Transcribed Morgan Report

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HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

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HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

[See p. 189, Vol. VII.]

FIFTY-THIRD CONGRESS, SECOND SESSION.

February 26, 1894.
[Senate Report No. 227.]

Mr. Morgan submitted the following report from the Committee on Foreign Relations:

The following resolution of the Senate defines the limits of the authority of the committee in the investigation and report it is required to make:

"Resolved, That the Committee on Foreign Relations shall inquire and report whether any, and, if so, what irregularities have occurred in the diplomatic or other intercourse between the United States and Hawaii in relation to the recent political revolution in Hawaii, and to this end said committee is authorized to send for persons and papers and to administer oaths to witnesses."

The witnesses were examined under oath when it was possible to secure their appearance before the committee, though in some instances affidavits were taken in Hawaii and other places, and papers of a scientific and historic character will be appended to this report and presented to the Senate for its consideration.

The committee did not call the Secretary of State, or any person connected with the Hawaiian Legation, to give testimony. It was not thought to be proper to question the diplomatic authorities of either government on matters that are, or have been, the subject of negotiation between them, and no power exists to authorize the examination of the minister of a foreign government in any proceeding without his consent.

The resolutions include an inquiry only into the intercourse between the two governments, and regard the conduct of the officers of the United States as a matter for domestic consideration in which Hawaii is not concerned, unless it be that their conduct had some unjust and improper influence upon the action of the people or Government of that country in relation to the revolution.

The future policy of the two governments as to annexation, or in respect of any other matter, is excluded by the resolutions from the consideration of the committee, and such matters are alluded to only as being incidental to the investigation which was ordered by the Senate.

The inquiry as to irregularities that may have occurred in our diplomatic or other intercourse with Hawaii must relate, first, to the conduct of the Government as shown in its official acts and correspondence; and, second, the conduct of its civil and military officers while they were engaged in the discharge of their public duties and functions.

As a Government dealing with Hawaii and with any form of government in that country, whether de facto or de jure, the United States can have no separation or break in its line of policy corresponding to

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any change in the incumbency of the office of President. It is in all respects as much the same Government in every right and responsibility as if it had been under the same President during the entire period covered by the recent revolution in Hawaii and the succeeding events.

This view of the situation will enable us to examine more dispassionately the conduct of our Government, and to ascertain whether it has been such that it can be safely drawn into precedent in any future questions that may arise in our intercourse with this or other American governments.

The right of the President of the United States to change his opinions and conduct respecting a course of diplomatic correspondence with a foreign government is no more to be questioned than his right to institute such correspondence; and it can not be assumed that the opinions of one President, differing from those of his predecessor, has any other effect upon the attitude of the Government than would follow a change of opinion in the mind of the same person if there had been no change in the incumbency of the office. This is a view of the situation in which all foreign nations may have an interest, under the usages of independent powers and the international laws. But the question now under consideration is regarded as being peculiar to what we may term the American system. It may be true that Hawaii can not be considered as a separate and independent power in respect of all its relations with the United States, yet the acts of successive Presidents of the United States which affect it must be regarded as the acts of one President. But there are many good reasons and a long and consistent course of dealing between the United States and Hawaii that materially affect, if they do not entirely change, the actual relations between Hawaii and the United States and make them exceptional. When we claim the right to interfere in the domestic affairs of Hawaii, as we would not interfere with those of a European nation, we must also admit her right to whatever advantages there may be in the closeness and interdependence of our relations, and her right to question us as to any conflicts of policy between Mr. Harrison and Mr. Cleveland that may be justly said to work a disadvantage to the interests of Hawaii, if there are any.

And another principle which does not apply in our dealings with European powers comes into application in this case to influence the rights of Hawaii in her intercourse with the United States.

Hawaii is an American state, and is embraced in the American commercial and military system. This fact has been frequently and firmly stated by our Government, and is the ground on which is rested that peculiar and far-reaching declaration so often and so earnestly made, that the United States will not admit the right of any foreign government to acquire any interest or control in the Hawaiian Islands that is in any way prejudicial or even threatening toward the interests of the United States or her people. This is at least a moral suzerainty over Hawaii. In this attitude of the two Governments, Hawaii must be entitled to demand of the United States an indulgent consideration, if not an active sympathy, when she is endeavoring to accomplish what every other American state has achieved-the release of her people from the odious antirepublican regime which denies to the people the right to govern themselves, and subordinates them to the supposed divine right of a monarch, whose title to such divinity originated in the most slavish conditions of pagan barbarity.

The point at which it is alleged that there was a questionable interference

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by our minister and our Navy with the affairs of Hawaii was the landing of troops from the ship Boston in Honolulu on the 16th day of January, 1893, at 5 o'clock in the afternoon. That ship, on which the minister was a passenger, had been off on a practice cruise at Hilo, a distance of nearly 100 miles, since the 4th day of January. On her return to the harbor a condition of affairs existed in Honolulu which led naturally to the apprehension that violence or civil commotion would ensue, in which the peace and security of American citizens residing in that city would be put in peril, as had been done on three or more separate occasions previously when changes occurred or were about to occur in the government of Hawaii. Whatever we may conclude were the real causes of the situation then present in Honolulu, the fact is that there was a complete paralysis of executive government in Hawaii. The action of the Queen in an effort to overturn the constitution of 1887, to which she had sworn obedience and support, had been accepted and treated by a large and powerful body of the people as a violation of her constitutional obligations, revolutionary in its character and purposes and that it amounted to an act of abdication on her part, so far as her powers and the rights of the people under the constitution of 1887 were concerned. This state of opinion and this condition of the executive head of the Hawaiian Government neutralized its power to protect American citizens and other foreigners in their treaty rights, and also their rights under the laws of Hawaii. There was not in Honolulu at that time any efficient executive power through which the rights of American citizens residing there could be protected in accordance with the local laws. It is evident that the Queen's Government at that time had no power to prevent the landing of troops from any quarter, no power to protect itself against invasion, no power to conduct civil government, so far as the executive was concerned, if the effort to exert such power was antagonized by any opposing body of people in considerable numbers. Indeed, no effort seems to have been made to exert the civil authority except through the presence of a small and inefficient body of policemen. The authority of the Queen was not respected by the people; it was opposed, and no force appeared to be used for the purpose of overcoming the opposition. It yielded to a silent but ominous opposition. Without reference to the question whether, in strict law, the action of the Queen in her effort to overturn the constitution of 1887, and to substitute one by a proclamation which she had prepared, was a revolution in government, or an effort at revolution, or amounted to an actual abdication, the result was that an interregnum existed.

If we give full effect to the contention that this interregnum occurred because of the apprehensions of the Queen that force would be used by the United States to compel her abdication, those apprehensions could not have occurred before the landing of the troops from the Boston, or, if they existed, they were idle, unfounded, and unjust toward the United States. It was her conduct, opposed by her people, or a large portion of them, that paralyzed the executive authority and left the citizens of the United States in Honolulu without the protection of any law, unless it was such as should be extended to them by the American minister, in conjunction with the arms of the United States then on board the Boston.

It will appear hereafter in this report that there is well-settled authority for the position that at the moment when the Queen made public her decision to absolve herself from her oath to support the constitution of 1887 her abdication was complete, if the people chose so to regard it. That constitution and the Queen's oath to support it was the only

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foundation for her regal authority and, when she announced that her oath was annulled in its effect upon her own conscience, she could no longer rightfully hold office under that constitution. In such matters the word of the Queen, once sedately uttered, fixes a condition that is irrevocable unless by the consent of those whose condition or rights would be injuriously affected by its subsequent withdrawal; as in the case of a voluntary abdication in favor of a named successor; or of a pardon granted to person accused or, convicted of crime; or the signature to a legislative act, or declaration of war. The official act of the chief executive of a nation is uniformly regarded as creating a condition or status which can not be altered or revoked at pleasure. Indeed, in every case, the word of the king that works a change in existing conditions is the final act of the king. In the crime of treason and the misprision of treason, the word that is spoken by the culprit, though quickly repented of or recalled, has completed the crime and placed the offender beyond the reach of all mercy except that of the sovereign power. In this instance the sovereign power to pardon or condone the Queen's offense resided in the people, and they have so far decided and have adhered to the decision that her abdication was complete. The recantation was two days later than the completed crime and was temporary and conditional, and, in the meantime, popular sovereignty had risen to the assertion of its rights, an indignant resentment had aroused the people, and a large body of citizens claiming to represent them had inaugurated a government of the people and for the people. Whether the people opposing the Queen were strengthened in their purpose to accept and act upon this abandonment by the Queen of her obligations to keep her oath to support and obey the constitution by the presence of the troops of the United States, or whether the Queen was dismayed by their presence and was deterred from supporting her criminal act by the employment of her household soldiery, did not alter the fact that she had openly renounced the constitution of 1887 before the troops were landed or any preparation was made or any order was issued to land them, and the people were preparing to substitute the monarchy, which was still existing in the constitution, by a ruler of their own choice before any troops left the Boston.

Whether the people would permit the restoration of the Queen, or whether they would constitute a new executive head of the Government of Hawaii, was a matter then undetermined, and as to that the Government of the United States had but one concern, and that was that the interregnum should be ended, the executive head of the Government should be supplied, and the laws of Hawaii and the treaty rights of American citizens should have full effect, peacefully, in the protection of their rights and interests. When the Queen found that her Government was opposed by a strong body of the people she did not attempt to reassemble the Legislature, but left the public safety in charge of a committee of thirteen men, organized by those who were endeavoring to preserve the peace and to restore the Government to its full constitutional powers by choosing an executive head. This condition of things continued from Saturday until the succeeding Tuesday, during all of which time the citizens of the United States residing in Honolulu had no protection of law, except such as was guarantied to them by the presence of the Boston in the bay of Honolulu, or the moral influence of the American legation and consulate.

When the Kamehameha dynasty ended, the monarchy in Hawaii was doomed to a necessary dissolution. The five kings of that family, assisted by their premiers, who were Kanaka women, and by such missionaries as Judd, Bingham, Chamberlain, Coan, Goodrich, and Damon

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maintained the progress of civilization and prosperity, but when Kalakaua was elected king, the most surprising and disgraceful corruptions infected the Government. Without detailing in this report the constant decline from bad to worse, which the evidence discloses, without contradiction or explanation, when Liliuokalani was enthroned the monarchy was a mere shell and was in condition to crumble on the slightest touch of firm opposition. Under her brief rule, it was kept alive by the care and forbearing tolerance of the conservative white people, who owned $50,000,000 of the property in Hawaii, until they saw that the Queen and her party had determined to grasp absolute power and destroy the constitution and the rights of the white people. When they were compelled to act in self-defense the monarchy disappeared. It required nothing but the determined action of what was called the missionary party to prostrate the monarchy, and that action had been taken before the troops from the Boston landed.

There was then no executive head of the Government of Hawaii; it had perished.

In landing the troops from the Boston there was no demonstration of actual hostilities, and their conduct was as quiet and as respectful as it had been on many previous occasions when they were landed for the purpose of drill and practice. In passing the palace on their way to the point at which they were halted, the Queen appeared upon the balcony and the troops respectfully saluted her by presenting arms and dipping the flag, and made no demonstration of any hostile intent. Her attitude at that time was that of helplessness, because she found no active or courageous support in her isolated position, which was self-imposed and was regretted by few of her former subjects. In this condition of Hawaii the laws for the protection of life and property were, in fact, suspended so far as the executive power was concerned, and the citizens of the United States in Honolulu and all the islands, and their property rights, were virtually outlawed. The citizens of Honolulu were not held amenable to the civil authorities, but were treated by the Queen, as well as by the people, as if the country was in a state of war. A policeman was shot down on the streets by a person who was conducting a wagon loaded with arms to the place of rendezvous where the people had assembled, and no action was taken for the purpose of arresting or putting on trial the man who did the shooting.

In a country where there is no power of the law to protect the citizens of the United States there can be no law of nations nor any rule of comity that can rightfully prevent our flag from giving shelter to them under the protection of our arms, and this without reference to any distress it may give to the Queen who generated the confusion, or any advantage it might give to the people who are disputing her right to resume or to hold her regal powers. In every country where there is no effective chief executive authority, whether it is a newly-discovered island where only savage government prevails, or one where the government is paralyzed by internal feuds, it is the right, claimed and exercised by all civilized nations, to enter such a country with sovereign authority to assert and protect the rights of its citizens and their property, and to remain there without the invitation of anybody until civil government shall have been established that is adequate, in a satisfactory sense, for their protection.

The committee agree that such was the condition of the Hawaiian Government at the time that the troops were landed in Honolulu from the steam warship Boston; that there was then an interregnum in Hawaii as respects the executive office; that there was no executive power to enforce the laws of Hawaii, and that it was the right of the

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United States to land troops upon those islands at any place where it was necessary in the opinion of our minister to protect our citizens.

In what occurred in landing the troops at Honolulu there may have been an invasion, but it was not an act of war, nor did it create that condition of the public law in Hawaii.

In the period of reconstruction, as it is called, which followed the civil war of 1861-'65 in the United States, a very similar condition existed, or was assumed to exist, which caused Congress to provide for vacating the gubernatorial offices in several of the Southern States and filling them by appointments of the President.

In these States strong military bodies were stationed and general officers of the Army took command and enforced the laws found on their statute books and also the laws of the United States. All the civil officers in those sovereign States were required to obey the commands of those Army officers, and they did so, often under protest, but with entire submission to the military power and authority of the President, exerted through the instrumentality of the Army. That was not war. Yet it was the presence of military force, employed actively in the enforcement of the civil laws, and in full supremacy over the civil authority.

The only reason that could justify this invasion of sovereign states by the armies of the United States was the declaration by Congress that the executive governments in those states were not in the lawful possession of the incumbents; that there was an interregnum in those states as to the office of governor.

If the Queen, or the people, or both acting in conjunction, had opposed the landing of the troops from the Boston with armed resistance, their invasion would have been an act of war. But when their landing was not opposed by any objection, protest, or resistance the state of war did not supervene, and there was no irregularity or want of authority to place the troops on shore.

In this view of the facts there is no necessity for inquiring whether Minister Stevens or Capt. Wiltse, in arranging for the landing of the troops, had any purpose either to aid the popular movement against the Queen that was then taking a definite and decisive shape, or to promote the annexation of the Hawaiian Islands to the United States. But justice to these gentlemen requires that we should say that the troops from the Boston were not sent into Honolulu for any other purpose than that set forth fully and fairly in the following order from Capt. Wiltse to the officer in command of the detachment:

U.S.S. Boston (Second Rate)

Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, January 16, 1893.

Lieut. Commander W.T. Swinburne, U.S. Navy,

Executive Officer, U.S.S. Boston:

Sir: You will take command of the battalion and land in Honolulu for the purpose of protecting our legation, consulate, and the lives and property of American citizens, and to assist in preserving public order.

Great prudence must be exercised by both officers and men, and no action taken that is not fully warranted by the condition of affairs and by the conduct of those who may be inimical to the treaty rights of American citizens.

You will inform me at the earliest practicable moment of any change in the situation.

Very respectfully,

G.C. Wiltse,

Captain, U.S. Navy, Commanding U.S.S. Boston.

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As between the United States and Hawaii, as separate and independent governments, that order defines the full liability of the Government of the United States in respect of landing the troops at Honolulu. As between the Government of the United States and its officers, the question may arise whether that order was issued in good faith and for the purposes declared upon its face, or whether it was a pretext used for the purpose of assisting in the overthrow of the Queen's Government and the ultimate annexation of Hawaii to the United States.

In reference to this last suggestion, the committee, upon the evidence as it appears in their report (which they believe is a full, fair, and impartial statement of the facts attending and precedent to the landing of the troops), agree that the purposes of Capt. Wiltse and of Minister Stevens were only those which were legitimate, viz, the preservation of law and order to the extent of preventing a disturbance of the public peace which might, in the absence of the troops, injuriously affect the rights of the American citizens resident in Honolulu.

The troops from the Boston having rightfully and lawfully entered Honolulu, and having carried with them the protection of the laws of the United States for their citizens who otherwise were left without the protection of law, it was the right of the United States that they should remain there until a competent chief executive of Hawaii should have been installed in authority to take upon himself the civil power and to execute the necessary authority to provide for the protection of all the rights of citizens of the United States then in Honolulu, whether such rights were secured by treaty or were due to them under the laws of Hawaii. It was the further right of the officers representing the United States in Hawaii to remain there with the troops until all the conditions were present to give full assurance of security to the rights of all the citizens of the United States then in Honolulu.

Before the landing of the troops a committee of safety had been organized that sent a request to the commander of the Boston that troops should be landed for the purpose of preserving the public peace. To this request no response was made, and later in the day the commander of the Boston was informed that the committee of safety had withdrawn its request and then desired that no troops should be landed. But, disregarding all the action of the committee of safety and acting only upon his sense of duty to the people of the United States who were in Honolulu, Capt. Wiltse came to the conclusion that the troops should be landed, and he put them in a state of preparation for that purpose by lowering the boats, filling the cartridge belts of the men, and supplying them with proper accouterments for a stay on shore. After these preparations had been completed Minister Stevens went on board the ship (on Monday), and had an interview with Capt. Wiltse. The evidence shows that this interview related alone to the question of the preservation of law and order in Hawaii and the protection of Americans in their treaty rights. It seems that neither Minister Stevens nor Capt. Wiltse then fully comprehended the fact that the United States had the right, of its own authority, to send the troops on shore for the purpose of supplying to American citizens resident there the protection of law, which had been withdrawn or annulled, because of the fact that there was then an interregnum in the executive department of the Government of Hawaii. The rights of the United States at that moment were greater than they were supposed to be by Minister Stevens or Capt. Wiltse, and they were not the result of treaty rights or obligations, but of that unfailing right to give protection to citizens of the

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United States in any country where they may be found when the local authorities have through their own mismanagement or contrivance, rendered nugatory the power of the government to perform its proper duties in the protection of their lives, property, and peace.

A further statement of ascertained facts may be necessary in order to bring out more clearly the situation in Hawaii on Saturday, the 14th day of January, and to render more conspicuous the justification of the United States in entering with its troops upon the soil of Hawaii for the protection of all the rights of its citizens.

