not ask questions fairly and changed the subject when he didn't like what he heard. To counter Blount's twisting of Bolte's oral statements, Bolte gave Blount a written statement asking that Blount include it in his official report; but Bolte does not know whether Blount did include it.

pp. 813-814 - Affidavit of George N. Wilcox

George N. Wilcox, born Hawaii Island 1839 (a native-born subject of the Hawaiian Kingdom), American missionary parents. Lived on Kauai since childhood; elected Representative 1880; elected Noble 4 different sessions. November 1892 Queen appointed him cabinet Minister of Interior. January 12, 1893 cabinet dismissed by legislature. He was present in W.O. Smith's law offices on January 14 when his successor as Minister of Interior, John Colburn, said the Queen had tried to force a new constitution and the cabinet refused to sign it and were ready to resist her attempt. That's when committee of safety was chosen. There was never any indication that Stevens or Wiltse would help.

pp. 814-816 - Affidavit of John Emmeluth

John Emmeluth born Cincinnati, came to Hawaii 1878; tinsmith and plumber. Member of committee of safety and of the Advisory Council of the Provisional Government. Saw James Blount once when some members of the advisory council went to visit him. Emmeluth offered a statement to Blount by way of S.M Damon, but Blount never called on him to appear. Overheard conversation on January 12, 1893 between Colburn and Peterson regarding forming a new cabinet whose members would be appointed only if they agree to sign Queen's promulgation of new constitution. At the Palace on January 14 "Among the supposed members of that committee of the Hui Kalaaina I recognized at least twelve of the Queen's personal retainers, and the rest of them were men so old and decrepit that they would not know what they were doing in a matter so important, and there was not a solitary member of that committee that could have stated any ten good reasons why he wanted a new constitution, and I felt in my mind at the time that it was a crime to permit anything of that kind to go on. ... Sam Parker and Billy Cornwell came in [the Government building] and after a conversation they in company with Sam Damon... went over to the palace to see the Queen. ... Sam Damon returned after a time and it was then given out that the Queen had agreed to surrender under protest and that she would give instructions for the station house and the barracks to be given up to the Provisional Government. In the meantime we removed to the minister of finance's offices, and it was there that Sam Nowlein, in command of the Queen's military, late at night— it must have been 8 or 9 o'clock—reported to President Dole, and the President told him to keep his men together and all arms inside the barracks for the night; nothing should be disturbed, and he should simply carry on their routine duties within the inclosure for that night. Nowlein asked whether he would mount guard as usual in the palace inclosure, and he was told no."

pp. 817-819 - Affidavit of F.W. McChesney

F. W. McChesney, born in Iowa, came to Hawaii 1885, partner in wholesale grocery and feed business. Member of committee of safety and advisory council of the provisional Government. "I never understood at any time that the United States troops would fight our battles; they might come ashore to protect life and property and all of those who wanted to go to them during the rumpus, but they were not going to do any fighting for us. ... investigate the force opposed to us and found that the Queen had only 80 men at the barracks and that Wilson had about 125 regulars with possibly 75 special police, among whom were only about 12 or 15 white men, and the forces surrendered showed these to be facts. Had fighting actually been necessary we would have had 600 men armed and with plenty of ammunition. ... We addressed letters to the different ministers asking them to recognize us. To this letter Mr. Stevens sent an aid down (Mr. Pringle) to see if we actually had possession. Mr. Dole said: "You see we have possession, and have troops here to protect us." Then he took a look around, and politely bowed and left. ... Cornwell and Colburn came, then the other two. We told them what had been done and gave them a copy of the proclamation and demanded the surrender of the Queen and the station house and barracks. They asked for time to go and see Her Majesty. We positively refused to let their guards patrol the town during the night. Mr. Damon went with them to the palace. We refused to let them have time until the next day. ... in response to our call for volunteers, they were coming in pretty thick, and presently word came back from the palace that the Queen surrendered, but wanted ten minutes' time for Marshal Wilson to get out of the station house; a protest came, too, which Mr. Dole received. Captain Wiltse came in just before the surrender, and said he had come to see if we had possession. He said, "Have you got possession of the palace, barracks, and the station house?" Mr. Dole said, "No, not yet; we are now arranging that." "Well," he says, "you must have them before we can recognize you as a power; we can not recognize you when there is another Government across the street." While he was speaking a tap came on the door and the others were returning with the Queen's surrender. About this time Mr. Stevens's recognition came, and then Mr. Wodehouse, the British minister, came to see if we had possession and what we were doing. We told him and gave him a copy of the proclamation. Then we went ahead getting ready for the night. We tried to get things in shape before dark ... as it had been threatened that the town would be burned. We began getting guards to go out over town, and as I looked around I counted at least 150 men there. ... At the time the Queen adjourned the Legislature in the way she did I first got the idea of actually starting in and using force to dethrone her. As soon as that kind of talk became general we began to hear threats of having our property burned. We called on the minister to bring the troops ashore to protect lile and property, by which we meant to prevent any fires which we expected and had been threatened. We never agreed in council nor was the question ever brought up that the Provisional Government would join with the Queen in submitting a controversy to the Government of the United States. The controversy was settled then and there when the Queen surrendered."

pp. 819-822 - Additional testimony of William Dewitt Alexander

William DeWitt Alexander provided additional testimony about the Supreme Court: how many judges there were; the timing and manner of Judge Dole's resignation from the court to become President of the Provisional Government (Dole resigned his position on the bench of the supreme court on the morning of January 17, 1893, placing his resignation in the hands of Sam Parker, the then premier); the removal of F. Wunderberg as clerk of the Supreme Court because of Wunderberg's disloyalty to the new Dole government.

Note: The main testimony of Mr. Alexander (the longest testimony in the entire Morgan Report) appears on pp. 622-684.

pp. 822-849 - Testimony of Lt. Cmdr. W. T. Swinburne

W.T. Swinburne, age 46, was Lieutenant-Commander of the Boston and executive officer in January 1893. The Boston took a sightseeing and target-practice trip to Hilo from January 4-14, at a time when everyone felt the situation in Honolulu was stable. But stopping over in Lahaina on the way back, the news from Honolulu was that the lottery and opium bills had been passed and the Wilcox-Jones ministry voted out. Swinburne gives eyewitness testimony in great detail about the dates, times, places, and people involved in the events of January 14-18, and also some events up to March 20. In several portions of testimony he states that he understood his duty was to protect life and property of innocent residents of any ethnicity under orders from his military superiors at the request of whatever government was in power; and that until Minister Stevens recognized the Provisional Government, Swinburne understood that he could have been called upon by the Queen to protect life and property. [Other testimony had said that members of the committee of safety had expressed disappointment that the Boston had returned to Honolulu before the monarchy was overthrown, because the committee members were concerned the presence of the Boston to protect life and property would help entrench the monarchy in power and might interfere with the revolution.]