On Saturday afternoon and Sunday earnest and decisive steps were being taken by the people of Honolulu who were most prominent in social influence and in commerce and the professions to arm the people who resented the disloyalty of the Queen to the constitution and to install a new executive head of the Government. This movement had resulted in the organization of a committee of safety that proposed a programme for the purpose of inaugurating a provisional government. This was an open, public movement, which the Queen took no steps to suppress. No arrests were made, and even the apprehension of arrests seems to have been almost entirely absent from the minds of the people engaged in this movement. An effort was made to divert those people from their purpose, on Monday morning, by the Queen and her ministers, who caused the following notice to be posted on the streets of Honolulu:

"BY AUTHORITY.

"Her Majesty's ministers desire to express their appreciation for the quiet and order which have prevailed in this community since the events of Saturday, and are authorized to say that the position taken by Her Majesty in regard to the promulgation of a new constitution was under the stress of her native subjects.

"Authority is given for the assurance that any changes desired in the fundamental law of the land will be sought only by the methods provided in the constitution itself.

"Her Majesty's ministers request all citizens to accept the assurance of Her Majesty in the same spirit in which it is given."

This paper purported to be signed by the Queen and her ministers, Samuel Parker, minister of foreign affairs; W. H. Cornwell, minister of finance; John F. Colburn, minster of the interior; and A. P. Peterson, attorney-general.

The Queen did not sign it in her official character by affixing the letter R to her name, and the tenor of the paper indicates that it was, in fact, the act of her ministers, to which she had not given her royal assent and pledge. This paper in itself contains undeniable evidence that the Queen had instituted a coup d'etat on Saturday by the promulgation of "a new constitution," as far, at least, as she could bind herself by such an act, and that she offered the excuse for this revolt against the existing constitution which she had sworn to support, that she acted "under stress of her native subjects."

Passing by the fact that the existence of this "stress" is not established by any satisfactory evidence, the reference to it in this proclamation discloses her willing connection with the purpose to disfranchise her foreign-born subjects, that being the effect of the provisions of the "new constitution" that she in fact promulgated, so far as she could but hesitated to swear to for the want of sufficient support from "her native subjects." The assurance given that future efforts "to change"

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the constitution of 1887 should be conducted only in the method therein prescribed, was no assurance that her foreign-born subjects should be protected in their vital liberties. To the reverse, it was a continuing threat that they should be disfranchised and placed at the mercy of racial aggression, backed by the power of the crown. The declarations of the Queen made in person to Minister Willis, on three occasions, and at long intervals of time after the lapse of nine months of sedate reflection, show that this assurance, given in fact by her ministers, was only a thin disguise of her real purpose to drive out the white population and confiscate their property, and, if need be, to destroy their lives. The people made no mistake as to her animosity toward them, and proceeded in the same orderly manner, for which the ministers gave them thanks in this proclamation, to designate an executive head of the Government in place of the abdicated Queen, the abdication being completed and confirmed by the only authentic expression of the popular will, and by the recognition of the supreme court of Hawaii.

Another fact of importance connected with the situation at that time is that a committee of law and order, consisting of supporters of the Queen, had on Monday morning posted in public places in Honolulu the following call for a public meeting and explanation of the purposes of the Queen in abrogating the constitution of 1887 and in substituting one which she desired and attempted to promulgate by their authority as the organic law of the land. This proclamation was printed in the Hawaiian language, and a translation of it is appended to this report. It was printed in an extra edition of a newspaper called the Ka Leo 0 Ka Lahui, published in Honolulu in the Hawaiian language. "The stress of her native subjects," which is mentioned by the Queen in the proclamation which was posted in English on the morning of January 16, is evidently expressed in the terms of this announcement and call, and it shows that it was based upon racial distinction and prejudice entirely, and indicates the feeling of resentment and controversy which, if carried into effect as the Queen proposed to carry it into effect under the constitution which she intended to proclaim, would have resulted in the destruction of the rights of property and lives of those persons who were styled "missionaries" and their posterity, from whom Hawaii had derived her enlightened civilization, Christianity, constitution, laws, progress, wealth and position amongst the nations of the earth. This was a threat of dangerous significance, and it shows the spirit of the controversy that was then pervading the minds of the people of Honolulu, and illustrates how easy it was to foment strife that would result in the worst of evils, in a community thus divided and thus excited. The abuse of the missionaries, and missionary party in this call shows that the Queen and her immediate followers had concentrated their efforts upon the disfranchisement of all white people in Hawaii, and the return of the Government to that condition of debasement from which these very people and their fathers had relieved it.

The second paragraph in this call is as follows:

"THE VOICE OF THE CHIEF.

"On the afternoon of Saturday last the voice of the Sacred Chief of Hawaii, Liliuokalani, the tabued one, speaking as follows:

"'O, ye people who love the Chief, I hereby say to you, I am now ready to proclaim the new constitution for my Kingdom, thinking that it would be successful, but behold obstacles have arisen! Therefore

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I say unto you, loving people, go with good hope and do not be disturbed or troubled in your minds. Because, within the next few days now coming, I will proclaim the new constitution.

"'The executive officers of the law (the cabinet) knew the errors in this new constitution, but they said nothing.

"'Therefore, I hope that the thing which you, my people, so much want will be accomplished; it also is my strong desire.'"

Here is a direct accusation by the Queen against her cabinet, all of whom, with one exception, were white men, that they had misled her as to the eftect of the constitution, and had failed to point out errors in it which, as a pretext, led to its rejection by them, causing them to refuse at the last moment to join with her in its promulgation. This call was, in fact, a new promise which was made by the Queen, with the evident consent of her immediate native followers, that within the next few days now coming she would proclaim the new constitution, notwithstanding her failure to give it a successful promulgation on the preceding Saturday. The intensity of the Queen's opposition to the missionaries and the white people was caused by her intention that the Kingdom should return to its former absolute character, and that the best results of civilization in Hawaii should be obliterated.

Civilization and constitutional government in Hawaii are the foster children of the American Christian missionaries. It can not be justly charged to the men and women who inaugurated this era of humanity, light, and justice in those islands that either they or their posterity or their followers, whether native or foreign, have faltered in their devotion to their exalted purposes. They have not pursued any devious course in their conduct, nor have they done any wrong or harm to the Hawaiian people or their native rulers. They have not betrayed any trust confided to them, nor have they encouraged any vice or pandered to any degrading sentiment or practice among those people. Among the native Hawaiians, where they found paganism in the most abhorrent forms of idolatry, debauchery, disease, ignorance and cruelty 75 years ago, they planted and established, with the free consent and eager encouragement of those natives and without the shedding of blood, the Christian ordinance of marriage, supplanting polygamy; a reverence for the character of women and a respect for their rights; the Christian Sabbath and freedom of religious faith and worship, as foundations of society and of the state; universal education, including the kings and the peasantry; temperance in place of the orgies of drunkenness that were all-pervading; and the separate holdings of lands upon which the people built their homes. In doing these benevolent works the American missionary did not attempt to assume the powers and functions of political government. As education, enlightenment, and the evident benefits of civilization revealed to those in authority the necessity of wise and faithful counsels in building up and regulating the government to meet those new conditions, the kings invited some of the best qualified and most trusted of these worthy men to aid them in developing and conducting the civil government. As a predicate for this work they freely consented to and even suggested the giving up of some of their absolute powers and to place others under the constraint of constitutional limitations. They created an advisory council and a legislature and converted Hawaii from an absolute despotism into a land of law. The. cabinet ministers thus chosen from the missionary element were retained in office during very long periods, thus establishing the confidence of the kings and the people in their integrity,

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wisdom, and loyalty to the Government. No charge of defection or dishonesty was ever made against any of these public servants during the reign of the Kamehamehas, nor indeed at any time. They acquired property in moderate values by honest means, and labored to exhibit to the people the advantages of industry, frugality, economy, and thrift.

The progressive elevation of the country and of the people from the very depravity of paganism into an enlightened and educated commonwealth and the growth of their industries and wealth will be seen at a glance in the statements of the most important events and in the tables showing the most important results of their work and influence, which are set forth in the evidence accompanying this report. This array of undisputed facts shows that, with Christianity and education as the basis, there has come over Hawaii the most rapid and successful improvement in political, industrial, and commercial conditions that has marked the course of any people in Christendom.

In the message of President Tyler to Congress he says:

"The condition of those islands has excited a good deal of interest, which is increasing by every successive proof that their inhabitants are making progress in civilization and becoming more and more competent to maintain regular and orderly government. They lie in the Pacific Ocean, much nearer to this continent than the other, and have become an important place for the refitment and provisioning of American and European vessels.

"'Owing to their locality and to the course of the winds which prevail in this quarter of the world the Sandwich Islands are the stopping place for almost all vessels passing from continent to continent across the Pacific Ocean. They are especially resorted to by the great numbers of vessels of the United States which are engaged in the whale fishery in those seas. The number of vessels of all sorts and the amount of property owned by citizens of the United States which are found in those islands in the course of a year are stated probably with sufficient accuracy in the letter of the agents.

"'Just emerging from a state of barbarism, the Government of the islands is as yet feeble; but its dispositions appear to be just and pacific, and it seems anxious to improve the condition or its people by the introduction of knowledge, of religious and moral institutions, means of education, and the arts of civilized life.'"

In the House of Representatives this subject was referred to the Committee on Foreign Affairs, and Hon. John Q. Adams, in concluding his report upon the subject, says:

"It is a subject of cheering contemplation to the friends of human improvement and virtue that, by the mild and gentle influence of Christian charity, dispensed by humble missionaries of the gospel, unarmed with secular power, within the last quarter of a century the people of this group of islands have been converted from the lowest debasement of idolatry to the blessings of the Christian gospel; united under one balanced government; rallied to the fold of civilization by a written language and constitution, providing security for the rights of persons, property, and mind, and invested with all the elements of right and power which can entitle them to be acknowledged by their brethren of the human race as a separate and independent community. To the consummation of their acknowledgment the people of the North

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American Union are urged by an interest of their own deeper than that of any other portion of the inhabitants of the earth-by a virtual right of conquest, not over the freedom of their brother man by the brutal arm of physical power, but over the mind and heart by the celestial panoply of the gospel of peace and love."

It can not be other than a proud reflection of the American people that the free institutions of the United States gave origin and impulsive zeal, as well as guidance, to the good men who laid these foundations of civil government in Hawaii upon written constitutions, supported by the oaths of those in authority and loyally sustained by those of the people who are virtuous and intelligent. Nor can the American people condemn the firm adhesion of those whose rights are guaranteed by constitutional law in Hawaii to the demand that is now made for the maintenance of its permanent integrity. If nothing but a decent respect for our national example was in question, if there was no question in Hawaii that concerned the people of the United States except that of a relapse of that Government into absolute monarchy, if there was no degradation of society involved in this falling away, no destruction of property and liberty in contemplation, there would still be enough in the conditions now presented there to excite the most anxious interest of our people. Citizens of the United States with wisdom, charity, Christian faith, and a love of constitutional government, have patiently, laboriously, and honestly built up Hawaii into a civilized power under a written constitution, and they can justly claim the sympathy and assistance of all civilized people in resisting its destruction, either to gratify a wanton lust of absolute power on the part of the Queen, or the abuse of its authority in fostering vice and rewarding crime. The facts of recent history present broadly and distinctly the question between an absolute and corrupt monarchy in Hawaii, and a government in which the rights and liberties guaranteed by a written constitution shall be respected and preserved. The facts do not show that the people who built up this constitutional system and have based upon it wholesome laws and a well balanced and well guarded plan of administration have had any desire to abrogate the organic laws, corrupt the statute laws, or to dethrone the Queen. In every phase of their dealings with these questions their course has been conservative, and the defense of their lives, liberty, and property, and the honest administration of the government has been the real motive of their actions. They are not, therefore, to be justly classed as conspirators against the Government. That they turn their thoughts toward the United States and desire annexation to this country could not be denied without imputing to them the loss of the sentiment of love and reverence for this Republic that is utterly unknown to our people.

On Monday, the 16th of January, 1893, Hawaii was passing through the severe ordeal of a trial which was conducted by the people who arrayed themselves on the side of the Queen and those who were organized in opposition to her revolutionary purposes. The Queen seems to have abandoned the controversy into the hands of the people, and made no effort to suppress the meeting of the citizens opposed to her revolutiouary proceedings by calling out her troops to disperse the meeting or to arrest its leaders. Both the meetings were quiet and orderly but the meeting at the arsenal was intensely earnest, and men were heard to express their opinions freely and without interruption at both meetings, and they came to their resolutions without disturbance. When

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these meetings dispersed, the Queen's effort to reject the constitution of 1887 had been approved by the one meeting held on the palace grounds and composed almost entirely of native Kanakas; the other meeting had resolved to establish a provisional government, and formed a committee to proceed with its organization. The Queen, though thus strongly indorsed by her native-born subjects, as she calls them, did not venture any arrests of the alleged revolutionists, but, evidently conscious that the revolution which she had endeavored to set on foot had failed of efficient support, she did not use her troops or the police or any other power in the direction of asserting her royal authority. The meeting of the people at the arsenal was followed by organization, the arming of the citizens, the strong array of forces, and a determined spirit of success which has materialized into an established government that has continued to exist for more than a year, practically without any opposition in Hawaii, and with the recognition of many great powers, including the United States. These events show, beyond reasonable dispute, the acceptance by the people of Hawaii of the judgment and determination of the meeting at the arsenal that the Queen had abdicated, that her authority had departed, that she and her ministers had submitted to the inevitable, and that they retained no longer any substantial ground of hope or expectation that the Queen would be restored to her former office.

The question whether such a state of affairs as is shown by the undisputed facts in this case constitute an abdication and created an interregnum was passed upon in England with more care, because of the serious results that followed the decision, than seems to have been bestowed upon a like controversy in any other country.

The people of Great Britain have many liberties that are firmly established in the traditions of that country, and on many occasions they have asserted their rights, as the basis of governmental power, with great determination and success. In 1688, when James II was on the throne, his severe conduct, exercised through the judiciary of the Kingdom and in other ways, and a strong adhesion to the Catholic religion, caused the people of Great Britain to accuse him of an intention to violate their unwritten constitution. He was a great and powerful king, and had accomplished very much for the glory and honor of England. But the people of England held him to an observance of the spirit of his oath of loyalty to the constitution of that country, and, when they became satisfied that he had made an effort to subvert it, they in their Parliament passed upon the question of his abdication and held that his intention and effort to violate the constitution robbed him of his title to the crown and opened the door to the establishment of a new dynasty. Blackstone, in speaking of these events, says:

"King James II succeeded to the throne of his ancestors, and might have enjoyed it during the remainder of his life but for his own infatuated conduct which, with other concurring circumstances, brought on the revolution in 1688.

"The true ground and principle upon which that memorable event proceeded was an entirely new case in politics, which had never before happened in our history-the abdication of the reigning monarch and the vacancy of the throne thereupon. It was not a defeasance of the right of succession and a new limitation of the crown by the King and both Houses of Parliament; it was the act of the nation alone upon the conviction that there was no king in being. For, in a full assembly of the lords and commons, met in a convention upon the

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supposition of this vacancy, both houses came to this resolution: 'That King James II, having endeavored to subvert the constitution of the Kingdom by breaking the original contract between King and people; and, by the advice of Jesuits and other wicked persons, having violated the fundamental law and having withdrawn himself out of this Kingdom has abdicated the Government, and that the throne is hereby vacant.'"

Proceeding further, this eminent jurist says:

"For whenever a question arises between the society at large and any magistrate vested with powers originally delegated by that society it must be decided by the voice of the society itself; there is not upon earth any other tribunal to resort to. And that these consequences were fairly deduced from these facts our ancestors have solemnly determined in a full parliamentary convention representing the whole society."

Further quoting from Blackstone, he says:

"They held that this misconduct of King James amounted to an endeavor to subvert the constitution and not to an actual subversion or total dissolution of the Government, according to the principles of Mr. Locke, which would have reduced the society almost to a state of nature; would have leveled all distinctions of honor, rank, offices, and property; would have annihilated the sovereign power, and in consequence have repealed all positive laws, and would have left the people at liberty to have erected a new system of State upon a new foundation of polity. They therefore very prudently voted it to amount to no more than an abdication of the Government and a consequent vacancy of the throne, whereby the Government was allowed to subsist though the executive magistrate was gone, and the kingly office to remain though King James was no longer King. And thus the constitution was kept entire, which upon every sound principle of government must otherwise have fallen to pieces had so principal and constituent a part as the royal authority been abolished or even suspended.

"This single postulatum, the vacancy of the throne, being once established the rest that was then done followed almost of course. For, if the throne be at any time vacant (which may happen by other means besides that of abdication, as if all the blood-royal should fail, without any successor appointed by Parliament)-if, I say, a vacancy, by any means whatsoever, should happen, the right of disposing of this vacancy seems naturally to result to the Lords and Commons, the trustees and representatives of the nation. For there are no other hands in which it can so properly be intrusted; and there is a necessity of its being intrusted somewhere, else the whole frame of government must be dissolved and perish."

The principle on which this decision in regard to the abdication of King James II rests is still stronger when it is applied to persons who are citizens of the United States but who reside in Hawaii, and by the constitution and laws of Hawaii are admitted into an active participation in the conduct of government, both as officeholders and as qualified electors. If they, in connection with the native or naturalized subjects of the Kingdom of Hawaii, unite in demanding the preservation of their constitutional rights, there should be no captious or

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technical objections taken to the assertion of that right, or to the manner of its exercise.

In reference to all citizens of the United States residing in Hawaii and not actual members or officers of that Government, the spirit of our laws, in accordance with the principles of the Constitution and the traditions of the people, should be applied to their protection, when it is the duty of the United States to protect them, and especially are they entitled to the full advantage of the protection that is afforded under that doctrine of personal liberty and security which upholds the authority of governments de facto. When such a government arises out of alleged abuses and grievances and is set up in good faith by the intelligent classes to succeed a monarchy in a state that is the only monarchy in a sisterhood of many republics, the rules governing its recognition are not those that seem to control in cases where the state is a sole republic surrounded by an environment of monarchies.

In Europe, where governmental successions have no relation to the will of the people, every presumption that can be made to support the regal system is adopted and enforced with rigid care. The old conditions are presumed to exist in a regal government until the new government has accomplished a complete revolution and until nothing remains to be done to secure an uninterrupted and unembarrassed installation of its authority. Those presumptions are all in favor of the crown and are easily applied in practical use, as the crown is a political unit and acts with certainty in the assertion of its claims. When the rights asserted against the crown are set up by the people, or for the people, the act is necessarily a representative act, and the authority of the alleged representative is severely questioned. Indeed, it is not considered as existing in European countries until, through bloodshed or an overwhelming exhibition of forces, its acknowledgment is literally compelled. The reverse of this rule should obtain in that part of the world where it is held, universally, that the right to govern depends upon the consent of the governed and not upon a divine inheritance of power. In a controversy like that in Hawaii the presumption is in favor of those who unite to assert the constitutional rights of the people, that they are acting in good faith, and that they are not seeking personal aggrandizement, but the good of the people. When such a popular movement engages the evident support of those whom the people have trusted for their integrity to an extent that inspires a just confidence of success a sufficient foundation exists, at least, for a government de facto; and it is no more necessary to its validity that every possible obstacle to its final success has been removed than it would be necessary, on the other hand, to the permanency of the crown that every rebellious subject of the Queen had been slain or banished and their estates had been confiscated.

The supporters of Liliuokalani seem to be forced into the attitude of claiming that it is of no consequence that she may have forfeited her right to the Crown and had placed it in the power of the people lawfully to claim that this was an abdication, unless the people had overcome and removed every vestige of her power before they proclaimed the Provisional Government. Her known purpose to press the absolute powers claimed by her in the new constitution to the extent of the banishment or death of the white population seems not to be permitted to excuse the action of the people in displacing her, if they had not captured her small force of policemen and soldiers before the American minister had recognized the Provisional Government.

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Liliuokalani did not seem to take this narrow view of the revolution she had inaugurated.

The banishment or death of the white people and the confiscation of their estates was the final decree recorded in the Queen's heart and mind, as she freely stated to Minister Willis, and until this cruel work had been accomplished she held that her policy of revolution would be a failure. There is some ground for hope that these were not her sincere purposes or wishes but that in giving expression to them she was "playing a part." As opposed to such purposes, or to a Queen who could imagine them in the presence of the constitutional protection given to the rights and liberties of the people throughout this hemisphere, Americans should not hesitate in the support of a government de facto, set up to oppose her, because she had not made a formal surrender of a place where a few soldiers and policemen had been stationed, who were powerless to hold it against the people then under arms. It was an act of mercy to her and her retainers that they were not forced into the commission of acts of violence. An interregnum existed in the executive Government of Hawaii, which was caused by the effort of the Queen to destroy the constitution of 1887, and by the act of the people in accepting her will for the completed coup d'etat, and, in making that the occasion for supplying the executive department of the Government with a chief.

A careful investigation has failed to show that any conspiracy now exists that is directed to the virtual displacement of the Provisional Government. The personal efforts of the Queen seem to have been directed toward a provision for a safe and comfortable life, free from the anxieties of office and "the stress of her native subjects." Her power of attorney to Paul Newman and his mission to the United States indicate a reliance on the "arts of peace" rather than of war for indemnity for the past and security for the future. The opinions, or sentiments, expressed by her in the three interviews she had with Mr. Willis, in which she uttered the severest denunciations against the white race in Hawaii, and declared her willingness, if not her purpose, to confiscate their estates and to banish or to destroy them, while they are a seeming expression of the lofty indignation of an offended ruler, are so unsuited to the character of a queen crowned by a Christian and civilized people, and so out of keeping with her character as a woman who had received kindly recognition and personal regard from other good and refined ladies, that they shock all right-minded people in Christendom. The Government of the United States should willingly forbear to regard these utterances as her official expression of such designs upon the lives and liberties of those whom she would find in her power, upon her restoration to the throne, and accept them as a means adopted by her to convince Mr. Willis that her restoration to the throne was impossible, and was not in accordance with her wishes.

The President, on the first intimation of these harsh declarations of the Queen, at once laid them before Congress, and abandoned the further exercise of his good offices to bring about a reconciliation between her and those who were conducting and supporting the Provisional Government.

Mr. Willis, however, regarding his instructions as continuing to require his intercession beyond the point where the President considered that it should cease, held a second and third interview with Liliuokalani. After these interviews had closed, the Queen being still firm in her course, Mr. Carter, a trusted friend, obtained her signature to a pledge of amnesty, and made that the basis of his proposition

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to Mr. Dole for the abandonment of the Provisional Government, which was summarily refused. This closed that incident. Mr. Willis, in what he did, obeyed what he conceived to be his instructions, and being so distant from Washington, it is a matter of regret, but not of surprise, that there was an apparent want of harmony between his action in continuing his interviews with Liliuokalani after the President had determined that the full duty of the Government had been performed.

The attitude of Liliuokalani at the conclusion of this proceeding is that of waiting for a pleasant retirement from the cares of public life, rather than of waiting for an opportunity to bring about a hostile collision with the people who support the new order of government in Hawaii.

In dealing with a grave subject, now for the first time presented in America, we must consider the conditions of public sentiment as to monarchic government, and we shall derive also material help from the light of English history. In the Western Hemisphere, except as to the colonial relation, which has become one of mere political alliance chiefly for commercial reasons, and does not imply in any notable case absolute subjection to imperial or royal authority, royalty no longer exists. When a crown falls, in any kingdom of the Western Hemisphere, it is pulverized, and when a scepter departs, it departs forever; and American opinion can not sustain any American ruler in the attempt to restore them, no matter how virtuous and sincere the reasons may be that seem to justify him. There have been heathen temples in the older States in this hemisphere where the bloody orgies of pagan worship and sacrifice have crimsoned history with shame; and very recently such temples have been erected in the United States to abuse Christianity by the use of its sacred name and ritual. When the arms of invaders, or mobs of the people, have destroyed these temples, no just indignation at the cruelties that may have been perpetrated in their destruction could possibly justify their restoration.

It is a great blessing to this Western World that the nations are to be spared the calamities which Blackstone describes as "imbruing the kingdom of England in blood and confusion," growing out of claims of succession to the crown. In almost every reign prior to that of the present house of Hanover, the lives and property of the people of England, amid the greatest cruelties, have been sacrificed in settling pretensions to the crown. It was these conflicts and this distress of innocent sufferers that caused the people to claim through the judges the protection of the doctrine, that service rendered to the king who held the scepter was lawful, although he was not rightfully in possession of the crown. No greater liberty of the people was ever devised or granted than the right of protection under a king de facto against a king de jure.

De facto governments, when they seek to supply the gap created by an interregnum, are favored in the international law, and when they are also based on the right of popular government in conflict with regal government, or to prevent its reestablishment, once it has disappeared in a State of the Western Hemisphere, it is so rooted and established in the foundations of the rightful authority to rule that it is justly to be ranked among the cardinal liberties of the people.

This doctriue is not new, and yet it is modern in England, where the right to the crown and its prerogatives have bled the people for fifteen centuries. The stringent doctrine that a de facto government must be established firmly and in all respects before it is entitled to recognition

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by another sovereign and independent power had no application to the facts and circumstances that attended the recent revolution in Hawaii; moreover, if the revolution there had been directed against the entire government and for the overthrow of the constitution of 1887, and all monarchic rule, if it was a sincere, strong, earnest and successful movement of the people for the recovery of their natural right to rule themselves, they should not be narrowly questioned and held to rigid account for a proper and discreet performance of every act necessary to their resumption of their natural rights, but all America must unite in the declaration that, under such circumstances, the presumptions of law should be favorable to such movements, rather than unfriendly to the establishment by the people of the foundations of their liberties, based upon their right to govern themselves.

The parliament of Hawaii had been prorogued by the Queen on the 14th day of January, and could not be again assembled under the constitution, except by the chief executive authority. Until that authority was supplied in some way, therefore, the Legislature could not be reconvened. It was the establishment of that authority, the chief executive head of the nation, which was the question at issue, and when that was decided, an appeal to the Legislature of Hawaii for its confirmation or ratification was not only unnecessary, but might have resulted in a counter revolution. It was, therefore, in the interest of peace, good order, and right government, that the people of Hawaii, who were unopposed in their process of organizing an executive head for the Government, should proceed to do so as they did, regularly and in an orderly, firm, and successful manner. Thus the abdication of Liliuokalani was confirmed and has so continued from that day to this. The Government of the United States has on various occasions recognized the succession to the executive authority as residing in the Provisional Government initiated at that public meeting at the arsenal and consummated on the 17th day of January by public proclamation. Then, on the 17th day of January, according to the recognition of the United States, from which there has been no dissent or departure, the interregnum ceased, and the executive head of the Government of Hawaii was established. Until this was completed, on the 17th day of January, by the proclamation of the Provisional Government, the United States was still charged, under every principle of law and justice and under the highest obligation of duty, to keep her forces in Honolulu, and to enforce, in virtue of her sovereign authority, the rights of her citizens under the treaty obligations and also under the laws of Hawaii, relating to the safety of person and property and the rights of industry, commerce, and hospitality in their free pursuit and enjoyment. And when the Provisional Government was thus established, it rested with the United States to determine whether the Government of Hawaii was so far rehabilitated and so safely established that these rights of her citizens could be intrusted to its keeping. The recognition of such a state of affairs, within a country whose executive department has been made vacant in consequence of domestic strife, is quite a separate and different proceeding, both in form and effect, from the recognition of the political independence of a government that is complete in its organization. In the latter case, the recognition excludes all right of interference in its domestic affairs, while in the former it is the right and duty of supplying the protection of law to the citizen that makes interference necessary as well as lawful.

The independence of Hawaii as a sovereign State had been long recognized by the United States, and this unhappy occasion did not

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suggest the need of renewing that declaration. The question presented in Honolulu on and after the 12th of January, 1893, was whether the Queen continued to be the executive head of the Government of Hawaii. That was a question of fact which her conduct and that of her people placed in perilous doubt until it was decided by the proclamation of a new executive. Pending that question there was no responsible executive government in Hawaii. On the 17th of January that doubt was resolved to the satisfaction of the American minister, and of all other representatives of foreign governments in Hawaii, in favor of the Provisional Government. This recognition did not give to the Government of Hawaii the legal or moral right to expel the troops of any government, stationed in Honolulu in the period of interregnum, until it had so firmly established its authority as to give to foreigners the security to provide for which these troops had been landed. Good faith and an honest respect for the rights of friendly nations would certainly require the withdrawal of all further interference with the domestic affairs of Hawaii as soon as that government had provided security that was reasonably sufficient for the protection of the citizens of the United States. But the Government of the United States had the right to keep its troops in Honolulu until these conditions were performed, and the Government of Hawaii could certainly acquiesce in such a policy without endangering its independence or detracting from its dignity. This was done, and the troops from the Boston camped on shore for several months. The precise hour when or the precise conditions under which the American minister recognized the Provisional Government is not a matter of material importance. It was his duty, at the earliest safe period, to assist by his recognition in the termination of the interregnum, so that citizens of the United States might be safely remitted to the care of that Government for the security of their rights. As soon as he was convinced that the Provisional Government was secure against overthrow it was his duty to recognize the rehabilitated State. Whether this was done an hour or two sooner or later could make no substantial difference as to his rights or duties, if he was satisfied that the movement was safe against reversal. If no question of the annexation of Hawaii to the United States had existed, the conduct of the American minister in giving official recognition to the Provisional Government would not have been the subject of adverse criticism. But the presence of that question and his anxious advocacy of annexation did not relieve him from the duty or abridge his right to call for the troops on the Boston to protect the citizens of the United States during an interregnum in the office of chief executive of Hawaii. They were not to be put into a state of outlawry and peril if the minister had been opposed to annexation, nor could his desire on that subject in anyway affect their rights or his duty. He gave to them the protection they had the right to demand, and, in respect of his action up to this point, so far as it related to Hawaii, his opinions as to annexation have not affected the attitude of the U. S. Government, and the committee find no cause of censure either against Minister Stevens or Capt. Wiltse, of the Boston.

Afterward, on the 1st day of February, 1893, the American minister caused the flag of the United States to be raised on the Government building in Honolulu, and assumed and declared a protectorate over that nation in the name of the United States. This act on the part of our minister was without authority, and was void for want of power. It was disavowed by Secretary Foster and rebuked by Secretary

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Gresham, and the order to abandon the protectorate and haul down the flag was in accordance with the duty and honor of the United States. To haul down the flag of the United States was only an order to preserve its honor.

The diplomatic officers of the United States in Hawaii have the right to much larger liberty of action in respect to the internal affairs of that country than would be the case with any other country with which we have no peculiar or special relations. In our diplomatic correspondence with Hawaii and in the various treaties, some of them treaties of annexation, which have been signed and discussed, though not ratified, from time to time, there has been manifested a very near relationship between the two governments. The history of Hawaii in its progress, education, development, and government, and in Christianity, has been closely identified with that of the United States—so closely, indeed, that the United States has not at any time hesitated to declare that it would permit no intervention in the affairs of Hawaii by any foreign government which might tend to disturb the relations with the United States, or to gain any advantages there over the Americans who may have settled in that country. The United States has assumed and deliberately maintained toward Hawaii a relation which is entirely exceptional, and has no parallel in our dealings with any other people.

The justification for this attitude is not a matter with which the present inquiry is necessarily connected, but its existence furnishes a good excuse, if excuse is needed, for a very lively concern on the part of our diplomatic representatives in everything that relates to the progress of that people.

The causes that have led to this peculiar situation are altogether apparent. They are in every sense honorable, just, and benevolent. One nation can not assume such an attitude toward another, especially if the latter is, by contrast, small, weak, and dependent upon the good will or forbearance of the world for its existence, without giving to it a guaranty of external and internal security.

The attitude of the United States toward Hawaii, thus voluntarily assumed, gives to Hawaii the right to regard it as such a guaranty.

In the absence of a policy to establish a colonial system and of any disposition for territorial aggrandizement, the Government of the United States looked with approbation and gave encouragement to the labors and influence of their citizens in Hawaii, in laying the groundwork of a free and independent government there which, in its principles and in the distribution of powers, should be like our own, and ultimately become republican in form. This has been the unconcealed wish of the people of the United States, in which many of the native Hawaiians have participated.

Observing the spirit of the Monroe doctrine, the United States, in the beginning of our relations with Hawaii, made a firm and distinct declaration of the purpose to prevent the absorption of Hawaii or the political control of that country by any foreign power. Without stating the reasons for this policy, which included very important commercial and military considerations, the attitude of the United States toward Hawaii was in moral effect that of a friendly protectorate. It has been a settled policy of the United States that if it should turn out that Hawaii, for any cause, should not be able to maintain an independent government, that country would be encouraged in its tendency to gravitate toward political union with this country.

The treaty relations between Hawaii and the United States, as fixed by several conventions that have been ratified, and by other negotiations,

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have been characterized by a sentiment of close reciprocity. In addition to trade relations of the highest advantage to Hawaii, the United States has so far interfered with the internal policy of Hawaii as to secure an agreement from that Government restricting the disposal of bays and harbors and the crown lands to other countries, and has secured exclusive privileges in Pearl Harbor of great importance to this Government.

This attitude of the two governments and the peculiar friendship of the two peoples, together with the advantages given to Hawaii in commerce, induced a large and very enterprising class of people from the United States to migrate to those islands and to invest large sums of money in the cultivation of sugar and rice, and in other trade and industry. The introduction of laborers from Japan and China in great numbers gave to the governing power in Hawaii a new and very significant importance, and made it necessary, for the protection of the interests of the white or European people and of the natives, that the safeguards of the organic law of the Kingdom should be carefully preserved. In the efforts to secure these guarantees of safe government, no distinction of race was made as to the native or Kanaka population, but Chinese and Japanese were excluded from participation in the government as voters, or as officeholders.

Apprehensions of civil disturbance in Hawaii caused the United States to keep ships of war at Honolulu for many years past, almost without intermission, and the instructions that were given to our diplomatic and consular officers and to the naval commanders on that station went beyond the customary instructions applicable to other countries. In most instances, the instructions so given included the preservation of order and of the peace of the country, as well as the protection and preservation of the property and of the lives and treaty rights of American citizens.

The circumstances above mentioned, which the evidence shows to have existed, create a new light under which we must examine into the conduct of our diplomatic and naval officers in respect of the revolution that occurred in Hawaii in January, 1893. In no sense, and at no time, has the Government of the United States observed toward the domestic affairs of Hawaii the strict impartiality and the indifference enjoined by the general law of noninterference, in the absence of exceptional conditions. We have always exerted the privilege of interference in the domestic policy of Hawaii to a degree that would not be justified, under our view of the international law, in reference to the affairs of Canada, Cuba, or Mexico.

The cause of this departure from our general course of diplomatic conduct is the recognized fact that Hawaii has been all the time under a virtual suzerainty of the United States, which is, by an apt and familiar definition, a paramount authority, not in any actual sense an actual sovereignty, but a de facto supremacy over the country. This sense of paramount authority, of supremacy, with the right to intervene in the affairs of Hawaii, has never been lost sight of by the United States to this day, and it is conspicously manifest in the correspondence of Mr. Willis with Mr. Dole, which is set forth in the evidence which accompanies this report.

Another fact of importance in considering the conduct of our diplomatic and naval officers during the revolution of January, 1893, is that the annexation of Hawaii to the United States has been the subject of careful study and almost constant contemplation among Hawaiians and their kings since the beginning of the reign of Kamehameha I. This

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has always been regarded by the ruling power in Hawaii as a coveted and secure retreat—a sort of house of refuge—whenever the exigencies of fate might compel Hawaii to make her choice between home rule and foreign domination, either in the form of a protectorate, or of submission to some foreign sovereign.