For a more thorough summary of Swinburne's testimony, please read the Summary of Swinburne's Testimony.

pp. 849-851 - Testimony of Lt. De Witt Coffman

Lieutenant De Witt Coffman joined the Boston on January 14, 1893, was on board January 15, and was captain of one of the companies of the battalion which landed on January 16. Senator Gray called Mr. Coffman to testify that Cadet Pringle on the Boston who was serving as an aide to Minister Stevens came aboard on Monday Jan 16 with a message from Mr. Thurston to Minister Stevens describing the mass meetings which had taken place and that if troops were to be landed "I advise that they be landed at once." And the troops were landed about an hour later. Coffman says "I thought that the battalion was badly placed, if they were there for the sole purpose of protecting American life and property. ... I think there was more American property on Nuuanu avenue, not in the immediate vicinity of Arion Hall. ... I did not see why we should go to the point where the trouble would occur if persons who were engaged in this trouble should go to that place and claim to be Americans and ask for protection. That is my point. That is the only thing we differed about at all—the mere fact of statements as to where we went and what was done. Mr. Swinburne has, I know, from talking to him time and again, given the facts. We agree on those things."

pp. 851-876 - Testimony of William Brewster Oleson

William Brewster Oleson, age 43, has lived in Hawaii for 15 years, from August 1878 to June 1893. He was present during the revolutions of 1887, 1889, and 1893. Oleson became a teacher at the Kamehameha Manual-Labor school in 1886. He makes a strong case that no support was expected from the U.S. Troops. "If a timid man, last January, was frightened and hoped for aid and protection from the United States troops he had nothing to base that hope upon." He makes mention of the 1887 revolution and 1889 Wilcox uprising, put down by the Honolulu Rifles, and the complete lack of aid provided by the U.S. Troops who were within a stone's throw of the fighting. Oleson was an eyewitness to the revolution of 1893. He gives details of times, places, numbers of armed men, saying the Queen's forces behaved just as in 1887 and 1889 -- timid and ineffective.

"An important factor in the political evolution of Hawaii was furnished by the career of Kalakaua, the immediate predecessor and brother of Liliuokalaui.

"In 1873 he advocated his election to the vacant throne by promising to abolish the poll tax, to fill all Government offices with natives, and to remove the prohibitions on the sale of liquor to the aborigines.... he dismissed capable and upright officials and filled the civil service with political adventurers, who brought scandal to every department of the Government. He caused grogshops to be licensed in the country districts against the protests of his own people. He raised the cry, 'Hawaii for Hawaiians,' hoping thus to curry popularity by exciting race jealousies against foreigners. He sought to create a state church of which he should be the head. His visits to the other islands were utilized for the recrudescence of lascivious orgies of the old heathen religion. He rehabilitated the trade of sorcery, and turned the influence of the Kahunas to his own political advantage. He stationed soldiers with side arms in double rows at polling places, thus intimidating voters and pushing men out of line who were suspected of opposition to his schemes, thus forcibly preventing their voting. He appointed legislators to lucrative Government positions while they continued to retain seats in the Legislature. ... He used the royal franking privilege to pass through the custom-house, free of duty, liquors belonging to certain firms, thus, In one instance, defrauding the Government of revenue to the amount of $4,749.35. For this service he received hundreds of cases of cheap gin, which he sent to every voting precinct to secure the election of his candidates to the Legislature. He went personally to one country district, with a company of soldiers, and by their votes defeated Pilipo, the lion of North Kona, Kalakaua's staunchest opponent in the Legislature. He laid claim to the 'primacy of the Pacific,' and sent royal commissioners to the New Hebrides and Gilbert Islands and Samoa to prepare for a Hawaiian protectorate over those islands. He warned the great powers of Europe, in a grandiloquent protest, against any further annexation of islands in the Pacific Ocean, claiming for Hawaii exclusive right 'to assist those islands in improving their social and political condition.' Finally, he accepted a bribe of $71,000 from a Chinaman, named Aki, for an opium license, which he had already sold and delivered to another Chinaman, who had paid $80,000 for it.

"The census of 1823 showed the population to be 130,313. According to the census of 1890 the native Hawaiians numbered 34,430, a decrease since 1823 of 95,877. The annual decrease since 1866 has averaged 1,085. Thus, since 1860, when the native Hawaiians numbered 66,984, the decrease has been 50 per cent. ... The native Hawaiians now number about one-third of the population. ... Thus, on those more susceptible to the corrupting influences of the throne who have fallen into dissipation, and who are seeking their own personal advancement at the expense of all political morality, this alarming decrease has had the effect of exciting intense race hatred. ... Of those, however, who are allied to the churches, who have been stalwart in their resistance to Kalakaua's demoralizing influences, who are to-day the personification of the character and conscience of this remnant of a race, this decrease has had the effect of drawing them into closer and trustful fellowship with the better class of Anglo-Saxons. ...The best elements among Hawaiians have in the past twenty years uniformly cast in their lot with the white foreigners, and have gratefully accepted their leadership.

"The Chairman. Amongst the Americans there in Hawaii, since you have resided on the islands, has there been any evident disposition to promote annexation to the United States? Mr. Oleson. There has been no concerted attempt; it has been written on publicly in the papers. Men have advocated it in the papers, and Hawaiians have advocated it more than the Americans. The Chairman. Do you speak of the Kanakas? Mr. Oleson. Native Hawaiians.