Hawaii has always desired an escape to a freer government, when she has to be forced to the point where the surrender of racial pride and her standing as a nation would be the severe penalty of her weakness. Hawaiians prefer citizenship in a great republic to the slavery of subjection to any foreign monarchy. Annexation to the United States has never been regarded with aversion, or with a sense of national degradation, by the Hawaiian people. On the contrary, it has been adopted as a feature of political action by those who have attempted to recommend themselves to the support of the people in times of danger.

In the revolution of January, 1893, those who assumed the sovereign power, declaring that there was an interregnum, made it a conspicuous part of their avowed purpose to remain in authority until Hawaii should be annexed to the United States. This was stated as an argument for the creation of a provisional government, without which there would be less advantage in the change of the situation. Annexation was an avowed purpose of the Provisional Government, because it would popularize the movement. No one could project a revolution in Hawaii for the overthrow of the monarchy, that would not raise the question among the people of annexation to the United States.

In the diplomatic correspondence of the United States with our ministers to Hawaii, frequent and favorable allusion is made to this subject as a matter of friendly consideration for the advantage of that country and people, and not as a result that would enhance the wealth or power of the United States. This treatment of the subject began very early in the history of Hawaiian civilization, and it was taken up and discussed by the people of the islands as a topic of patriotic inspiration. It was their habit to celebrate the anniversary of the independence of the United States as a national fete day. So that, there was no thought of conspiracy against the monarchy in openly favoring the project of annexation. Whether annexation is wise and beneficial to both countries is a question that must receive the consideration of both governments before it can be safely settled.

The testimony taken by the committee discloses the well-considered opinion of several of our most eminent naval and military officers, that the annexation of Hawaii is a fact indispensable to the proper defense and protection of our Western coast and cities. But this is a matter with which the committee is not especially charged, and reference is made to these opinions as supporting the statement that all intelligent men in Hawaii and in the United States, who have taken pains to consider the subject, are convinced that the question is one deserving of thorough investigation and a correct and friendly decision. The question of annexation, however, is distinctly presented in the proclamation of the Provisional Government as one to be settled by the action of the Government of the United States.

Commissioners to treat with the United States for the annexation of Hawaii were sent to Washington immediately upon the adoption and promulgation of the Provisional Government, and they negotiated and signed a treaty in conjunction with Mr. Secretary Foster, which was submitted to the Senate of the United States and was subsequently withdrawn by the present administration. Accompanying that treaty

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was a paper signed by Liliuokalani, in which she stated no objection to the project of annexation to the United States, but in which she protested earnestly against her dethronement, and alleged that the United States, through the abuse by its diplomatic and naval officers of the powers entrusted to them, had virtually compelled her abdication. The President of the United States, after a further examination of the subject, concluded that it was his duty to withdraw this annexation treaty from the Senate for further consideration, and so notified the Provisional Government through Mr. Willis, our present minister.

The recognition of the Provisional Government was lawful and authoritative, and has continued without interruption or modification up to the present time. It may be justly claimed for this act of recognition that it has contributed greatly to the maintenance of peace and order in Hawaii and to the promotion of the establishment of free, permanent, constitutional government in Hawaii, based upon the consent of the people.

The complaint by Liliuokalani in the protest that she sent to the President of the United States and dated the 18th day of January, is not, in the opinion of the committee, well founded in fact or in justice. It appears from the evidence submitted with this report that she was in fact the author and promoter of a revolution in Hawaii which involved the destruction of the entire constitution, and a breach of her solemn oath to observe and support it, and it was only after she had ascertained that she had made a demand upon her native subjects for support in this movement which they would not give to her, that she, for the time, postponed her determination to carry this revolution into effect, and made known her determination to do so as soon as she could feel that she had the power to sustain the movement.

But the President of the United States, giving attention to Liliuokalani's claim that this Government had alarmed her by the presence of its troops into the abdication of her crown, believed that it was proper and necessary in vindication of the honor of the United States to appoint a commissioner to Hawaii who would make a careful investigation into the facts and send the facts and his conclusions to the President, for his information. The commissioner, Mr. Blount, went to Hawaii under circumstances of extreme embarrassment and executed his instructions with impartial care to arrive at the truth, and he presented a sincere and instructive report to the President of the United States, touching the facts, the knowledge of which he thus acquired. In the agitated state of opinion and feeling in Hawaii at that time, it was next to impossible to obtain a full, fair, and free declaration in respect of the facts which attended this revolution, and particularly was this difficult to obtain from the persons who actively participated in that movement.

The evidence submitted by the committee, in addition to that which was presented by Mr. Blount, having been taken under circumstances more favorable to the development of the whole truth with regard to the situation, has, in the opinion of the committee, established the fact that the revolutionary movement in Hawaii originated with Liliuokalani, and was promoted, provided for, and, as she believed, secured by the passage of the opium bill and the lottery bill through the Legislature, from which she expected to derive a revenue sufficient to secure the ultimate success of her purpose, which was distinctly and maturely devised to abolish the constitution of 1887, and to assume to herself absolute power, free from constitutional restraint of any serious character.

S. Doc. 231, pt 6----25

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The fact cannot be ignored that this revolutionary movement of Liliuokalani, which had its development in the selection of a new cabinet to supplant one which had the support of all the conservative elements in the islands, was set on foot and accomplished during the absence of the American minister on board the ship Boston during the ten days which preceded the prorogation of the Legislature. The astonishment with which this movement was received by the American emigrants and other white people residing in Hawaii, and its inauguration in the absence of the Boston and of the American minister, show that those people, with great anxiety, recognized the fact that it was directed against them and their interests and welfare and that when it was completed they would become its victims. These convictions excited the serious apprehensions of all the white people in those islands that a crisis was brought about in which not only their rights in Hawaii, and under the constitution, were to be injuriously affected, but that the ultimate result would be that they wouid be driven from the islands or, remaining there, would be put at the mercy of those who chose to prey upon their property. This class of people, who were intended to be ostracised, supply nine-tenths of the entire tax receipts of the Kingdom; and they were conscious that the purpose was to inflict taxation upon them without representation, or else to confiscate their estates and drive them out of the country. This produced alarm and agitation, which resulted in the counter movement set on foot by the people to meet and overcome the revolution which Lilioukalani had projected and had endeavored to accomplish. Her ministers were conscious of the fact that any serious resistance to her revolutionary movement (of which they had full knowledge before they were inducted into office) would disappoint the expectations of the Queen and would result in the overthrow of the executive government; and, while they had evidently promised the Queen that they would support here in her effort to abolish the constitution of 1887 and substitute one which they had secretly assisted in preparing, when the moment of the trial came they abandoned her—they broke faith with her. The Queen's ministers took fright and gave information to the people of the existence of the movements and concealed purposes of the Queen and of her demands upon them to join her in the promulgation of the constitution, and they appealed to the committee of safety for protection, and continued in that attitude until they saw that the kindled wrath of the people would not take the direction of violence and bloodshed without the provocation of a serious necessity. Being satisfied that they could trust to the forbearance of the people, who were looking to the protection of their interests and had no desire for strife and bloodshed, they began to finesse in a political way to effect a compromise between the people and the Queen, and they induced her to make the proclamation of her intentions to postpone the completion of her revolutionary purposes, which was circulated in Honolulu on Monday morning. These men, whose conduct can not be characterized as anything less than perfidious, hastened to give to the President of the United States false and misleading statements of the facts leading up to, attending, and succeeding this revolution. To do this they made deceptive and misleading statements to Mr. Blount. Upon them must rest the odium of having encouraged the Queen in her revolutionary intentions; of having then abandoned her in a moment of apparent danger; of having thrown themselves upon the mercy of the people, and then of making an attempt, through falsehood and misrepresentation,

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to regain power in the Government of Hawaii, which the people would, naturally, forever deny to them.

A question has been made as to the right of the President of the United States to dispatch Mr. Blount to Hawaii as his personal representative for the purpose of seeking the further information which the President believed was necessary in order to arrive at a just conclusion regarding the state of affairs in Hawaii. Many precedents could be quoted to show that such power has been exercised by the President on various occasions without dissent on the part of Congress or the people of the United States. The employment of such agencies is a necessary part of the proper exercise of the diplomatic power which is intrusted by the Constitution with the President. Without such authority our foreign relations would be so embarrassed with difficulties that it would be impossible to conduct them with safety or success. These precedents also show that the Senate of the United States, though in session, need not be consulted as to the appointment of such agents, or as to the instructions which the President may give them.

An authority was intrusted to Mr. Blount to remove the American flag from the Government building in Hawaii, and to disclaim openly and practically the protectorate which had been announced in that country by Minister Stevens, and also to remove the troops from Honolulu to the steamer Boston. This particular delegation of authority to Mr. Blount was paramount over the authority of Mr. Stevens, who was continued as minister resident of the United States at Honolulu, and it raised the question whether the Government of the United States can have at the same foreign capital two ministers, each of whom shall exercise separate and special powers.

There seems to be no reason why the Government of the United States can not, in conducting its diplomatic intercourse with other countries, exercise powers as broad and general, or as limited and peculiar, or special, as any other government. Other governments have been for many years, and even centuries, in the habit of intrusting special and particular missions to one man representing them at a foreign court, and to several men in combination when that was found to be desirable. In fact, there has been no limit placed upon the use of a power of this kind, except the discretion of the sovereign or ruler of the country. The committee fail to see that there is any irregularity in such a course as that, or that the power given to Mr. Blount to withdraw the troops from Honolulu or to lower the flag of the United States was to any extent either dangerous or interrupting to any other lawful authority existing there in any diplomatic or naval officer. There may be a question as to the particular wording of the order which Mr. Blount gave to Admiral Skerrett for the lowering of the flag and the withdrawal of the troops, but that is a hypercriticism, because the substantial fact was that Mr. Blount executed the command of the President in communicating to Admiral Skerrett such order, as the order of the President of the United States. Mr. Blount's authority had been made known to Admiral Skerrett; his instructions had been exhibited to Admiral Skerrett; and they both understood that what Mr. Blount was then doing had received the sanction of the President of the United States before Mr. Blount had entered upon the discharge of his ministerial functions, and that his act would receive the unqualified approval of the President of the United States. That being so, the mere form in which the order was addressed to Admiral Skerrett seems to be a matter of no serious consequence.

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The control given to Mr. Trist over the military operations in Mexico, when war was flagrant, was far greater than that which was confided to Mr. Blount. The secret orders given to the commanders of the Army and of the Navy on that occasion are set out in the appendix to this report.

When Mr. Willis arrived in Honolulu he was received by the Provisional Government, to which he was accredited, and an interchange of the usual courtesies was had between them. He carried instructions, as minister of the United States, which did not concern the Government of Hawaii until they had been attended with a certain result which he endeavored to bring about. That result was that Liliuokalani should agree that, in the event of her restoration to the throne, not by the action of the President of the United States, but in any other event, or by any agreement, she would bind herself to grant full and free amnesty to all persons who had been engaged in opposition to her alleged authority. When that agreement had been obtained Mr. Willis was instructed to submit it to the Provisional Government and ascertain whether they would agree to restore the Queen to the throne under those circumstances and upon those conditions. If this was intervention, it was in the interest of Americans in Hawaii. It was an exaction upon Liliuokalani which would forbid, under the penalty of war, that should she acquire the throne by whatever means, that she should openly disavow any purpose to inflict any pains and penalties upon those who had supported the Provisional Government. Liliuokalani, after several efforts on the part of Mr. Willis to obtain her consent to this proposition, finally signed it without the assent of her ministers, and it was attested by Mr. Carter, who was a personal and political friend. Her declaration or agreement thus signed and delivered to Mr. Willis was by him presented to the President of the Provisional Government (who was also minister of foreign affairs), and the question whether or not it would be accepted by the Government of Hawaii was submitted to him. Whereupon the President of the Provisional Government declined to accept the proposition; declined to yield the power which had been vested in him as the chief executive of Hawaii; and nothing more was done either to induce him, or to compel him, to consent to, or to assist in, the restoration of Liliuokalani to the throne or the restoration of the Monarchy.

If, in this course of proceeding, the President of the United States had intended to compel obedience to what is termed his "decision" in the matter by using the force of the United States to assist the Queen in being enthroned, that would have been an act of war, entirely beyond his power, and would not have received the sanction of any considerable part of the American people, and would have no warrant in international law. But such was not the intention of the President, as is shown by contemporaneous acts, by his declarations, and by his subsequent treatment of the subject. Therefore, the question between the United States and Hawaii touching the propriety of an intervention in the domestic affairs of Hawaii to the extent of gaining the final decision and agreement of both parties upon these propositions is one that is strictly within the accepted right or authority of a sovereign to tender his good offices to reconcile the conflicts of two or more factions, or parties, that may be opposed to each other within any country. The tender of good offices has often been voluntarily made in the interest of humanity, of peace, of law, and of order, or at the suggestion of one of two belligerent powers actually engaged in war. Sometimes it has

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been made at the suggestion of that party in a government, engaged in actual hostilities, which had the evident power to crush its opponent by prosecuting the war to extremities. In such cases the intervention has often been accepted as a merciful interposition, and it has been considered an honor by other governments that they should be requested, under such circumstances, to exercise their good offices in favor of procuring peace through a submission to inevitable results. When the tender of good offices is made at the request of both of the contending parties it is difficult to conceive how any sovereign of a foreign country could refuse to act in such matter.

In the public act by which the Provisional Government of Hawaii was established there was a distinct declaration that that Government was to continue until Hawaii was annexed to the United States. That declaration, apart from every other consideration, would have justified the United States in an interference for the protection of the Provisional Government which would not have been tolerated under other circumstances. That declaration created an intimacy of relationship between the United States and the recognized Government of Hawaii which is entirely exceptional, and which placed within the reach and control of the United States very largely, if not entirely, the disposal of those questions collateral to that of annexation which might have interfered with the peaceful and appropriate solution of any difficulty which might arise in its execution. So that the Provisional Government of Hawaii, having thus thrown itself into the arms of the United States in the first declaration of its existence, can not justly complain that the United States should scrutinize, under the authority thus given, all its pretensions of right thus to dispose of an entire country and people. And Liliuokalani, having reference to the same project of annexation, of which she was fully cognizant, made complaint that the United States had assisted in driving her from her throne by bringing its troops on shore in military array at a time when there was no necessity for it, distinctly announced at the moment of her final and avowed abdication that she would abdicate provisionally and would await the decision of the United States as to whether that abdication and the destruction of the Kingdom and the annexation of Hawaii to the United States should become completed facts. Under such circumstances the President of the United States, believing that the information then in possession of the Government was not sufficient to justify summary annexation, could not have done justice to himself, to his country, to the people of Hawaii, to the Provisional Government, or to Liliuokalani, without having made an effort to use his good offices for the purpose of ascertaining whether it was practicable that the Queen should be restored to her authority, leaving the question to be determined by the people interested in Hawaii whether such restoration would be acceptable to them or not. If Liliuokalani had been restored to her throne by the consent of the membership of the Provisional Government, upon the terms and conditions of the proposition which she signed and delivered to Mr. Willis, the President of the United States would not have been in any sense responsible for her restoration, would not have espoused the monarchy, nor would he have done anything that was contradictory of American sentiment, opinion, or policy. He would only have been the mutual friend, accepted, really, by both parties, whose intervention would have secured, with their consent, the final solution of that question. In the absence of such committal on his part to the claims of Liliuokalani or resistance on his part to the

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recognized rights of the Provisional Government, there is no reason for withholding approval of the conduct of the President of the United States in thus accepting and executing a function which he was entitled to perform, in submitting the question, in due and final form, to the contending parties or factions in Hawaii, whether they preferred to maintain the authority of the Provisional Government, with whatever results may follow from that, or a return to the monarchy under Liliuokalani.

Therefore your committee conclude to report that the President of the United States has not, in this particular, in any wise been a party to any irregularity or any impropriety of conduct in his high office.

The committee find nothing worthy of criticism in the negotiation of the treaty of annexation with the Provisional Government of Hawaii.

The revolution in Hawaii had the effect of displacing one chief of the executive department and substituting another. Except the Queen and her cabinet, no officer of the Government was removed. The legislative body, including the house of nobles and house of representatives and their presiding officers, remained in commission. The supreme court and all other judicial magistracies and the officers of the courts were left undisturbed, and, when the interregnum ended, they pursued their duties without change or interruption; commerce with foreign countries and between the islands was not in any way prevented, and the commercial and banking houses were open for business, which resumed activity when the executive head of the Government was again in the exercise of lawful authority.

The Government had not been displaced and another substituted, but only a department which was left vacant had been rehabilitated.

When this was done and the fact was recognized, the Government of Hawaii was as competent to treat of annexation to the United States as it had ever been, or as it ever will be, until the United States shall decide that it will annex no more territory unless with the consent of the people to be annexed, to be ascertained by a plebiscite.

Complaint is made also that this project of annexation was attempted to be consummated in too great haste.

That raises a question of due consideration; for, if the people of both countries desired it, or if, according to every precedent to be found in the various annexations of countries and States to the United States, the respective governments desired it, speedy action in completing the cession was desirable for many obvious reasons, among which the injurious disturbance of commerce and danger to the public peace growing out of a protracted agitation of so grave a matter, are conspicuous.

But this is a question of long standing, which has been under favorable consideration by the kings and people of Hawaii and the Government and people of the United States for more than fifty years.

It is well understood, and its importance increases with every new event of any consequence in Hawaii, and with the falling-in of every island in the Pacific Ocean that is captured by the great maritime powers of Europe. The committee have copied, in the Appendix to this report, portions of the remarks of Hon. William. P. Draper in the House of Representatives on the 4th of February, 1894, which refer in a very clear and concise way to the progress of foreign intervention in the Pacific Ocean by European powers. The committee also present the following message of President Grant to the Senate, with the accompanying letter of Hon. Henry A. Peirce, then our minister to

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Hawaii, which shows that the subject of cession and annexation have been on several occasions carefully considered by the governments of Hawaii and the United States.

[Confidential.—Executive B.—Forty-second Congress, first session.]

Message of the President of the United States, transmitting a copy of a dispatch relative to the annexation of the Hawaiian Islands, addressed to the Department of State by Henry A. Pierce, minister resident of the United States at Honolulu.

April 7, 1871.—Read and, with the dispatch referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations, ordered to be printed in confidence for the use of the Senate.