"The Chairman. The present provisional forces of the Provisional Government, that the Government seems to be able to equip, arm, and pay, as I gather from this testimony, are about 1,200 men. ... Omitting the question of pay, the present military force of the Provisional Government is 1,200 men. Mr. Oleson. I think between 1,200 and 1,500. The Chairman. Are those men well armed and equipped? Mr. Oleson. Yes. The Chairman. Take the Queen in her present condition, with her present resources, present playing upon the affections of the Hawaiian natives, do you apprehend that she has any possible chance of reinstating herself upon the throne? Mr. Oleson. Not at all; and she has not had any chance since January 14; not the ghost of a chance to reinstate herself by any force she could marshal in the islands."

Oleson testified that the presence of U.S. troops would not have prevented the Queen's forces from attacking the revolutionaries if they had wanted to; that there were many routes the royalists could have traveled that would avoid the U.S. position; but also the U.S. troops in that part of town were out of sight inside Arion Hall with only two sentries posted. "The Chairman. The present provisional forces of the Provisional Government, that the Government seems to be able to equip, arm, and pay, as I gather from this testimony, are about 1,200 men. ... Omitting the question of pay, the present military force of the Provisional Government is 1,200 men. Mr. Oleson. I think between 1,200 and 1,500. The Chairman. Are those men well armed and equipped? Mr. Oleson. Yes. The Chairman. Take the Queen in her present condition, with her present resources, present playing upon the affections of the Hawaiian natives, do you apprehend that she has any possible chance of reinstating herself upon the throne? Mr. Oleson. Not at all; and she has not had any chance since January 14; not the ghost of a chance to reinstate herself by any force she could marshal in the islands."

For a more thorough summary of Oleson's testimony, please read the Summary of Oleson's Testimony.

pp. 876-879 - Testimony of John A. McCandless, pt. 1

Testimony was taken in three parts: following a short first session with McCandless the Committee turned attention to Mr. Stevens who was elderly, ill, and wanting to leave Washington to return home. The second session with McCandless was very lengthy. The third session was only two pages.

John A. McCandless, age 40, was born in Pennsylvania of American parentage. He went to Hawaii in 1881 to run a business boring artesian wells for sugar plantations, almost entirely on Oahu. He has been active in politics, but only as a private individual. He joined the Honolulu Rifles in 1887 as merely a "private" but he was also one of its political committee of 13. That organization was so disgusted with the corrupt Kalakaua that they wrote a constitution so severely limiting his powers that they thought no self-respecting man would sign it and they would then create a Republic on the spot. A mass meeting of 1200 supporters was held. They gave Kalakaua an ultimatum to sign it within 24 hours. The King did sign it, and they decided to give him one last chance to reform his ways.

Events of January 14-17, 1893 in very great detail regarding people, places, and times. McCandless testifies on a broad range of subjects, having been present at the mass meeting called by the committee of safety, the shooting of a police officer who was trying to stop the movement of weapons and ammunition, how Sanford Dole came to be President of the Provisional Government despite his initial reluctance, the delivery of the surrender of the queen, and the surrender of the police station.

Also see: Testimony of John A. McCandless, pt.2

Also see: Testimony of John A. McCandless, pt.3

For a more thorough summary of McCandless' testimony, please read the Summary of McCandless' Testimony.

pp. 879-941 - Testimony of John L. Stevens

John L. Stevens, age 73, was born in Maine. He was appointed by President Benjamin Harrison to be Minister of the United States to the Kingdom of Hawaii, and arrived in Honolulu in September 1899 while Kalakaua was King. It was Stevens' first visit to Hawai'i. He remained in Hawai'i as U.S. Minister until May 24, 1893.

Minister Stevens makes clear that the landing of troops from the Boston was not in support of any anticipated revolution, but rather was necessary to protect American lives and property and maintain order. There had been great fear of violence expressed by many people. There was anarchy in the streets and no effective government forces to control likely rioting or setting of fires. There were conflicting mass meetings of royalists and annexationists. The orders to the U.S. troops were the same as had been given on several previous occasions over a period of many years. The timing of the landing of U.S. troops had no relation to the timing of diplomatic recognition of the Provisional Government, because the purpose of the troops was to protect lives, property, and civil order; and not to support any political faction. Ministers of many foreign governments had converged on Minister Stevens pleading with him to land the troops, since they had none of their own to protect themselves or their citizens. For 48 hours from Saturday afternoon to Monday afternoon there was an interregnum -- no effective government. Thereafter it became clear that the Provisional Government was in control of government buildings and the streets.

Stevens acknowledged that the mere presence of U.S. troops might be likely to help whatever government was in power to hold on to power. He gave the example that in 1874, when Kalakaua had been elected by the legislature and rioting broke out, Kalakaua had called in U.S. troops to put down the rioting; and that had the effect of sustaining him in power when his opponents might have been able to dislodge him, even though the sole intention of the troops was to preserve order. And so, in 1893, since the Provisional Government had established control, the presence of U.S. troops may have helped them even though not intended to do so.

Stevens testified that a Japanese ironclad warship was expected in Honolulu not long after the revolution. The Japanese minister had been demanding that the Queen extend voting rights to Japanese (as a way of establishing Japanese political power in Hawai'i), and that the same demand was made to the Provisional Government immediately after the revolution. [At the time of the 1893 revolution there were approximately 12,000 Japanese in Hawaii, of whom about 7500 were adult men (estimates based partly on Nordyke, "The Peopling of Hawaii"). The Japanese population was accelerating rapidly throughout the 1890s, with very large changes between one Census and the next and large inflows and outflows on various ships due to expiration of labor contracts. In any case, giving voting rights to Japanese would make them an extremely strong voting bloc, especially if Chinese continued to be excluded from voting. By the time of the U.S. Census in 1900 there were 61,000 Japanese out of a total Hawaii population of 154,000]

There were strong rumors that the Japanese diplomats were conspiring with the Queen that 800 Japanese plantation workers who had formerly been in the Japanese army would support the Queen in a counter-revolution if she would give voting rights to the Japanese in Hawai'i. Stevens testified that was a major reason why he ordered the raising of the U.S. flag, to show the Japanese that Hawai'i was an American protectorate.

Prior testimony by royalists in affidavits to the Morgan committee and in the Blount report is used by Senator Frye to vigorously cross-examine Stevens regarding claims that Stevens pledged support for the revolution before it occurred. Stevens strongly denies all the allegations. Such allegations had been made by Mr. Wundenburg, Colburn, Cornwall, Petersen, Paul Neumann, Charles Gulick, John Kaulukou, Dr. G. Trousseau, Sam Parker, and others. The cross-examination of Stevens was extremely vigorous.