To the Senate of the United States:

I transmit confidentially, for the information and consideration of the Senate, a copy of a dispatch of the 25th of February last, relative to the annexation of the Hawaiian Islands, addressed to the Department of State by Henry A. Pierce, minister resident of the United States at Honolulu. Although I do not deem it advisable to express any opinion or to make any recommendation in regard to the subject at this juncture, the views of the Senate, if it should be deemed proper to express them, would be very acceptable with reference to any future course which there might be a disposition to adopt.

U.S. Grant.

Washington, April 5,1871.

Mr. Pierce to Mr. Fish.

No. 101.] Legation of the United State of America,

Honolulu, February 25, 1871.

Sir: Impressed with the importance of the subject now presented for consideration, I beg leave to suggest the inquiry whether the period has not arrived making it proper, wise, and sagacious for the U. S. Government to again consider the project of annexing the Hawaiian Islands to the territory of the Republic. That such is to be the political destiny of this archipelago seems a foregone conclusion in the opinion of all who have given attention to the subject in this country, the United States, England, France, and Germany.

A majority of the aborigines, Creoles, and naturalized foreigners of this country, as I am credibly informed, are favorable, even anxious for the consummation of the measure named.

The event of the decease of the present sovereign of Hawaii, leaving no heirs or successor to the throne, and the consequent election to be made by the legislative assembly of a king, and new stirps for a royal family, will produce a crisis in political affairs which, it is thought, will be availed of as a propitious occasion to inaugurate measures for annexation of the islands to the United States, the same to be effected as the manifest will and choice of the majority of the Hawaiian people, and through means proper, peaceful, and honorable.

It is evident, however, no steps will be taken to accomplish the object named without the proper sanction or approbation of the U. S. Government in approval thereof.

The Hawaiian people for fifty years have been under educational instruction of American missionaries, and the civilizing influences of

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New England people, commercial and maritime. Hence they are puritan and democratic in their ideas and tendencies, modified by a tropical climate. Their favorite songs and airs are American. Sherman's "Marching Through Georgia" and "John Brown's Soul is Marching On" are daily heard in the streets and in their schoolrooms. The fifteenth amendment to the Constitution of the United States has made the project of annexation to our Union more popular than ever both here and in the United States.

The native population is fast disappearing; the number existing is now estimated at 45,000, having decreased about 15,000 since the census of 1866. The number of foreigners in addition is between 5,000 and 6,000, two-thirds of whom are from the United States, and they own more than that proportion of foreign capital, as represented in the agriculture, commerce, navigation, and whale fisheries of the Kingdom.

This country and sovereignty will soon be left to the possession of foreigners, "to unlineal hands, no sons of theirs succeeding." To what foreign nation shall these islands belong if not to the great Republic? At the present those of foreign nativities hold all the important offices of government and control legislation, the judiciary, etc. Well disposed as the Government now is towards the United States and its resident citizens here, in course of time it may be otherwise, as was the case during our civil war.

I now proceed to state some points of a more general character, which should influence the U. S. Government in their decision of the policy of acquiring possession of this archipelago, their geographical position occupying, as it does, an important central, strategical point in the North Pacific Ocean, valuable, perhaps necessary, to the United States for a naval depot and coaling station, and to shelter and protect our commerce and navigation, which in this hemisphere is destined to increase enormously from our intercourse with the 500,000,000 population of China, Japan, and Australia. Humbolt predicted that the commerce on the Pacific would, in time, rival that on the Atlantic. A future generation, no doubt, will see the prophecy fulfilled.

The immense injury inflicted on American navigation and commerce by Great Britain in the war of 1812-1814 through her possessions of Bermuda and other West India Islands, as also that suffered by the English from French privateers from the Isle of France during the wars between those nations, are instances in proof of the necessity of anticipating and preventing, when we can, similar evils that may issue from these islands if held by other powers. Their proximity to the Pacific States of the Union, fine climate and soil, and tropical productions of sugar, coffee, rice, fruits, hides, goatskins, salt, cotton, fine wool, etc., required by the West, in exchange for flour, grain, lumber, shooks, and manufactures of cotton, wool, iron, and other articles are evidence of the commercial value of one to the other region.

Is it probable that any European power who may hereafter be at war with the United States will refrain from taking possession of this weak kingdom, in view of the great injury that could be done to our commerce through their acquisition of them?

It is said that at a proper time the United States may have the sovereignty of these islands without money and without price, except, perhaps, for purchase of the Crown and public lands, and moderate annuities to be given to the five or six high chiefs now living with uncertain claims as successors to the Crown.

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His Hawaiian Majesty, although only in his forty-first year, is liable to a sudden decease, owing to frequent attacks of difficulty in breathing and danger of suffocation from congestion caused by obesity. His weight is 300 pounds. He is sole survivor of the royal race of Kamehameha; unmarried, no heir, natural or adopted; possesses the constitutional prerogative of naming his successor, but it is believed he will not exercise it, from a superstitious belief his own death would follow immediately the act.

Prince Alexander and Lott Kamehameha (the former subsequently became the fourth Hawaiian King and the latter the fifth) and Dr. G. P. Judd, my informant, visited England in 1850 as Hawaiian commissioners.

Lord Palmerston, at their interview with him, said, in substance, "that the British Government desired the Hawaiian people to maintain proper government and preserve national independence. If they were unable to do so he recommended receiving a protectorate government under the United States or by becoming an integral part of that nation. Such," he thought, "was the destiny of the Hawaiian Islands arising from their proximity to the States of California and Oregon and natural dependence on those markets for exports and imports, together with probable extinction of the Hawaiian aboriginal population and its substitution by immigration from the United States." That advice seems sound and prophetic.

The following historical events in relation to these islands are thought worthy of revival in recollection:

February 25, 1843.—Lord George Paulet, of Her Britannic Majesty's ship Carysfort, obtained, by forceful measures, cession of the Hawaiian Islands to the Government of Great Britain, July 31, 1843. They were restored to their original sovereignty by the British Admiral Thomas.

November 28, 1843.—Joint convention of the English and French Governments, which acknowledged the independence of this archipelago and reciprocally promised never to take possession of any part of same. The United States Government was invited to be a party to the above but declined.

August, 1849.—Admiral Tromelin, with a French naval force, after making demands on the Hawaiian Government impossible to be complied with, took unresisted possession of the fort and Government buildings in Honolula, and blockaded the harbor. After a few weeks occupation of the place the French departed, leaving political affairs as they were previous to their arrival.

January, 1851.—A French naval force again appeared at Honolula, and threatened bombardment and destruction of the town. The King, Kamehameha III, with the Government, fearing it would be carried into effect, and in mortal dread of being brought under French rule similar to that placed by the latter over Tahiti, of the Society Islands, executed a deed of cession of all the Hawaiian Islands and their sovereignty forever in favor of the United States of America.

The document in a sealed envelope was placed in charge of Mr. Severance, United States commissioner here, with instructions to take formal official possession of the soil of these islands on occasion of the first hostile shot fired by the French. On learning the facts the latter desisted further aggressive acts and departed from the country.

Since that period the French authorities have pursued a conciliatory course in their relations with the Hawaiian Government, and fully of opinion, it is said, that a secret treaty exists between the United States Government and that of Hawaii, by which these islands pass into the

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possession of the former in case of aggressions made upon them thereafter by any hostile powers.

In 1854 the administration of President Pierce authorized the United States commissioner, Mr. Gregg, to negotiate a treaty with the Hawaiian authorities for the cession of the sovereignty of these islands to the United States; but Mr. Gregg succeeded only in obtaining a protocol for a treaty, by which the United States were to extend a protectorate government over them. The matter in that form did not meet with the approval of Mr. Secretary Marcy, and further negotiations ceased.

I omitted to state in proper sequence that the deed of cession of 1851 was, by order of the Secretary of State, Mr. Webster, returned to the Hawaiian Government.

In conclusion, I herewith inclose Annual Review of the Agriculture and Commerce of the Hawaiian Islands for the year 1870, published by the Pacific Commercial Advertiser, February 25, 1871. Additional copies will accompany my dispatch No. 102. Permit me to refer you to a lithographic map, published in 1867 by U. S. Bureau of Statistics, as showing in convenient form the relative position of these islands to the continents of America, Asia, etc.; also, steamship lines radiating therefrom.

With great respect, your obedient, humble servant,

Henry A. Pierce

Hon. Hamilton Fish,

Secretary of State, Washington, D. C.

A President informed as to the history of his country could find no difficulty in dealing with the question of the annexation of Hawaii to the United States on the ground that it is new; and a minister to Hawaii who should fail to inform his Government of the political changes in Hawaii that would affect that question would neglect his duty.

It is not a just criticism upon the correspondence of Minister Stevens with his Government that he earnestly advocated annexation. In this he was in line with Mr. Marcy and nearly every one of his successors as Secretary of State, and with many of Mr. Stevens's predecessors as minister to Hawaii. His letters to his Government were written under the diplomatic confidence that is requisite to secure freedom in such communications, and were not expected to come, under the scrutiny of all mankind. They show no improper spirit and are not impeachable as coloring or perverting the truth, although some matters stated by him may be classed as severe reflections. Whatever motives may have actuated or controlled any representative of the Government of the United States in his conduct of our affairs in Hawaii, if he acted within the limits of his powers, with honest intentions, and has not placed the Government of the United States upon false and untenable grounds, his conduct is not irregular.

But, in his dealings with the Hawaiian Government, his conduct was characterized by becoming dignity and reserve, and was not in any way harsh or offensive. In the opinion of the committee, based upon the evidence which accompanies this report, the only substantial irregularity that existed in the conduct of any officer of the United States, or agent of the President, during or since the time of the revolution of 1893, was that of Minister Stevens in declaring a protectorate of the United States over Hawaii, and in placing the flag of our country upon the Government building in Honolulu. No actual harm resulted

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from this unauthorized act, but as a precedent it is not to be considered as being justified. The committee have not considered it necessary to present any resolutions stating the conclusions that are indicated in this report, and ask that they be discharged from the further consideration of the resolutions under which this report is made.

We are in entire accord with the essential findings in the exceedingly able report submitted by the chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations. But it is our opinion—

First. That the appointment on the 11th day of March, 1893, without the advice and consent of the Senate, of Hon. James H. Blount as "special commissioner" to the Hawaiian Government under letters of credence and those of instruction, which declared that "in all matters affecting relations with the Government of the Hawaiian Islands his authority is paramount" was an unconstitutional act, in that such appointee, Mr. Blount, was never nominated to the Senate, but was appointed without its advice and consent, although that body was in session when such appointment was made and continued to be in session for a long time immediately thereafter.

Second. The orders of the Executive Department by which the naval force of the United States in the harbor of Honolulu was in effect placed under the command of Mr. Blount or of Mr. Willis were without authority or warrant of law.

Third. The order given by Mr. Blount to Admiral Skerrett to lower the United States ensign from the Government building in Honolulu and to embark the troops on the ships to which they belonged, was an order which Mr. Blount had no lawful authority to give. Its object was not to terminate a protectorate. That relation had been disavowed by the administration of President Harrison immediately upon receiving information of its establishment. The flag and troops, when such order was given by Mr. Blount, were in the positions from which he ordered them to be removed for the purpose of maintaining order and protecting American life and property. Their presence had been effectual to those ends, and their removal tended to create, and did create, public excitement and, to a degree, distrust of the power of the Provisional Government to preserve order or to maintain itself. That order of Mr. Blount was susceptible of being construed as indicating an unfriendly disposition on the part of the United States toward the Provisional Government, and it was so construed, particularly by the people of Hawaii.

In the light of subsequent relations between Mr. Blount and his successor, Mr. Willis, with the Queen, whose office had become vacant by her deposition and abdication under the attack of a successful revolution, this order and its execution were most unfortunate and untoward in their effect. Such relations and intercourse by Messrs. Blount and Willis with the head and with the executive officers of an overthrown government, conducted for the purpose of restoring that government by displacing its successor, were in violation of the constitution and of the principles of international law and were not warranted by the circumstances of the case.

Fourth. The question of the rightfulness of the revolution, of the lawfulness of the means by which the deposition and abdication of the Queen were effected, and the right of the Provisional Government to

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exist and to continue to exist was conclusively settled, as the report so forcibly states, against the Queen and in favor of the Provisional Government, by the act of the administration of President Harrison recognizing such Provisional Government, by the negotiation by that administration with such Provisional Government of a treaty of annexation to the United States; by accrediting diplomatic representation by such administration and by the present administration to such Provisional Government; therefore, it incontrovertibly follows that the President of the United States had no authority to attempt to reopen such determined questions, and to endeavor by any means whatever to overthrow the Provisional Government or to restore the monarchy which it had displaced.

While it is true that a friendly power may rightfully tender its good offices of mediation or advice in cases such as that under present consideration, it is also true that the performance of such offices of mediation or advice ought not to be entered upon without the consent previously given by both the parties whom the action or decision of the friendly power may affect. Such consent was not given in the present instance. The Provisional Government never so consented; it was never requested to consent. It denied the jurisdiction of the present administration on every proper occasion. Therefore the proceedings by the President, which had for their result his request and monition to the Provisional Government to surrender its powers, to give up its existence and to submit to be displaced by the monarchy which it had overthrown, had no warrant in law, nor in any consent of one of the parties to be affected by such proceedings.

Fifth. The avowed opinion of the President of the United States, in substance, that it is the duty of this Government to make reparation to the Queen by endeavoring to reinstate her upon her throne by all constitutional methods, is a clear definition of the policy of the present administration to that end. The instructions to Messrs. Blount and Willis must be construed to be other and more ample forms of expression of that policy. No other presumption is permissible than that their actions at Honolulu were with intent to carry out that avowed policy. These considerations make immaterial any discussion, in this connection, of the personal intentions, circumspection, or good faith of these gentlemen in the performance of the task to which they had been plainly commanded by the present administration.

John Sherman.
Wm. P. Frye.
J. N. Dolph.
Cushman K. Davis.

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ADDITIONAL VIEWS SUBMITTED BY MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE.

The undersigned, members of the Committee on Foreign Relations, submit herewith the following views adverse to the report of the committee, upon the subject of the recent political revolution in Hawaii.

Agreeing as we do with the conclusions submitted by the chairman of the committee that no irregularities were committed either in the appointment of Special Commissioner Blount or in the instructions given him by the President, and without denying or conceding in any manner the correctness of the facts as claimed, or of the statements as made, in said report concerning other matters therein mentioned, we especially dissent from that portion thereof which declares that the only substantial irregularity in the conduct of Mr. Stevens, the late minister, was his declaration of a protectorate by the United States over Hawaii. We are of the opinion also that there are no valid reasons and no course of dealing in our past relations with those islands which justifies interference by the United States with the political internal affairs of Hawaii any more than with those of any other independent state or nation in this hemisphere. We can not concur, therefore, in so much of the foregoing report as exonerates the minister of the United States, Mr. Stevens, from active officious and unbecoming participation in the events which led to the revolution in the Sandwich Islands on the 14th, 16th, and 17th of January, 1893. His own admissions in his official correspondence with this Government, his conduct for months preceding the revolution, as well as the facts established by the evidence before the committee, clearly justify such a conclusion.

On the other hand, we are not inclined to censure Capt. Wiltse, commanding the United States war-ship Boston, or the officers of that vessel. Their position was one of extreme delicacy and difficulty, and we appreciate their anxiety to afford protection to the lives and property of American citizens. The force of United States marines of the Boston with their ordinary arms stationed at the American legation, and at the consulate in Honolulu, would have effectually represented the authority and power of the United States Government, and would have afforded whatever protection American interests might have required; and at the same time would have avoided the appearance of coercion or duress, either upon the people of Honolulu or the Queen in the controversy between them. This is our opinion, after a careful examination of all the facts and circumstances disclosed in the evidence. But, as we have observed, the position was a delicate and difficult one. Perhaps if we had been on the ground in the presence of the minister, under the influence of his advice and counsel, and of the environments and conditions surrounding Capt. Wiltse, his officers and men, we might have landed the forces as he did; but a less formidable array would have removed from the Queen the excuse for asserting that she and her government were overawed by the United States forces, to which she claims under protest to have surrendered,

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and at the same time have afforded all necessary protection to the lives and property of our citizens at that port, if they were in any jeopardy.

The moral support and good offices of this Government, or of any government, is always permissible in promoting the moral tone and political improvement of the government of foreign countries on terms of amity with their own; but there is nothing in international law, in sound public policy, or in our past history and traditions which justifies a representative of this Government in interfering officiously or improperly in the domestic or political affairs of a foreign country, whatever may be the character of its rulers, its form of government, or its political condition. We have enough to do to attend to our own business.

We cannot, therefore, avoid the conviction that the inopportune zeal of Minister Stevens in the project of annexation of the Sandwich Islands to the United States caused him to exceed the proper limits of his official duty and of his diplomatic relations to the government and people of those islands. His conduct as the public representative of this Government was directly conducive to bringing about the condition of affairs which resulted in the overthrow of the Queen, the organization of the Provisional Government, the landing of the United States troops, and the attempted scheme of annexation; and upon this conclusion his conduct is seriously reprehensible and deserving of public censure.

M.C. Butler,
David Turpie,
John W. Daniel,
George Gray,
Members of Minority.

February 22, 1894.

The question of annexation is not submitted for the consideration of the committee, except as it incidentally affects the main question discussed; but it may not be improper for me to say, in this connection, that I am heartily in favor of the acquisition of those islands by the Government of the United States; and in a proper case and on an appropriate occasion I should earnestly advocate the same. But I am unwilling to take advantage of internal dissentions in those islands, for which I believe we are in some measure responsible, to consummate at this time so desirable an object.

M.C. Butler.

I concur in the above.

David Turpie.

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APPENDIX TO THE REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE.

I. The following is the translation of the original poster referred to by mr. hoes in his statement.

[Translation.]

THE VOICE OF THE PEOPLE.

1. A mass meeting will be held in front of the opera house, outside of the Palace yard, at 2 o'clock this afternoon, Monday, January 16, to consider the condition of the country.

By order

Committee of Law and Order

THE VOICE OF THE CHIEF.

2. On the afternoon of Saturday last the voice of the sacred chief of Hawaii, Liliuokalani, the tabued one, speaking as follows:

"Oh, ye people who love the chief, I hereby say to you, I am now ready to proclaim the new constitution for my Kingdom, thinking that it would be successful; but behold obstacles have arisen. Therefore I say unto you, loving people, go with good hope, and do not be disturbed or troubled in your minds, because within the next few days now coming I will proclaim the new constitution.

"The executive officers of the law (the cabinet) knew the errors in this new constitution, but they said nothing.

"Therefore, I hope that the thing which you, my people, so much want will be accomplished; it also is my strong desire."

And her last order was that we should pray to God to bless this Kingdom and the throne of Hawaii.

STUBBORNNESS.

3. From the day of the passage of the lottery bill until the prorogation of the Legislature the members of the Reform party in the House have been refractory. It is seen that this is the Missionary party. This is a childish act, showing the lack of principle of the Reform party and the unexampled pride of the missionaries. The missionaries are the parents of these actions, and their reason for so doing is because of their regret and vexation by reason of the failure of their schemes in the Legislature. The National party is not this way. If the Reform party is successful the Hawaiian party does not show its disappointment, but, with its customary patience, continues on working for the good of all without feelings of strife.

The foreign members of this session have shown their wicked intentions, their causeless jealousy, when the majority of the people,

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the Hawaiian party, voted as they wished. During all the bribery there has grown up a united determination on the part of the National party to hold their prerogatives and carry out the desires of their constituents who elected them. Great is our contempt for this causeless opposition of the missionaries and their friends, and for the first time we are able to congratulate the Hawaiian members on account of their unanimity during these few days.

DIFFERENT VIEWS.

4. We hear that the representatives of the foreign countries "have met and decided to help the Queen's cabinet and support her, except the American minister. The Annexationists are seeking some pretext to injure the Queen, and order the American naval forces on shore to protect their property without knowing what they are afraid of, for the ghosts which they are conjuring up will act as they acted in 1887.

OH, YE HAWAIIAN PEOPLE.

5. To-day a public meeting has been called by the missionaries of the Reform party and those who are deceived by them at Manamana, with the intention of injuring the Queen because of her love for the people in consenting to promulgate a new constitution, to depose her from being Queen, and to turn the monarchy into a republic. Therefore, those who love the country, those who are born in the country, stand fast in support of the monarchy and do not let one true Hawaiian go to this meeting to which you are invited. Oh, all ye true Hawaiians, let us support our Queen, and consecrate our lives for the benefit of our Queen and the peace of the land. All of the people who love the chief are invited to go straight to the meeting in front of the opera house at 2 o'clock this afternoon. One loving heart in our breasts throughout the land, oh, descendants of Kamehameha.

THE HELPERS OF THE CABINET.

6. The banks of Bishop and Spreckels are ready to help the Government with money. Certain merchants are also ready to support the Government. It is apparent that it is only certain missionaries who are secretly meeting and seeking a riot as a reason for landing the men of war when there is no reason.

LET THE PEOPLE BE READY.

7. To give their thanks to-day at the meeting to be held at 2 this afternoon in front of the Opera House, to their Queen, who wanted to execute the desires of her people, but by reason of obstacles she could not lawfully do so. On account of this love of our Queen, and what she tried to do under her spirit of love, but she could not accomplish it, and when she saw that it could not be done she expressed her regret with sorrow, and instructed the committee of the people to go and wait, and their desires would be carried out in accordance with the right, and for them to keep the peace.

MASS MEETING!

8. The meeting which is to be held in front of the opera house is to be held by the party which supports the Government, and the subjects of the Queen are invited to attend and listen to the voices of the

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leaders of the people. We are being plotted against without reason. The independence of Hawaii is being assaulted by the wicked and refractory ones because the Queen listened to the pleadings of her own people to give a new constitution. She has left this thought to her cabinet, and thanks are due for this loving thought of the chief in leaving to them this desire of the people of the land, and they have restrained the love of the chief until such time as it may seem good. Because it can not be helped, we had better be patient and listen to her words: "I regret that your desires are not complied with, but you must go and keep the peace, and the time will come when your desires will be satisfied."

I hereby certify that the foregoing is a correct translation of the accompanying extra issued by the Ka Leo o Ka Lahui, a Honolulu newspaper, published in Honolulu in the Hawaiian language, on January 16, 1893.

Lorrin A. Thurston.

II. By order of the committee the following instructions of the secretary of the navy to commodore perry, dated april 15, 1847, were made part of the record.

[Confidential.]

Navy Department,
Washington, April 15, 1847.

Commodore M. C. PERRY,
Commanding the Home Squadron:

Sir: The successes which have recently crowned our arms would seem to justify the expectation that the Government of Mexico would feel disposed to submit proposals for peace. That there may be no unnecessary delay in acting on such proposals, if they shall be made, the President has directed Nicholas P. Trist, esq., of the State Department, to proceed to the headquarters of the Army or to the squadron, as he shall deem most convenient, and be in readiness to receive any proposition for a settlement of the questions at issue. Mr. Trist is clothed with such diplomatic power as to authorize him to enter into arrangements with the Mexican Government for the mutual suspension of hostilities. If he shall communicate to you in writing that the contingency has occurred, you will act in accordance with his directions and suspend actual hostilities until further orders from the Department, unless the enemy shall continue or recommence them. In doing so you will not relinquish any position which you may occupy, or abstain from any change of position which, in your judgment, may be necessary for the security or health of your command.

You will afford to Mr. Trist every facility and accommodation in your power and a speedy passage to New Orleans when he may desire to return. You will not relax the vigor of your operations while he may remain in Mexico, unless he directs you to suspend them, but during that time it is desirable, if it does not conflict with your arrangements, that you shall be in the harbor of Vera Cruz, or as accessible as may be.

You will be pleased to make your communications to the Department as frequent as you may find opportunity.

I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

John Y. Mason

S. Doc. 231, pt 6----26

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U.S. Flagship Mississippi,
Anton Lizardo, May 8, 1847.

Sir: I have received by Mr. Trist your confidential communication of the 15th instant, and in a personal interview with that gentleman have made the requisite arrangements for carrying out the wishes and intentions of the Department.

It is highly necessary that I should no longer delay a visit to the eastern coast as far as Laguna and Campeche. This I can do before any communication of interest can be received from Mr. Trist, and we both agree that it is better for me to make the visit now, that I may be at Vera Cruz about the time he shall have been informed of the result of his mission; but to prevent any inconvenience I shall leave a steamer at Vera Cruz to bring me any communication that Mr. Trist might transmit during my absence.

The Potomac will also be left at Vera Cruz.

With great respect, I am, sir, your most obedient servant,

M.C. Perry,
Commanding Home Squadron.

Hon. John Y. Mason,
Secretary of the Navy, Washington, D.C.

III. Also the following treaty of annexation made in the time of kamehameha iii, which failed of the king's signature by reason of his death, the original being on file in the office of the secretary of state.

[Confidential.]

Treaty of annexation concluded between His Majesty the King of the Hawaiian Islands and the United States of America.

His Majesty the King of the Hawaiian Islands, being convinced that plans have been and still are on foot hostile to his sovereignty and to the peace of his Kingdom, which His Majesty is without power to resist and against which it is his imperative duty to provide in order to prevent the evils of anarchy and to secure the rights and prosperity of his subjects, and having, in conscientious regard thereto as well as to the general interests of his Kingdom, present and future, sought to incorporate his Kingdom into the Union of the United States as the means best calculated to attain these ends and perpetuate the blessings of freedom and equal rights to himself, his chiefs, and his people, and the Government of the United States, being actuated solely by the desire to add to their security and prosperity and to meet the wishes of His Majesty the King of the Hawaiian Islands and of his Government, have determined to accomplish, by treaty, objects so important to their mutual and permanent welfare.

For that purpose His Majesty, Kamehameha III, King of the Hawaiian Islands, has granted full powers and instructions to Robert Chrichton Wyllie, esq., his minister of foreign relations, his secretary at war and of the navy, member of his privy council of state, member of the house of nobles, and chairman of the commissioners of his privy purse, and the President of the United States has invested with like powers David Lawrence Gregg, esq., commissioner ot said States to the said Kingdom; and the said plenipotentiaries, after exchanging their full powers, have agreed to and concluded the following articles:

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Article I.

His Majesty, the King of the Hawaiian Islands, acting in conformity with the power vested in him by the constitution of his Kingdom, and with the wishes of his chiefs and people and of the heads of every department of his Government, cedes to the United States his Kingdom, with all its territories, to be held by them in full sovereignty, subject only to the same constitutional provisions as the other States of the American Union. This cession includes all public lots and squares, Government lands, mines and minerals, salt lakes and springs, fish ponds, public edifices, fortifications, barracks, forts, ports, and harbors, reefs, docks, and magazines, arms, armaments, and accouterments, public archives, and funds, claims, debts, taxes, and dues existing, available, and unpaid at the date of the exchange of the ratifications of this treaty.

Article II.

The Kingdom of the Hawaiian Islands shall be incorporated into the American Union as a State enjoying the same degree of sovereignty as other States, and admitted as such, as soon as it can be done in consistency with the principles and requirements of the Federal Constitution, to all the rights, privileges, and immunities of a State as aforesaid, on a perfect equality with the other States of the Union.

Article III.

His Majesty the King of the Hawaiian Islands, his chiefs and subjects of every class, shall continue in the enjoyment of all their existing personal and private rights, civil, political, and religious, to the utmost extent that is possible under the Federal Constitution, and shall possess and forever enjoy all the rights and privileges of citizens of the United States on terms of perfect equality, in all respects, with other American citizens.

Article IV.

The decisions of the Board of Land Commissioners, made and not appealed from at the date of the final ratification of this treaty, shall be and remain forever valid and undisturbed, and all titles to real estate, which are now or shall have then been declared valid under the laws of the Hawaiian Kingdom, shall be held to be equally valid by the United States, and measures shall be adopted by the United States for the speedy and final adjudication of all unsettled claims to land in conformity with the laws and usages under which they may have originated.

Article V.

All engagements of whatsoever kind, affecting the rights of corporations or individuals, validly construed and lawfully incumbent upon the King's Government or the Hawaiian nation to pay and discharge, shall be respected and fulfilled in as prompt, full, and complete a manner as they would have been respected and fulfilled had no change of sovereignty taken place.

Article VI.

The public lands hereby ceded, shall be subject to the laws regulating the public lands in other parts of the United States, liable, however,

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to such alterations and changes as Congress may from time to time enact. The grants of land for the promotion of education heretofore made by the Government of the King of the Hawaiian Islands, shall be confirmed by the United States, which, in addition thereto, shall grant and set apart, for the purposes of common schools, seminaries of learning, and universities, so much of the public lands and of the proceeds thereof, as may be equal, proportionally, to the grants for such purposes in any of the States of the Union.

Article VII.

The laws of the Hawaiian Kingdom, so far as they are compatible with republican institutions, and conformable to the Constitution of the United States, shall be and remain in full force and effect until modified, changed, or repealed by the legislative authority of the State contemplated by this treaty.

Article VIII.

In consideration of the cession made by this treaty, and in compensation to all who may suffer or incur loss consequent thereon, the United States shall pay the aggregate sum of $300,000 as annuities, to the King, the Queen, the Crown Prince, those standing next in succession to the throne, the chiefs, and all other persons whom the King may wish to compensate or reward, to be apportioned as may be determined by His Majesty, the King, and his Privy Council of State, which amounts, to be apportioned as aforesaid, shall be paid ratably, without deduction or offset on any ground or in any shape whatever, to the parties severally named in such apportionment, at Honolulu on the 1st day of July of each successive year so long as they may live. It is, however, expressly agreed upon, that on the demise of his present majesty, the annuity of the immediate heir to the throne shall then be increased to the same amount before allowed and paid to the King himself.

As a further consideration for the cession herein made and in order to place within the reach of the inhabitants of the Hawaiian Islands the means of education, present and future, so as to enable them the more perfectly to enjoy and discharge the rights and duties consequent upon a change from monarchical to republican institutions, the United States agrees to set apart and pay over for the term of ten years the sum of $75,000 per annum, one-third of which shall be applied to constitute the principal of a fund for the benefit of a college or university, or colleges or universities, as the case may be, and the balance for the support of common schools, to be invested, secured, or applied as may be determined by the legislative authority of the Hawaiian Islands when admitted as a state into the Union as aforesaid.

Article IX.

Immediately after the exchange of the ratifications of this treaty the President of the United States shall appoint a commissioner who shall receive in due form, in the name of the United States, the transfer of the sovereignty and territories of the Hawaiian Islands, also all public property, archives, and other things hereinbefore stipulated to be conveyed, and who shall exercise all executive authority in said islands necessary to the preservation of peace and order and to the proper

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execution of the laws until the state contemplated in this treaty can be duly organized and admitted as such state; and until the arrival of such commissioner all departments of His Majesty's Government shall continue as now constituted.

Article X.

This treaty shall be ratified by the respective high contracting parties and the ratifications exchanged at the city of Honolulu within eight months from the date hereof, or sooner if possible; but it is agreed that this period may be extended by mutual consent of the two parties.

In witness whereof we, the undersigned, plenipotentiaries of His Majesty the King of the Hawaiian Islands and of the United States of America, have signed three originals of this treaty of annexation in Hawaiian and three in English, and have thereunto affixed our respective official seals.

Done at Honolulu, this ---- day of ----, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and fifty-four.

SEPARATE AND SECRET ARTICLE.

Whereas it is desirable to guard against the exigencies declared in the preamble to the foregoing treaty, and to secure the King of the Hawaiian Islands, his chiefs and all who reside under his jurisdiction, from the dangers therein referred to and expressed, it is hereby provided and expressly agreed that at any time before the final exchange of the ratifications of said treaty, if the same shall be duly ratified on the part of His Majesty the King, and satisfactory notice thereof given to the commissioner of the United States, it shall be competent for His Majesty, by proclamation, to declare his islands annexed to the American Union, subject to the provisions of such treaty as negotiated, and the commissioners of the United States for the time being shall receive and accept the transfer of the jurisdiction of the said islands, in the name of the United States, and protect and defend them by the armed forces of the United States as a part of the American Union, holding the same for and in behalf of his Government, and exercising the jurisdiction provided for in said treaty, with the understanding, however, that in case the said treaty is not finally ratified, or other arrangement made, by the free consent and to the mutual satisfaction of the contracting parties, the sovereignty of the islands shall immediately revert, without prejudice, to His Majesty, or his immediate heirs in the same condition as before the transfer thereof; and it is further understood and agreed that this article shall be as binding for all the ends and purposes herein expressed as if it formed a part of the foregoing treaty.

IV. Also the following instructions from hon. w. l. marcy, secretary of war, to maj. gen. winfield scott, commanding the army of the united states in mexico.

War Department,
Washington, D. C, January 18, 1894.

Sir: As requested in your letter of the 13th instant, I have the honor to transmit herewith a copy of a confidential letter, dated April 14,1847, addressed by the Secretary of War to Maj. Gen. Winfield

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Scott, commanding U. S. Army in Mexico, and advising him that Nicholas P. Trist, esq., has been commissioned by the President of the United States to proceed to the headquarters of the Army in Mexico, or to the naval squadron, for the purpose of receiving any proposal which the enemy may make for peace with the United States, and informing Maj. Gen. Scott as to the diplomatic powers with which Mr. Trist is clothed under his instructions.

Attention is invited to House Ex. Doc. No. 56, Thirtieth Congress, first session, " Correspondence between the Secretary of War and Generals Scott and Taylor, and between Gen. Scott and Mr. Trist," which contains all the information in possession of this Department on the subject.

Very respectfully, Daniel S. Lamont,
Secretary of War.

Hon. John T. Morgan,
Chairman Committee on Foreign Affairs, U. S. Senate.

[Confidential.]

War Department,
Washington, April 14,1847.

Maj. Gen. Winfield Scott
Commanding the Army of the United States, Mexico:

Sir: The signal successes which have attended our military operations since the commencement of the present war would seem to justify the expectation that Mexico will be disposed to offer fair terms of accommodation. With a view to a result so desirable, the President has commissioned Nicholas P. Trist, esquire, of the State Department, to proceed to your headquarters, or to the squadron, as to him may seem most convenient, and be in readiness to receive any proposal which the enemy may see fit to make for the restoration of peace.

Mr. Trist is clothed with such diplomatic powers as will authorize him to enter into arrangements with the Government of Mexico for the suspension of hostilities. Should he make known to you, in writing, that the contingency has occurred in consequence of which the President is willing that further active military operations should cease, you will regard such notice as a direction from the President to suspend them until further orders from this Department, unless continued or recommenced by the enemy; but, in so doing, you will not retire from any place you may occupy, or abstain from any change of position which you may deem necessary to the health or safety of the troops under your command, unless, on consultation with Mr. Trist, a change in the position of your forces should be deemed necessary to the success of the negotiation for peace. Until hostilities, as herein proposed, shall be intermitted, you will continue to carry on your operations with energy, and push your advantages as far as your means will enable you to do.

Mr. Trist is also the bearer of a dispatch to the Secretary of Foreign Affairs of the Government of Mexico, in reply to one addressed to the Secretary of State here. You will transmit that dispatch to the commander of the Mexican forces, with a request that it may be laid before his Government, at the same time giving information that Mr. Trist an officer from our Department for Foreign Aftairs, next in rank to its

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chief, is at your headquarters, or on board the squadron, as the case may be.

You will afford Mr. Trist all the accommodation and facilities in your power to enable him to accomplish the objects of his mission.

Very respectfully, your obedient servant,

W.L. Marcy,
Secretary of War.

P. S.—Should a suspension of hostilities take place, you will lose no time in communicating the fact to Maj. Gen. Taylor.

V. Also the following treaty of reciprocity between the united states and hawaii, dated and signed the 20th of july. 1855, but which was not ratified by the senate.

[Confidential. Executive, No. 7. Special session.]

TREATY BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES AND HIS MAJESTY THE KING OF THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

March 9, 1857, on motion by Mr. Mason, referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations, and ordered to be printed in confidence for the use of the Senate.