Stevens' testimony occupies 60 pages of the Morgan Report. For a summary of it (still quite lengthy) focusing on topics of importance today, please read the Summary of Stevens' Testimony.

pp. 941-962 AFFIDAVITS AND STATEMENTS (complete set)


No relation to Senator Morgan. Age 32, came from New York at age 2. Founding member of advisory council of Provisional Government. Describes details of events of January 17, 1893 revolution; conversation with Marshal Wilson.
Summary of James F. Morgan Affidavit


Born in Honolulu in March, 1849; parents were American missionaries; father arrived 1837 and is the senior member of the mercantile house of Castle & Cooke; studied in Ohio and New York; returned in 1876, at the request of King Kalakaua, as attorney-general. Was a member of the Legislature five sessions. Had long opposed annexation, until government corruption (lottery and opium bills), ineffective government, and Queen's attempted coup against Constitution. Detailed events of the revolution; anarchy in the streets; great fear of mob rioting (recall Kalakaua election of 1874). Blount refused to interview natives whom Castle had recommended to him.
Summary of William R. Castle Affidavit


Age 35, born in New York, arrived 1877, non-political until revolution, then became founding member of advisory council of Provisional Government. Details of events leading up to and during the revolution. 1000-1500 men at the armory including several hundred who were armed. U.S. forces at Arion Hall stayed out of sight. Provisional Government proclaimed martial law and patrolled Honolulu and surrounding suburbs. P.G. firmly in control, but raising U.S. flag on government building helped women and children feel more secure.
Summary of Edward D. Tenney Affidavit


12 members jointly signed a short sworn affidavit. C.Bolte, Ed. Suhr, F.W. McChesney, J.A. McCandless, William O. Smith, Wm. R. Castle, Andrew Brown, John Emmeluth, W.C. Wilder, Theodore F. Lansing, Henry Waterhouse, L.A. Thurston. Document says they did not (singly or jointly) have any agreement or understanding with Stevens or Wiltse regarding assistance in overthrowing the monarchy, and were never encouraged by them to do it. Provisional Government had ample forces of its own; presence of U.S. troops helped suppress irresponsible lawless element of all nationalities. Armed supporters of P.G. were the same men and officers who had carried through a peaceful revolution in 1887 and suppressed an armed uprising in 1889. Affidavit is short, so no summary is needed.


John H. Soper, J.H. Fisher, Theodore F. Lansing, Henry Waterhouse, William O. Smith, John Emmeluth, J.B. Castle, F.W. McChesney, Andrew Brown, C. Bolte, J.A. McCandless. Brief sworn statement that there was no expectation of help from U.S. troops to overthrow monarchy, and "the statement of F. Wundenburg upon this subject and others, as published in connection with Mr. Blount's report, are misleading and untrue."


In Hawaii 47 years, member of legislature for many sessions. Says beginning Saturday January 14 there was an interregnum (no government). Mr. Brown was at the anti-Kalakaua riot in 1874 and fearful of the same in 1893 if U.S. troops had not landed.


Born in Germany; resided in Honolulu since 1866. During the revolution of January 14-17, 1893 there was a state of great excitement and alarm; the presence of the United States forces when they landed was a good thing, and prevented possible lawlessness which would have resulted in loss of property and possibly life.


Born San Francisco, age 36, lived in Honolulu since February, 1883. Was captain of Company B, Honolulu Rifles, disbanded in August, 1890. That on the 14th day of January began to recruit ex-members of Company B and others to join in the movement for deposing Liliuokalani and forming a Provisional Government. Knew that other ex-captains of the Honolulu Rifles were doing the same. ... Orders were issued to assemble at the old armory promptly at 3 o'clock on afternoon of January 17. Matters were precipitated by the shot fired by Ordnance Officer Good on Fort street about 2:20 o'clock. Was at the armory immediately after, and at the request of the members of the new Government sent men as fast as they arrived in squads to the Government building, the first sent being Capt. Zeigler with about 36 men. Had not been told nor did not believe the United States marines would take part one way or another. This being the fourth time during his residence in Honolulu that he has taken up arms in defense of good government in the Hawaiian Islands.


American citizen; has large business interests in the Hawaiian Islands; Monday, the 16th, there was a general dread of incendiarism, and precautions were taken by himself and others for the protection of property; the feeling was so high that it was liable to break out into lawlessness and violence at any moment; that when he heard of the landing of the United States forces it was a great relief.


American citizen, has a family, and is a householder in Honolulu; the landing of the United States forces was fully justified by the critical condition of affairs at that time, and unquestionably prevented riotous acts which would probably have resulted in loss of life and property.


Born in the United States and has resided in Honolulu over ten years; secretary of C. Brewer and Company; took no part in the revolution of January 17, 1893, and has since remained passive politically; on the evening of Monday, January 16, he heard that the United States forces had landed at about 5 o'clock; he did not understand that they had landed for the purpose of taking any hand in the revolution, but for the purpose of protecting American life and property; the same evening, at about 8 p. m., he was present with his father-in-law, J. S. Walker, when that gentleman received a note from J. L. Stevens, the American minister, asking for the use of Arion Hall as a shelter for the troops; that Mr. Walker immediately wrote a note informing the minister that the hall was leased to Mr. G. J. Waller.


American citizen; resided in Honolulu for many years, has a family, a home, and large business interests; Monday, January 16, as an American citizen he went to see Mr. Stevens, the American minister, at about 2 p. m., to suggest the landing of the Boston's forces for the protection of American life and property; was told by the minister that it was his intention to land the forces, and was promised a guard for his home and property if he wished; that this affiant was very apprehensive and did not know what might happen; that he was present and witnessed the riot in 1874 at the time of the election of Kalakaua, and knew what such a thing meant as soon as the natives should be aroused and incendiarism suggested to them; that in his opinion there was more reason for the landing of the troops in January, 1893, than in 1874.


Born in the Hawaiian Islands, and has resided here during his whole life; that he has acted as interpreter during very many sessions of the Legislature and is permanently employed as Hawaiian interpreter for the courts; that he is perfectly familiar with the native language, and during the three days from January 14 to January 17 circulated among the Hawaiian people in Honolulu; that particularly on the Monday before the landing of the troops threats were made by the natives that they would destroy property in Honolulu by burning; these threats he repeated to members of the committee of safety and others.