The United States of America and His Majesty the King of the Hawaiian Islands, equally animated by the desire to strengthen and perpetuate the friendly relations which have heretofore uniformly existed between them, and to consolidate their commercial intercourse, have resolved to enter into a convention for commercial reciprocity. For this purpose the President of the United States of America has conferred full powers on William L. Marcy, Secretary of State, and His Majesty the King of the Hawaiian Islands has conferred like powers on the honorable William Little Lee, chancellor and chief justice of the supreme court of those islands, a member of his Hawaiian Majesty's privy council of state and cabinet, president of the board of land commissioners, and His Majesty's envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to the United States of America.

And the said plenipotentiaries, after having exchanged their full powers, which were found to be in due form, have agreed to the following articles:

Article I.

For and in consideration of the rights and privileges granted by His Majesty the King of the Hawaiian Islands in the next succeeding article of this convention, and as an equivalent therefor, the United States of America hereby agree to admit all the articles named in the following schedule, the same being the growth or produce of the Hawaiian Islands, into all the ports of the United States of America free of duty:

Schedule.

Muscovado, brown, clayed, and all other unrefined sugars.
Sirups of sugar; molasses.
Coffee; arrowroot.
Live stock and animals of all kinds.
Cotton, unmanufactured.
Seeds, and vegetables not preserved
Undried fruits not preserved.

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Poultry; eggs.
Plants, shrubs, and trees.
Pelts; wool, unmanufactured.
Rags.
Hides, furs, skins, undressed.
Butter; tallow.

Article II.

For and in consideration of the rights and privileges granted by the United States of America in the preceding article of this convention, and as an equivalent therefor, His Majesty the King of the Hawaiian Islands hereby agrees to admit all the articles named in the following schedule, the same being the growth or produce of the United States of America, into all the ports of the Hawaiian Islands free of duty:

Schedule.

Flour of wheat.
Fish of all kinds.
Coal.
Timber and lumber of all kinds, round, hewed, and sawed, unmanufactured, in whole or in part.
Staves and heading.
Cotton, unmanufactured.
Seeds, and vegetables not preserved.
Undried fruits, not preserved.
Poultry; eggs.
Plants, shrubs, and trees.
Pelts; wool, unmanufactured.
Rags.
Hides, furs, skins, undressed.
Butter; tallow.

Article III.

The evidence that articles proposed to be admitted into the ports of the United States of America or the ports of the Hawaiian Islands free of duty, under the first and second articles of this convention, are the growth or the produce of the United States of America or of the Hawaiian Islands shall be a certificate to that effect from the American or Hawaiian consul or consular agent of the port from which such articles are exported, or, in case there shall be no such consul or consular agent resident in such port, a certificate to that effect from the collector of the port.

Article IV.

The present convention shall take effect as soon as the law required to carry it into operation shall have been passed by the Congress of the United States of America and the convention shall have been approved by His Majesty the King of the Hawaiian Islands in council. The convention shall remain in force for seven years from the date at which it may go into operation, and further, until the expiration of twelve months after either of the high contracting parties shall give notice to the other of its wish to terminate the same, each of the high contracting parties being at liberty to give such notice to the other at the end of the said term of seven years, or at any time afterwards.

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Article V.

The present convention shall be duly ratified, and the ratifications shall be exchanged at Honolulu within eighteen months from the date hereof, or earlier if possible.

In faith whereof the respective plenipotentiaries have signed this convention, and have hereunto affixed their seals.

Done, in triplicate, in the English language, in the city of Washington, this twentieth day of July, anno Domini one thousand eight hundred and fifty-five.

W.L. Marcy. [seal.]

W.L. Lee. [seal.]

[Confidential. Executive, No. 7. Thirty-fourth Congress, first session.]

Message of the President of the United States, communicating a treaty between the United States and the King of the Hawaiian Islands.

January 3, 1856, read first time, and, on motion by Mr. Mason, referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations.

January 10, 1856, ordered to be printed in confidence for the use of the Senate.

To the Senate of the United States:

I transmit to the Senate for consideration, with a view to ratification, a treaty between the United States and His Majesty the King of the Hawaiian Islands, signed in Washington, the twentieth day of July, A. D. 1855.

Franklin Pierce.

Washington, December 27,1855.

VI. Also the following report on the physical features, facts of landing, supplies, climate, diseases, etc., of the hawaiian islands, prepared by capt. george p. scriven, of the signal corps, assisted by lieut. j. y. mason blunt, of the fifth cavalry, with the accompanying maps.

Report on the physical features, ports of landing, supplies, climate, diseases, etc.

[Compiled from the best available sources for the information of the Army.]

CONTENTS.

	Page.
Location, distances from the Pacific coast	410
Communications with the United States	410
Names, areas	411
General physical characteristics	411
Soil	412
Climate	412,413
Earthquakes	413
Population, characteristics, religions, education	413-415
Laws, military forces, police	415
Language, Government	415,416
Business, currency, finance, commerce	416,417
Products, resources, vegetation	417
Industries	417
Diseases (other than leprosy)	418
Manner of life, clothing	418

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	Page.
Individual characteristics of islands:
Oahu	419
Coast	419
Interior	419
Cities, towns, and ports, Honolulu	420-423
Other than Honolulu	423,424
Hawaii	424
Coast	424
Interior	425
Cities, towns, and ports	426,427
Maui	428
Coast	428
Interior	429
Cities, towns, and ports	429,430
Kauai	431
Coast	431
Interior	431
Cities, towns, and ports	432,433
Molokai	433
Coast	433
Interior	433
Cities, towns, and ports	434
Lanai	434
Niihau	434
Cities, towns, and ports	434,435
Kahulaui	435
Kaula	435
Lenua	435
Molokini	436
Communications	436
Railroads	436
Roads	437
Telegraphs, telephones	437
Inter-island steamers and vessels	437
Leprosy	437-440

Report on the Hawaiian Islands.

The Hawaiian Islands lie between parallels 18° 50' and 23° 5' north latitude, and between meridians 154° 40' and 101° 50' west from Greenwich. A line drawn through the axis of the group would approximate roughly the segment of a circle convex towards the northeast; the chord connecting the most widely separated points would have a length of about 400 statute miles.

Honolulu, the capital and chief city, lies 2,080 miles from San Francisco; approximately 3,800 miles from Auckland; 4,500 miles from Sydney; and 4,800 miles from Hongkong.

Mean time Honolulu noon is equivalent to 10h. 31m. 26s. Greenwich mean time.

COMMUNICATIONS WITH THE UNITED STATES.

San Francisco to Honolulu.—The Australia of the Oceanic Steamship Company and the Zealandia (W. J. Irwin) leave San Francisco and return every other Tuesday.

The Oceanic Steamship Company's steamers Alameda, Mariposa; and the Union Steamship Company's steamer Monowai, leave San Francisco for New Zealand via Honolulu once a month.

Time.-San Francisco to Honolulu, seven days.

Sailing vessels, with good passenger accommodations, run regularly from San Francisco to Honolulu.

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Sailing time.-San Francisco to Honolulu, ten to eighteen days.

Pacific mail steamers, San Francisco to China and Japan, stop at Honolulu every other trip.

"A new company sends its first steamer this month (February, 1893), from Tacoma and Seattle to Honolulu. Steamers of the Occidental and Oriental line to China and Japan [N. Y. Tribune, February 16] are due to stop at Honolulu."

Steamers of the Oceanic and Pacific Mail companies are under the United States flag.

POSITION, AREAS, AND GEOGRAPHICAL FEATURES.

The strategic value of the islands and their geographical position are indicated on the accompanying chart (A). In general the islands are mountainous, covered with verdure, and in parts, especially of Hawaii, possessing very considerable areas of forest, whose vegetation is that of the tropics.

The Hawaiian group is composed of eight inhabited, and of four uninhabited islands. [Chart B.] The names and dimensions of the inhabited islands are:

Name.	Length.	Breadth.	Area.
	Miles.	Miles.	Square miles.
Hawaii	90	74	3,950
Oahu	46	25	530
Maui	48	30	620
Kauai	25	22	500
Molokai	40	7	190
Lanai	17	9	100
Niihau	20	7	90
Kahulaui	11	8	60

The first five of these islands contain the bulk of the population as well as the chief industries.

Three of the four uninhabited islands of the group are Kaula, Lenua, and Molokini.

The total area of the inhabited islands is about 6,040 square miles.

"All of these islands are volcanic. No other rocks than volcanic are found upon any of them, excepting a few remnants of raised sea beaches composed of consolidated coral sands. All the larger ones are very mountainous.

"The culminating points of the island Hawaii are Mauna Kea, 13,900 feet, and Mauna Loa, 13,700 feet," the highest points of the group.

"In general the island group consists of the summits of a gigantic submarine mountain chain, projecting its loftier peaks and domes above the water."*

On the island of Hawaii the volcanic forces are still in operation; on the other islands they are extinct.

None of the mountains are of sufficient height to reach the line of eternal snow.

*See Hawaiian volcanoes, Capt. C. E. Dutton, U.S.A. Capt. (now Major) Dutton adds: "Mauna Loa and Mauna Kea, referred to their true bases at the bottom of the Pacific, are therefore mountains not far from 30,000 feet in height." Maj Dutton is frequently quoted in the following paragraphs relating to the physical characteristics of the islands. Template:412-413 From TheMorganReport

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SOIL.

Only a small proportion of the area of the islands is capable of sustaining a dense population. The most habitable tracts are near the seacoast, and only a part or even a small part of these are really fertile.

"The interior portions are mountainous and craggy, with a thin soil, admirable in a few localities for pasturage, but unfit for agriculture.

"Many parts of the shore belt are arid and almost barren. Others are covered with lavas too recent to have permitted the formation of soil, and still others are trenched with ravines so deep and abrupt that access is difficult. "

Deep rich soils at altitudes adapted to the growth of the sugar cane probably form less than the fortieth part of the entire area.

"Shallower soils, however, are a little more extensive and yield other crops of tropical staples in abundance."

CLIMATE.

The climate of the Hawaiian Islands is warm but salubrious, the temperature equable, and the sky usually clear. In the shade it is never hot and seldom chilly, and there is so little humidity in the air that it is rarely sweltering, though during the months of January, February, and March the wind blows strongly from the southwest, and the atmosphere is damp and unpleasant. After such seasons the arid westerly slopes are clothed with verdure and the capacity of the pastures vastly increased.

"Upon the islands themselves it may be said that there are almost as many climates as there are square leagues, and the differences of climatic conditions exhibited by localities separated only half a dozen miles are extreme.

"As a general rule the windward sides are excessively rainy, the precipitation frequently exceeding 200 inches in a year. The leeward sides are generally arid, but to this there are some striking exceptions ; whenever the land barrier is low enough to permit the trade winds to blow over it the lee of the barrier is invariably dry and sometimes is as parched and barren as the sage plains of the Rocky Mountains; the winds throw down their moisture copiously as they rise to the dividing crest and descend hot and dry ; but when the barrier is lofty enough to effectually oppose the drift of the air, the lee becomes subject to the simple alternation of daily land and sea breeze. As the sea breeze comes in and ascends the slope it sends down rain ; as the land breeze floats down ward and outward it is dry and clear.

"The sea breeze sets in a little before noon and the land breeze goes out a little before midnight.

"Relatively to human comfort, the climate is perfection. It is never hot, and at moderate altitudes it is never cold. The heat of summer is never sufficient to bring lassitude, and labor out of doors is far more tolerable than in the summer of New England or Minnesota."

When the mountains are low, as in Oahu, the rains extend over them and maintain copious streams for irrigation of the leeward lands where little rain falls. Very much more rain falls on the windward northeast sides of the large islands. At Hilo in Hawaii as much as 20 feet has been measured in one year. At Honolulu the mean annual rainfall for five years ending 1877 varied from 32.30 to 46.40 inches, giving an average of 38 inches.

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Hurricanes and typhoons are said to be infrequent. There is, however, at Kawaihae, in the island of Hawaii, a wind called the mumuka which rushes violently down between the mountains, and is dangerous to shipping. When hurricanes occur on the island of Maui, great damage to the sugar crop ensues.

The temperature varies from 55° in winter to 70° in summer for the early mornings, and attains an average maximum of 75° in the winter and 85° in the summer for afternoon heats.

There is no rapid, sudden change; cold or hot waves are unknown.

During the heat of the day the sun-heated lava and rocks create a strong draft, loaded with vapor from the ocean; this vapor, at 2,000 feet elevation, forms a continuous cloud bank, covering the mountains.

Hail sometimes falls in the vicinity of Hawaii.

Table from Pacific Coast Commercial Record showing temperatures in Honolulu:

Maximum temperature for 1891 in Honolulu	89°
Minimum temperature for 1891 in Honolulu	54°
Maximum daily range of the year	22°
Average weekly maximum from July 1, to October 1	86°

Table from " Vistas of Hawaii" showing temperature for 1890;

Date	6 a.m.	1 p.m.	9 p.m.
	°	°	°
January 7	67	77	69
February 4	68	72	69
March 4	66	76	69
April 1	67	78	71
May 6	69	78	70
June 3	73	78	74
July 1	73	82	75
August5	72	84	75
September 2	72	83	75
October 7	75	81	76
November 4	71	80	72
December 2	69	78	72

From the above it is evident that the climate of the Hawaiian Islands is in general that of a mild summer. The hottest months are July and August, when the thermometer sometimes rises to 90°, but this is considered unusual. Frost is unknown; rains are warm; and the days and nights are of so nearly the same temperature that little daily change of clothing is necessary.

EARTHQUAKES.

Earthquakes are of common occurrence in the islands, but they usually have their center of disturbance in Hawaii. In the islands to the northwestward the shocks are infrequent and feeble. The shocks are seldom of a very alarming or destructive character, but small or moderate tremors are frequent.

POPULATION.

The total population of the Hawaiian Islands in 1890* was 89,990, of which 58,714 are males, 31,276 females.

*Statesman's Year Book, 1893.

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Latest official census of the Hawaiian Islands.

[Taken December 28, 1890.]

BY DISTRICTS AND ISLANDS.

Hawaii: Hilo 9,935 Puna 834 Kau 2,577 North Kona 1,753 South Kona 1,812 North Kohala 4,303 South Kohala 538 Hamakua 5,002 26,754 Maui: Lahaina 2,113 Wailuku 6,708 Hana 3,270 Makawoo 5,266 17,357 Molokai 2,632

Lanai 174 Oahu: Honolulu 22,907 Ewa 2,155 Waianae 903 Waialua 1,286 Koolauloa 1,444 Koolaupoko 2,499 31,194 Kauai: Waimea 2,523 Niihau 216 Koloa 1,755 Kawaihau 2,101 Hanalei 2,472 Lihue 2,792 11,859

BY NATIONALITY—1890 AND 1884 COMPARED.

1890. 1884. Natives 34,436 40,014 Half-castes 6,186 4,218 Chinese 15,301 17,937 Americans 1,928 2,066 Hawaiian-born, foreign parents 7,495 2,040 Japanese 12,360 116

1890. 1884. Norwegian 227 392 Britons 1,344 1,282 Portuguese 8,602 9,377 Germans 1,034 1,600 French 70 192 Other foreigners 419 416 Polynesian 588 956

Total population 1890	89,990
Total population 1884	80,578

Population by nationality and sex of the Hawaiian Islands, and also of the principal township districts.

[Compiled from the latest census, 1890.]

Nationalities.	Honolulu, Oahu	Wailuku, Maui.	Lahaina, Maui.	Hilo, Hawaii.	Lihue, Kauai	Population whole islands.
Natives, males	4,494	1,260	687	1,076	411	18,364
females	4,068	1,178	599	900	310	16,072
Half-castes, males	1,257	267	199	175	49	3,085
females	1,346	248	101	189	61	3,101
Chinese, males	3,950	1,202	89	1,264	347	14,552
females	457	33	5	19	9	779
Hawaiian-born, foreign parents, males	1,250	254	41	537	203	3,909
females	1,236	215	39	513	177	3,586
Americans, males	767	65	15	90	11	1,298
females	431	23	11	27	7	630
British, males	529	53	7	68	8	982
females	267	5	4	16	2	362
Germans, males	261	29	7	27	163	729
females	105	5	.....	7	108	305
French, males	25	7	.....	4	.....	46
females	23	.....	.....	.....	.....	24
Portuguese, males	933	402	29	869	237	4,770
females	799	326	24	686	195	3,832
Japanese, males	277	842	249	2,703	363	10,079
females	111	183	40	708	60	2,281
Norwegians, males	55	31	.....	.....	6	155
females	21	11	.....	.....	6	72
Polynesians, males	49	22	33	22	23	404
females	23	14	15	8	17	184
All others, males	151	36	7	27	16	371
females	22	32	2	.....	3	48
Total	22,907	6,708	2,113	9,935	2,792	89,990

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CHARACTERISTICS, RELIGION, EDUCATION

The natives are a good-tempered, light-hearted, pleasure-loving people. It is probable that little difficulty is found in governing them as, of themselves, they are not inclined to turbulence nor disposed to revolt against any form of government. Like children, they are easily led and controlled. Even when the Hawaiian Islands were discovered, the people were by no means savages, but had an organized state of society. After discovery, civilization made progress as rapidly, it is said, with these people as with the Japanese; and in twenty-five years after the landing of the missionaries (1820), the whole people had, in a great measure become Americanized. But today, except politically as the one-time owners of the islands, the natives are but an unimportant element of the people and their consent or opposition could have but little influence upon the course of events. They are a peace-loving race, and, in a military sense, are not worth consideration, but they are brave individually and make, it is said, excellent seamen. Little resistance could be anticipated from them even in defense of their country.

RELIGION.

All forms of religion are tolerated. According to the latest statistics there are:

Protestants	29,685
Roman Catholics	20,072
Mormons	3,576
Hebrews, less than	100

EDUCATION.

Education is general.

There are 178 schools, with 10,000 pupils, of whom 5,559 are natives and 1,573 half-castes. In 1890-'92 $326,922 was allotted for public instruction. (Sum allotted for public instruction, 1892-'94, $210,000. Statesman's Year Book, 1893.)