At the meeting of citizens on Saturday, January 14, in response to the call of the Queen's cabinet for help ... led me to ask Mr. Colburn, minister of the interior, at the close of his speech, what assurance there was that the constituted police and military forces would not make an attack? Whether the Queen's adherents would be removed from command of them? To this Mr. Colburn replied that ... a satisfactory settlement was even then being made. ... A request to Mr. Stevens to land his forces had been prepared and was in Hartwell's hands to be delivered; that Mr. Stevens had consented to this for the purpose of defending the cabinet and the constitution against any possible aggression by the Queen. Later, Mr. Hartwell told me the paper had gone off for Mr. Peterson's signature and asked me to get it. I tried but failed to find Peterson. I have since been told that Mr. Peterson still has the paper, and that for palpable reasons it was never shown to Mr. Blount. The next morning the cabinet evaded all this and adhered to the Queen, and Mr. Stevens stated that he could not assist a counter revolution by the committee of safety.


Even at this late date Thurston has never seen a copy of the still-secret Blount Report, although numerous allegations against Thurston and his colleagues, presumably contained in the Blount Report, have been leaked and published in the newspapers. Personal attacks charging fraud and duplicity. Aside from the personal attacks, there are two main historical/political conclusions (apparently) reached by Blount, which Thurston spends many pages refuting.

1. Blount charges that the American troops were landed under a prearranged agreement with the committee of safety that they should so land and assist in the overthrow of the Queen. [detailed response from Thurston]

2. Mr. Blount charges that the Queen had ample military force with which to have met the committee, and but for the support of the United States representatives and troops the establishment of the Provisional Government would have been impossible. Response from Thurston in great detail, naming people, places, and times. Also very detailed comparisons are made with the 1887 revolution which took over the government and reduced Kalakaua to a figurehead, and the defeat of the 1889 Wilcox uprising -- Thurston notes that the same armed men and their captains who were so strong and effective in those situations also led the revolution of 1893, where their experience made them even more effective. Meanwhile the Queen dithered, had weak forces and unreliable allies, spent her time trying to engage foreign diplomats instead of commanding her ramshackle military, and even tried asking U.S. minister Stevens to use troops to support her.

The full statement was carefully written for publication in the newspapers, and is so packed with detail that no summary should be attempted.

pp. 963-999 Testimony of John A. McCandless, pt. 2

Testimony was taken in three parts: following a short first session with McCandless the Committee turned attention to Mr. Stevens who was elderly, ill, and wanting to leave Washington to return home. The second session with McCandless was very lengthy. The third session was only two pages.

John A. McCandless, age 40, was born in Pennsylvania of American parentage. He went to Hawaii in 1881 to run a business boring artesian wells for sugar plantations, almost entirely on Oahu. He has been active in politics, but only as a private individual. He joined the Honolulu Rifles in 1887 as merely a "private" but he was also one of its political committee of 13. That organization was so disgusted with the corrupt Kalakaua that they wrote a constitution so severely limiting his powers that they thought no self-respecting man would sign it and they would then create a Republic on the spot. A mass meeting of 1200 supporters was held. They gave Kalakaua an ultimatum to sign it within 24 hours. The King did sign it, and they decided to give him one last chance to reform his ways.

Events of January 14-17, 1893 in very great detail regarding people, places, and times. McCandless testifies on a broad range of subjects, having been present at the mass meeting called by the committee of safety, the shooting of a police officer who was trying to stop the movement of weapons and ammunition, how Sanford Dole came to be President of the Provisional Government despite his initial reluctance, the delivery of the surrender of the queen, and the surrender of the police station.

Also see: Testimony of John A. McCandless, pt.1

Also see: Testimony of John A. McCandless, pt.3

For a more thorough summary of McCandless' testimony, please read the Summary of McCandless' Testimony.


Note: The first portion of Coffman's testimony was on pp. 849-851; his background, and highlights of that testimony, can be found at that point in the Outline of Topics.

In this portion of his testimony, Coffman makes clear that although he was on the Boston only for a few days in January 1893, he was previously in Honolulu on the Pensacola and frequently on shore during a six month stay. He testifies that the McKinley Tarrif (which caused an economic depression in Hawaii by eliminating the U.S. preference given to Hawaii sugar) had caused many who previously were opposed to annexation to now favor it (which would once again give Hawaii sugar preference over foreign sugar being imported into the U.S.).

Coffman commanded a battalion of peacekeepers in January 1893. He says the peacekeepers could have stayed at a vacant newly built hotel, owned by John Thomas Waterhouse, on Nuuanu Ave. between the U.S. consulate and the American minister's residence. Coffman also says members of the Provisional Government were very kind and hospitable toward the U.S. peacekeepers. Coffman says he thinks the Provisional Government could not have been established at that time if the peacekeepers had not been landed. "My opinion is that everybody believed that the entire American force and American minister were in accord and sympathy with the movement, and I do not think the movement would have been undertaken had they not thought so beforehand. ... If you say to them, "Would you have taken possession of that building had you not known that the sympathy of the United States troops and minister was with you," some of them will say, "Well, perhaps not: but they were there." ... I heard Mr. McCandless say so, and I heard Mr. Gunn. ... I have heard other people say so; and in my mind I am thoroughly convinced that those men thought and felt if there was necessity our troops would aid them. I do not say they would have done so by firing or anything of that sort. At the time the thing came on me so suddenly I did not give it much attention; but after that time, after it simmered down, I came to that conclusion. ... The moral presence of the troops, which is very great on an occasion of that kind, and the position in which they were placed. ... I believe after her military resources were taken from her she did not have the means to procure them again; I do not mean money means, but that the Provisional Government would prevent her getting hold of the means for her restoration. ... The natives, you might say, are almost as a unit opposed to the Provisional Government. ... A question of sentiment and devotion to their own institutions. ... There were wash sheds for the men to wash their clothing, an officers' kitchen built, and bunks afterward. Bunks were put in the guardroom for the men who remained on shore. My recollection is that was afterward. ... Had the same hospitalities been tendered by the Queen's government ... I think I would have accepted."


Mr. Stalker, age 52, is a professor in the agricultural college at Ames, Iowa. His only trip to Hawaii was a year-long vacation on Oahu and Hawaii Island (Hilo and Volcano), arriving Honolulu on January 17, 1892 and departing February 1, 1893. He describes many details about the two mass meetings on Monday January 16, 1893, the landing of U.S. peacekeepers, and the sentiments of local residents, both white and kanaka. Senators Morgan and Gray have opposite views on the integrity of the Queen, the righteousness of the revolution, and whether the revolution could have succeeded without the intimidation of having U.S. peacekeepers perceived as siding with the annexationists. Under intense competitive questioning from Gray and Morgan, Stalker sides with Gray. He believes the presence of U.S. peacekeepers encouraged the revolutionists; and the kanakas resented it. He believes the revolutionists clearly intended not merely to force the Queen to adhere to the constitution of 1887, but to overthrow the monarchial form of government. He also believes that the leaders of the revolution would not be happy merely to overthrow the monarchy but were also pushing for Hawaii to be annexed to the U.S. He quotes Captain Wiltse as saying to him, several days after the overthrow and in view of the revolutionists' desire for annexation: "All this talk about who has a right to vote and who has a right to govern in these islands is bosh; I do not care a cent about that; the only question is, does the United States want these islands? If it does, then take them." But Stalker apparently has no knowledge of whether Wiltse felt that way before the revolution, nor whether there was any conspiracy between U.S. peacekeepers and local revolutionists either before or during the revolution. Morgan and Gray also use Stalker as a pawn in a debate over whether it was a revolutionary action for the Queen to make strong efforts to unilaterally proclaim a new constitution, when she later backed down and told a crowd there must be a delay, and then still later issued a statement that she would follow the procedures of the existing constitution to make the changes she wanted.; and whether the Queen could be trusted to adhere to that statement. Under pressure, Stalker compromises by saying that the Queen's intent was revolutionary [and we know from other testimony that disagreeing cabinet ministers ran from the palace in fear for their lives], but her action in delaying and later pledging not to do it was not revolutionary. For a more detailed summary of Mr. Stalker's testimony, see: Summary of Stalker's Testimony

Also see: SWORN STATEMENT OF M. STALKER----Continued.

pp. 1025-1026 - Testimony of John A. McCandless, pt. 3

Mr. McCandless had previously given Senator Morgan a document entitled "Two Weeks of Hawaiian History, from January 14 to January 28." McCandless now testifies the contents of that report are accurate except for two typographical errors which he now corrects. McCandless also provides a partial list of the military officers, and their ranks, from the revolution of 1887 who were reactivated and participated in 1893. Senators Morgan and Frye ask McCandless his impression of the leaders of the Hawaiian Patriotic league who had given President Cleveland a statement purporting to speak on behalf of 8,000 natives opposed to annexation. McCandless replies that Cummings is a half-white who has squandered his father's inheritance, Bush has a very bad reputation, and Nawhi [sic., Nawahi] is a man of no standing.

Also see: Testimony of John A. McCandless, pt.1

Also see: Testimony of John A. McCandless, pt.2


Dr. William Shaw Bowen is a journalist with the New York World newspaper, and personal representative of the owner. He was in Honolulu April 7-26, 1893 to study the political situation. Nearly the entire testimony is devoted to laying out exactly what happened in an intricate, convoluted negotiation whereby Liliuokalani would give up all claims to the throne in return for an annuity from the Provisional Government.

Many people in San Francisco and Honolulu thought that Bowen was representing President Cleveland in negotiations for the Queen's abdication. People had that impression because Bowen was a personal friend of Cleveland; Bowen's newspaper had supported Cleveland's election and was a supporter of the monarchy; Bowen traveled to Honolulu with, and shared a hotel room at the royalist hotel with, Harold M. Sewall, who had been U.S. consul in Samoa during important negotiations there; and Bowen and Sewall had refused to answer reporters' questions about the purpose of their trip to Hawaii.

Bowen testifies that he was acting entirely on his own when he proposed the idea of abdication in return for an annuity. Bowen presented that idea to President Dole, and to the Queen's personal attorney Paul Neumann, both of whom liked the idea. There were several rounds of negotiations, including secret meetings under a cover of social gatherings.

Minister Blount intervened to scuttle the negotiations. Blount met with the Queen and persuaded her that Bowen and Sewall were annexationist plotters scheming to dispossess the Queen of any claim to the throne. Meanwhile Claus Spreckels met with the Queen and persuaded her to demand that Paul Neumann give up the power of attorney she had given to him; and Neumann did so by tearing up the document in her presence.

Thus Blount intervened to scuttle negotiations between the Queen and President Dole that were strongly on track toward a mutually agreeable settlement whereby the Queen would give up all claims to the throne in return for an annuity; and Blount falsely accused Bowen and Sewall of working as agents of the annexationists; and Blount together with Spreckels undermined the Queen's confidence in her loyal attorney Paul Neumann.

By blocking a compromise legal settlement and extinguishment of claims in 1893, President Cleveland and Minister Blount furthered their goal of blocking annexation. In the process they made it all but inevitable that Liliuokalani would file her lawsuit for personal money damages for the ceded lands (she lost that case in 1910); that controversy over the ceded lands would persist for more than a century; that racial victimhood claims would prompt an apology from the U.S. for alleged misbehavior it was not guilty of; and that the U.S. role in as peacekeepers during the revolution of 1893 would eventually be used to bolster demands for creation of a race-based government in Hawaii.

For complete details, see Summary of Bowen's Testimony

pp. 1034-1036 - SWORN STATEMENT OF M. STALKER-Continued.

Senator Gray apparently loved Mr. Stalker's testimony, because Gray indicated he spoke with Stalker after his previous testimony and persuaded Stalker to come back to expand on certain points. Gray asked Stalker "...you have read over your testimony given the other day. Have you any special correction to make?" Stalker said "No; nothing special." But Gray went ahead anyway, asking Stalker a pointed series of leading questions. Gray gets Stalker to say the Provisional Government could not have maintained power without the cooperation of U.S. troops. Gray tried to get Stalker to say the revolution would not have occurred without U.S. support, but Stalker wouldn't go that far. Stalker also said the Queen's government had not been powerless to maintain order by itself. "In fact, I have heard it repeated by citizens of the country, without respect entirely to their political affiliations, that there is no part of the civilized world where life and property were so secure as in that country." Senator Frye does a brief cross-examination, confirming that Stalker is a professor of veterinary science, that he lived at the royalist hotel while in Honolulu, and that he had discussions with a Mr. English regarding becoming a professor at the college. Frye also gets Stalker to say that Stalker had never said, either in formal testimony nor in informal conversation, that Stalker had ever seen armed American forces lined up, or parading, in front of the government building at the time the proclamation of the Provisional Government was read (apparently the Blount Report quoted Stalker saying such things).


SWORN STATEMENT OF P.W. REEDER. P.W. Reeder, age 68, lives in Cedar Rapids, Iowa. He visited Hawaii on vacation, mostly in Honolulu, November 1893 through February 1893. He sent some articles that got published in the Cedar Rapids newspapers. He describes political upheavals regarding the opium and lottery bills. The lottery bill was being pushed by men from New Orleans who operated the lottery there. Nobles and Representatives sat together in the legislature; speeches in Hawaiian were immediately translated into English. During heated debates members opposed to the lottery bill described how bill supporters were being bribed. But an even larger issue was the 1887 constitution provision that Nobles are to be elected; which the Queen wanted to change back to the former method of royal appointment. "Emma House", corner of Nuuanu and Beretania, was a hangout for lower-class natives especially resentful toward whites for controlling the government. They generally opposed the lottery and opium bills on moral grounds, although some liked the revenue to be generated (Reeder says the Kingdom had a debt of $4 Million and the burden would fall whites who owned 80-90% of property). Opium smoking and gambling were mostly done by Chinese plantation workers and shopkeepers, and were happening in several back alley places in Chinatown even without legislation. But not much civil disturbance happened as a result. Reeder expressed unhappiness with numerous white and Chinese lower-class men who lived with native women and had babies even while not married, or even with wives and children in America or China. Reeder did not have much first-hand information about the events of the revolution, and gave vague and self-contradictory answers when the Senators tried to pry information out of him.


Charles L. MacArthur lives in Troy, N.Y. where he was formerly a state senator and is editor of the local newspaper. He was in Honolulu during February and early march, 1893. He went there for a vacation, but came upon the aftermath of the revolution, including the beginning of Minister Blount's residency. MacArthur, being an experienced politician and a journalist, investigated events, spoke with people on all three sides (royalists, revolutionaries, and peacekeepers), and wrote articles. Most of MacArthur's testimony consists of a major, lengthy article he wrote, and cross-examination about it. Some points discussed: None of the annexations of territories to the U.S. has involved a plebiscite of the population annexed: Florida, Texas, Louisiana, Alaska. At the prevailing rate of decimation of the kanaka population, there will be no kanakas remaining by the 1920s. Kanaka women circulated to every household a rumor that if there is annexation, and if a kanaka woman maried a white man, then the kanaka woman would be degraded and treated in the manner of Negroes in America. Commissioner Blount while in Hawaii secluded himself in his hotel and did not exercise the most basic skills of a newspaper reporter to reach out, to investigate, and to interview a cross section of the people from all sides of the issue. Annexation is far better than a mere protectorate; but annexation should be on the model of Alaska, rather than to statehood, because other states would not approve a state with the small population of Hawaii having two Senators just like New York. With improving speed of travel, Hawaii is fewer days away from the rest of America than Washington was from Boston in 1776. The population of Hawaii in 1890 was 89,990. Counting all the natives and all the half-castes as native Hawaiians they still lack 4,373 of being half the population. Statistics show that about 91 per cent of all the business of Hawaii and a proportionate amount of all the private property should be classed as American. "Her Majesty proceeded on the last day of the session to arbitrarily arrogate to herself the right to promulgate a new constitution, which proposes among other things to disfranchise over one-fourth of the voters and the owners of nine-tenths of the private property of the Kingdom, to abolish the Upper House of the Legislature and to substitute in place thereof an appointive one, to be appointed by the Sovereign. Americans who are now shouting, 'home rule for Hawaiians' and demanding that the Provisional Government should be approved by a popular vote will do well to remember that the native Hawaiians are not by any means a majority of the population, and that the Queen sought to take the ballot from the hands of white men and confer it solely to her Kanaka brethren." The Queen was not of royal blood; and neither was she elected; and likewise Kaiulani. Mr. MacDonald had personal knowledge that Liliuokalani's lawyer Paul Neuman was working, with her approval, to negotiate her abdication in return for money. For a more detailed summary of the testimony of Charles L. MacArthur, see Summary of MacArthur's Testimony


George Belknap is a rear-admiral in the U.S. Navy, retired. He testifies that Hawaii is essential to the defense and commerce of the United States, especially when the anticipated canal through Nicaragua has been completed. Part of Belknap's testimony deals with the 1874 riot at the time of Kalakaua's election, and the very interesting low-key conflict between the British and the Americans regarding which nation would have greater influence in Hawaii depending whether Emma or Kalakaua would win. In 1874 Belknap landed a force in Honolulu that stopped rioting following the election of Kalakaua. The British also landed troops from their own ship, but were late due to the negligence of the British commander. The fact that the Americans were first to land peacekeepers may have been responsible for Kalakaua keeping control of the throne despite the fact that the pro-Emma rioters probably could have toppled him; and as a result the Americans got the upper hand over the British diplomatically. The British commander was relieved of duty because of his negligence and was never given another command. The only purpose for landing peacekeepers in 1874 was to protect life and property, but the unintended consequences were that Kalakaua kept his crown and Americans gained influence. A major part of Belknap's testimony is devoted to exploring in great detail how the civilian and military chains of command interact; who has authority to order whom to do what. Belknap and the Senators explored what is the relation between landing troops to protect American life and property, vs. interfering in local political turmoil. Specific documents were introduced into evidence containing the orders given to Blount by President Cleveland, and orders given by Blount to U.S. military personnel. Belknap says that Blount's orders to military personnel were highly irregular and unlawful. American and British military interventions in Hawaii are compared against American interventions that occurred in Asia and South America -- the comparisons focused on the relations between American diplomats and U.S. military personnel, and also focused on how U.S. intervention affected local political struggles.

For a more thorough summary of George Belknap's statement, please read the Summary of George Belknap's statement

See also pp. Published newspaper article by Admiral Belknap from the Boston Herald of January 31, 1893, on pp. 531-533


Nicholas B. Delamater is a physician, age 47, resident of Chicago, who was on vacation in Hawaii August 1892 to June 1893. He wrote a statement about the events of January 1893. Senator Frye read Delamater's statement to the Morgan committee, in the presence of Mr. Delamater, with interruptions for questions and expanded commentary. He testified that he heard Royalists saying they wanted Minister Stevens to land troops to protect property against riot and arson (thereby helping protect the Queen's government). The hothead radicals did not want the troops landed because it would prevent a fight. The annexationists did not know what Minister Stevens would do. When Blount arrived, his conduct led many royalists to expect that the U.S. would restore the monarchy, and to cause many annexationists to feel discouraged. Most royalists favored Kaiulani rather than Liliuokalani. Many British were royalists because they expected huge Hawaiian government contracts for English and Scottish companies because of Kaiulani's father being the Scottsman Cleghorn, and the history of Queen Emma.

For a more thorough summary of Nicholas B. Delamater's statement, please read the Summary of Nicholas B. Delamater's statement


Nicoll Ludlow's first visit to Hawaii was as commander of the U.S.S. Mohican, the flagship of Admiral Skerrett, which arrived in Honolulu on February 10, 1893 (24 days after the revolution) and remained until May 1. In Honolulu Commander Ludlow served as Admiral Skerrett's chief of staff. He went ashore every day, having social contact with people from all groups. He found things to be quiet and secure. The prevailing sentiment was that the Provisional Government were honest and effective administrators, although Ludlow says many residents thought it was not the legitimate government of Hawaii. Ludlow spent a lot of time talking with the royalists, including many visits with the family of Archibald Cleghorn in their home. Ludlow was pleased when Blount took down the U.S. flag on April 1, because that "seemed to put the responsibility where it belonged." Ludlow's testimony spanned two days. The first day Senator Gray was absent, but the second day Senator Gray sparred with Senators Morgan and Frye to elicit testimony from Ludlow on two main points: (1) Ludlow said "My opinion is that the revolution would not have occurred in the way it did, and at the time it did, if the people who were the revolutionary party, had not been assured of the protection and assistance of the United States forces there." However, cross examination shows that was Ludlow's own opinion based on conversations with royalists several weeks after the revolution. (2) Ludlow testified he saw the U.S. flag flying alone over the government building [Aliiolani] with no Hawaiian flag [during the period from Ludlow's arrival February 10, to April 1 when Blount took it down]. However, Morgan "impeached the witness" -- Morgan challenged Ludlow's credibility as an observer by asking Ludlow how many flags are flying over the U.S. Capitol on this day when Ludlow is testifying in this building, and Ludlow gave a badly incorrect answer.

For a more detailed summary of Commander Ludlow's testimony, see: Summary of Commander Ludlow's Testimony


FRYE: "It gives a brief history of the French and English attempts to take possession of those islands, and of the English hoisting a flag and its being lowered again. It is a very interesting document, and I think it ought to be incorporated in our record." [summary of the Paulet/Thomas incident in 1843 and the British/French agreement of 1843] CASTLE: "By personal request of Admiral George Seymour and Gen. Miller, in company with Mr. Wylie and the Danish consul, I sat in arbitration and settlement of a number of these British claims in 1845 ... I think I have shown, by the events related as occurring within the last fifty years and quotations from competent naval, military, and civil authorities, that it is both wise and proper for the United States to seek and retain such paramount influence and control of the islands as will prevent their being used as a menace to them in case of war. It will be noted that the incidents narrated and the remarks quoted from writers and speakers were nearly all of them many years antecedent to the treaty, and could only have related to the intrinsic value of the islands for their location and capability of production, and it is now nearly seventy years, as I am informed, since President Monroe uttered his views on this subject. I may remark that Kamehameha IV said to me, while yet heir apparent, that if the nation died out and its sovereignty passed away, as it seemed by the course of events must inevitably be the case, they should and would go to the States, and the question when was only a question of time. If the authorities could enforce neutrality against all belligerents their strategic positions would not be so important, but they have not the power to do so. Hence their strategic value to the United States, and they can in no way be so well utilized as by the perpetuation of this treaty, which will increase and retain a commanding American influence, such as it needs, and which will be better for all of its wants than annexation. Secretary J.G. Blaine makes the Monroe doctrine to include the islands because of their location.

pp. 1165-1167 - Senator Gray reads into the record an ESSAY BY COMMANDER E.S. HOUSTON

Senator Gray reads into the record an essay by Commander E.S. Houston, U.S. Navy, sent to Senator Gray with permission of Commander Houston's superior officers, stating nine reasons why the Hawaiian islands are not of any strategic importance to the U.S. and would actually be a great financial and military burden to defend in case of war.

pp. 1167-1169 - SWORN STATEMENT OF Z.S. SPALDING----Continued.

SPALDING: "I find upon examination of the stenographic report of my former statement that I may be misunderstood regarding my estimate of the capacity of the Hawaiian Islands for supporting a larger population than is now to be found in the country. I would explain that I mean to convey the idea or opinion that the country is not and never can be a manufacturing or commercial country based upon its own products. It lacks in mineral resources everything required for manufacturing, and can hardly be said to have even agricultural advantages necessary to compete with more favored countries to the point of exporting enough to pay for what necessary imports would be required from abroad. Sugar, coffee, rice, and other staples may be produced in a limited way, but not in sufficient quantities or at low enough cost to compete in the world's market and furnish a revenue to be depended on. As a part of the United States, and useful as the commanding point in the North Pacific Ocean, Hawaii would become a land of high civilization and attract to its shores a large and intelligent population. Left to itself, and without connection or encouragement from some great nation, Hawaii might support even a million inhabitants, but they would necessarily be restricted to the commonest modes of living and be confined to the bare necessaries of life. ..." Spalding then describes his recently completed visit to Cuba, and compares the social and economic aspects of sugar production in Cuba vs. Hawaii. Cuba for 400 years under Spanish rule has been a miserable failure, while Hawaii has greatly surpassed Cuba in a relatively short period of time due to the superior influence of U.S.-style government and business management.