LAWS

The laws are modeled on those of the United States. There is a supreme court of justice, and, in addition, circuit judges and justices of the peace.

MILITARY FORCES AND POLICE.

The military forces authorized by law consist of the household guards, fixed at 65 men. It is reported that all but 16 of these men have been discharged, that number being retained as a guard for the deposed queen (February, 1893). Volunteer military organizations are prohibited by law. There is also an organized police force.

LANGUAGE.

The language is very largely made up of vowels, giving to the spoken tongue a pleasant liquid sound somewhat difficult to acquire. The consonants all have the English sound, the vowels that of the German

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vowels, except i, which is the same as the German ie. There are no silent letters in the written Hawaiian language.

English is very generally spoken throughout the group.

GOVERNMENT.

Under the great chief Kamehameha the islands of the Hawaiian group became consolidated into a kingdom about the beginning of the present century, and continued, with occasional interference from European powers, as an independent nation under the rule of the descendents of the first great chief.

At the beginning of the present year the Government was a constitutional monarchy, ruled by a queen aided by a cabinet consisting of 4 ministers, and by a legislature composed of 24 members of the house of nobles and 24 representatives. These, with the ministers, made a total of 52. Members of both houses were elected by a popular vote. An educational qualification was necessary for all voters, and a property qualification for electors for nobles. In January of this year the revolution occurred which resulted in the present Provisional Government.

BUSINESS.

Business is almost entirely carried on by foreigners, principally Americans, British, Germans, and Chinamen. Many of the principal offices are filled by foreigners or by native-born whites.

CURRENCY.

Gold and silver coins of all nations are current as legal tender at real or nominal value. From 1884 only United States gold coins have been legal tender for more than $10; no paper money exists excepting in form of treasury certificates for coin deposited.

FINANCE.*

The budget is (was) voted for a biennial period. The following table shows the revenue and expenditures in dollars for the last five financial periods:

	1882-'84	1884-'86	1886-'88	1888-'90	1890-'92
Revenue	$3,092,085	$3,010,655	$4,812,576	$3,632,197	$4,408,033
Expenditures	2,216,406	2,988,722	4,712,285	3,250,510	4,095,891

The revenue is largely derived from customs ($1,204,305, 1890-'92) and internal taxes ($963,495, 1890-'92), while the largest item of expenditure was for the interior ($1,641,848, 1890-'92). The debt, March, 1892, was:

Bonded debt	$2,314,000
Due depositors' postal-savings bank	903,162

*Statesman's Year Book, 1893.

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COMMERCE—EXPORTS AND IMPORTS.

Sugar and rice are the staple industries, while coffee, hides, bananas, and wool are also exported.

The following table shows the commerce and shipping for five years:

Years.	Imports.	Native exports.	Customs receipts.	Ships entered.	Tonnage.
1887	$4,944,000	$9,435,000	$595,000	254	210,703
1888	4,541,000	11,631,000	546,000	246	221,148
1889	5,439,000	14,040,000	550,000	288	223,567
1890	6,962,000	13,143,000	696,000	295	230,120
1891	7,439,000	10,259.000	660,000	310	284,155

The chief exports in 1891 were:

Sugar	pounds	274,983,580
Rice	do	4,900,450
Bananas	bunches	116,660
Wool	pounds	97,119

The imports are mainly groceries, provisions, clothing, grain, timber, machinery, hardware, and cotton goods.

Ninety-one per cent of the trade is with the United States.*

PRODUCTS, RESOURCES, VEGETATION.

Besides sugar and rice, the staple products, coffee, bananas, oranges, and other fruits are largely grown. Food products are abundant, especially of the kind suitable to a hot climate.

The native food consists largely of the taro plant, of which the best varieties are grown in shallow ponds of fresh water. It is stated that about 40 square feet of taro will yield enough to supply one man for a year, this being his principal food. From this plant is made the poi, which is the ordinary food of the Kanaka.

The sweet potato grows even amongst the rocks and flourishes abundantly in good soil, while the common potato sometimes grows well, though is often injured by worms.

Wheat and corn are grown; the former was once cultivated for export. Flour is made, but it is said that the islands now receive all their cereal products from California.

The quality of the coffee raised is said to be equal to the choicest.

The climate is also very favorable to the growth of the long staple sea-island cotton; but as this variety must be picked by hand the high price of labor in the islands renders its culture unprofitable.

Tropical fruits of nearly all kinds grow in the greatest abundance, the orange, lemon, lime, mango, pineapple, chirimoya or custard apple, the alligator pear, pomegranate, and guava, all of which are exotic.

The banana is indigenous, and is the most abundant of all fruits; besides it there are the ohia apple—a fruit peculiar to the Pacific islands, soft, juicy, and mildy acid—many varieties of palms, the choicest trees of India, the caoutchouc, the papaya, the traveler's tree of Madagascar, and other foreign plants.

INDUSTRIES.

"The chief industry of the islands is the cultivation of sugar cane. Fer this the soil (although the area is limited) seems better adapted

*Statesman's Year Book, 1893.
S. Doc. 231, pt 6----27

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than any other in the world. The yield will average about 5,000 pounds of sugar to the acre, and choice fields sometimes yield twice that amount. Large amounts of American capital have heen invested in the plantations and in the accessory commerce."

Large flocks of sheep and herds of cattle are found. These animals are raised chiefly for their wool and hides. On the island of Lanai great flocks of sheep pasture, while in Hawaii considerable numbers of wild cattle are still found in the mountains;* wild goats and wild hogs also exist in great numbers, and it is said that wild horses and asses are also found.

DISEASES (OTHER THAN LEPROSY).

It is asserted that diseases, other than leprosy, are not as troublesome as in most places considered healthful. Malarial fevers are thought to be infrequent, nevertheless in the monthly table (March, 1891) the greatest number of deaths for the year, 89, is recorded as due to "fever."

Consumption (probably imported cases) comes next with 74; "old age" next with 59. Amongst the other more important causes of death are diarrhea, 29; dysentery, 15. From diseases of the liver but 2 died, while 25 died of disease of the heart.

From this it would seem that the diseases common to the tropics—fever and stomach troubles—are to be guarded against. Rheumatism is prevalent in many of the damper localities; smallpox occasionally appears; and measels has on one or two occasions carried off many of the natives, owing to their manner of life, but this disease is now easily controlled when it makes its appearance. Lung and chest troubles are almost unknown to natives of the islands. In fact, the Hawaiian Islands are regions of unusual healthfulness.

The general health of the natives is steadily improving; leprosy, now largely under medical control, is gradually being stamped out, (See Leprosy.)

MANNER OF LIFE, CLOTHING.

The whites live, of course, much as they live at home, and usually in well-constructed houses of European style. The natives live as a rule in grass huts, upon native food, largely taro and fruit, and wear clothing of light cotton stuff, a straw hat, but shoes rarely.

Woolens are not in general use, but very light flannels are recommended for strangers at all seasons.

At night blankets are rarely needed, but a light blanket is often comfortable. Houses have no fireplaces.

For troops clothing for all seasons should be light flannel drawers and shirts, wide straw hats or helmets, and the light quality of outer garments issued to troops on the southern stations.

Ample tentage should be provided for use in localities where heavy and sudden rainfalls are frequent, and light blankets should be carried.

The ration should be suited to the requirements of a warm climate.

*Descended from the animals introduced by Vancouver in 1792.

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INDIVIDUAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE EIGHT INHABITED ISLANDS OF THE HAWAIIAN GROUP.

Island of Oahu (Map C).

This island has the form of an irregular quadrangle; it lies 23 miles northwest of the nearest island of the group, Molokai. Length about 46, breadth about 25 miles.

Oahu, though not the largest, is the most important of the Hawaiian group, as it contains Honolulu, the capital, chief seaport, and principal city.

Coast.—The greater part of the island is surrounded by a coral reef often half a mile wide.

The windward side of the island presents a gigantic cliff hardly accessible, except at one point reached by a road cut with great labor from the mountain side; but the leeward side descends from the mountain to the sea in very moderate slopes deeply cut by ravines.

The northeastern coast of the island is generally a rugged plateau descending by gentle slopes to the water. When viewed from the ocean, this coast appears to be formed of detached hills rising steeply and covered with woods. The intervening valleys are fertile and well cultivated. From the southeast extremity of the island, called Makapuu Point, to the Mokapu Peninsula, the coast is often marked by scattered islets and rocks; and beyond, the peninsula is indented by a considerable bay extending to Kaoio Point, thence to Kahuku, the northern point of Oahu. Along this part of the coast is a narrow strip of land, varying from a half to 2 miles in breadth, only a few feet above the level of the sea. It is very fertile, and has a gradual ascent to the foot of the mountains.

From Kahuku to the village of Waimea lies a level plain from 2 to 6 miles wide, and but slightly above the level of the sea. It is a good pasture, and at many of its frequent holes and crevices may be seen streams of clear and cool fresh water making their subterranean way from the mountains to the outlets in the sea below low-water mark.

The southwest side of the island is composed chiefly of craggy mountains, some descending abruptly to the sea, others terminating a small distance from it; thence a low border of land extends to a shore formed by sandy beaches, bounded by rocks on which the surf beats heavily.

The southwest extremity is Laeloa, or Barber Point; thence the shore continues low, flat, and covered with bushes to the entrance of Pearl River, about 12 miles from Honolulu.

Some of the land in this vicinity is of extreme fertility.

Interior. —Two parallel ranges of hills traverse Oahu from southeast to northwest, separated by a low plain. The highest point is Kauia, 4,000 feet, in the west range. The east range is much longer than the other, and its ridge is very broken; lateral spurs extend from many ravines on the land side, but for 30 miles on the other side the range presents to the sea a nearly vertical wall without a break. There are few craters in the loftier heights; volcanic activity seems to have ceased; but several groups of small cones with craters, some of lava, some of tufa, exist. Valleys are numerous, with lateral ravines, in which water courses and cascades are found.

A chain of mountains rises near the center of the east part of the island to 3,175 feet, and descends near the middle into the Ewa Plain, which divides this range from the distant and elevated mountains that

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rise in a line parallel with the southwest shore. The Ewa Divide lies 5 miles west of Honolulu. This Ewa Plain is nearly 20 miles in length from Pearl River to Waialua, and in some parts is 9 or 10 miles across; its soil is fertile, and watered by a number of rivulets running along deep water courses emptying into the sea.

Plain of Honolulu.—This plain is some 10 miles in length, and in some parts 2 miles in width from the sea to the foot of the mountains.

The whole plain is covered with rich, alluvial soils, in places 2 or 3 feet deep. Under this lie volcanic ashes and cinders 14 to 16 feet deep, resting on a stratum of solid nonvolcanic rock, a kind of sediment deposited by the sea, in which branches of white coral, bones of fish and animals, and several varieties of marine shells have been found. A number of wells have been dug to a depth of 12 to 13 feet in the substratum of rock, always reaching good clear water, which, though free from salt or brackish taste, rises and falls with the tide.

Inland from Waikiki, near Honolulu, and reached by the Punahou road, lies the Manoa Valley, whose upper portion divides into numerous canyons.

There is a broad valley called Nuuanu, bounded by a mountain wall 20 miles in length, which rises from the green, rolling plain below.

Less than 5 miles from Honolulu, in a westerly direction, lies the valley of Moaualua. Here are line rice fields, cocoanut groves, and fish ponds.

In the district of Waianae the bases of the mountain lie farther from the sea and a narrow valley, presenting a fertile and cultivated aspect, seems to wind for some distance through hills.

In the Waialua bay district the soil is sandy and poor, but a short distance inshore an agreeable change takes place.

CITIES, TOWNS, AND PORTS, OAHU.

Honolulu.

Honolulu is the capital and principal port of the Hawaiian Islands, and is situated on the south side of Oahu, on a narrow plain at the foot of the eastern range of mountains.

The aspect of the country around Honolulu, as seen from the roads, is barren; and the plain on which the town stands is destitute of verdure. This plain extends east and west from the town, while behind it the laud rises gradually towards the Nuuanu Valley. Several crater-shaped hills are in sight, one of which, named Punch Bowl Hill, 498 feet high, lies close to the northeast side of the town.

The central part of Honolulu consists of regularly laid out streets, on either side of which stand houses and warehouses of European style, frequently placed within spacious, inclosed gardens. The outer portions of the town are chieliy composed of grass huts inhabited by natives. Honolulu would, probably, burn easily to the ground.

Amongst the principal buildings are the spacious Government houses, in which all the public offices are inclosed, the King's palace, a fort, two hospitals, several churches and chapels belonging to the different religious denominations, custom house, sailors' home, and several schools.

Hospitals.—There is a quarantine hospital on the west side of the harbor, and a good general hospital to which sailors and others are admitted at $1.25 per diem.

Shops.—There are foundries, workshops, and shipyards, where considerable repairs can be effected.

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Patent slip.— A patent slip has been constructed by the Government on the east side of the harbor opposite the outer light house. This slip can take a vessel of 1,700 tons.

The harbor is formed by an opening in the coral reef, about 150 yards wide at the entrance and 300 yards wide off the town, and rather more than a mile in length. Though small it is capable of accommodating a good number of vessels. Depth on bar is 30 feet.

Wharves.—The railway crosses the flats on the north side of the harbor and terminates at two wharves, with 19 feet of water alongside each of them. The west wharf is used by ships.

There is in the harbor altogether 1,900 feet of wharf frontage, with a depth of 21¹/₂ feet, and 700 feet with depths of from 17 to 19 feet, and about 1,200 feet with less depth.

Tides.—The tidal streams are regular, running six hours each way. The flood is to the westward. Springs rise from 2¹/₂ to 3 feet.

Supplies.—Supplies of all kinds are plentiful. Beef, mutton, fowls, eggs, vegetables, and fruit can be obtained at moderate prices.

Water can be procured from the shore in a tank. It is good, but very expensive, even in the inner anchorage being $2.50 a ton. This for ships.

Implements and building materials (with the exception of timber, which is good and moderate in price) are excessively costly in Honolulu. The demand for and sale of articles required for the equipment of ships have greatly diminished.

Probably material for repair of arms, equipments, and munitions of troops could be obtained with difficulty, or not at all.

Water and lighting.—Honolulu has an abundant supply of excellent water—pure, free from limestone or alkali, soft, and adapted to all the uses of the city. It is brought from reservoirs at the upper end of the lovely Nuuanu Valley, and conveyed by pipes through the business and principal residence districts. The city is lighted by electricity, the power for the generation of which is derived from the reservoirs referred to. Both the water and lighting systems are controlled by the Government.

Coal.—Welsh or Australian coal of good quality can be obtained from European firms. About 15,000 tons is the quantity generally kept in stock.

Climate.—The climate of Honolulu is generally very pleasant and healthful, especially when the northeast trade wind prevails. The southerly and southwesterly winds are called by the natives the "sick winds," because they are followed by small ailments, gastric maladies, and intermittent fevers, as is the case with the sirocco in Europe.

The following table* gives meteorological observations taken at Honolulu, 1876:

Months	Mean thermometer.		Rain days.	Prevailing winds.
	Noon.	Midnight
January	78	70	16	NE., force 8 maximum.
February	78	69	10	NE., force 3, average.
March	75	72	15	S., force 3, calm at night.
April	77	71	15	NE., force 4, light at night.
May	79	72	11	NE., force 4.
June	80	73	5	NE., force 3.
July	80	75	13	NE., calm at night.
August	811/2	75	15	NE.
September	81	75	5	NE., 21 days; SE., 9 days.

* Pacific islands. Sailing directions. Admiralty.

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The barometer generally falls below 30 during southerly winds.

Population.—Honolulu has a population of 23,000 or 24,000, of various nationalities, consisting principally of whites, natives, Chinese, and Portuguese. Of these the whites are the controlling element in commercial, manufacturing, and general affairs, though there are several business houses in the hands of the Chinese. The Portuguese are chiefly engaged in manual labor.

The most intelligent class of Hawaiians are employed in government or commercial positions; of the lower classes of the natives some are laborers; others exist by fishing, farming, and various occupations.

Of the whites, Americans or those of American descent largely predominate in numbers and influence, though those of German and British extraction are very prominent.

Horses, carriages, etc.—Hacks are very common in Honolulu. They are stationed at the corners of all the main thoroughfares, and the fare to any part of the city is 25 cents. The horses in use are said to be superior to those of many large cities. There are four livery stables, well equipped with saddle and carriage animals.

Hotels.—The Royal Hawaiian has accommodations for 150 guests, electric lights, electric bells, water from artesian wells; Eagle hotel; Arlington; Waikiki Villa, at Waikiki, 3 miles from Honolulu, connected by tram cars from Honolulu.

Tram cars.—About 12 or 14 miles of tram-car lines exist. These cars are drawn by mules or horses. The cars are of American make.

Telephones.—There is said to be an excellent system of telephonic communication; two companies; rates low; 1,300 telephones in use.

Public buildings.—Iolani Palace, in King street, said to have cost $500,000.

Aliiolani hall, the main Government building, in which the Legislature meets.

The Queen's hospital, intended for the relief of afflicted Hawaiians of both sexes, gratis.

The opera house, seating capacity 1,000.

The Lunalilo home, a home for aged Hawaiians.

The insane asylum, from 50 to 75 inmates.

The Oahu jail. Prisoners are required to do road work and other labor in and around Honolulu.

The fish market.

The Royal Mausoleum.

Honolulu Free Library, contains 10,000 volumes, on general subjects.

Young Men's Christian Association building.

Post office building.

Police station house for the reception of petty offenders.

Current publications.—Pacific Commercial Advertiser, frequency of publication unknown.

The Hawaiian Gazette, a weekly publication.

The Kuokoa, a weekly publication.

The Bulletin, an evening daily.

Ka Leo, native, daily and weekly.

Holomua, native, weekly.

Elele, native, weekly.

Monthly publications.—The Friend, The Anglican Churchman, The Planter's Monthly, The Paradise of the Pacific.

A Tourist's Guide is issued annually.

The Hawaiian Annual

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The Hawaiian Gazette Publishing Company possesses a very complete printing establishment.

Manufacturing.—Honolulu Iron Works, incorporated 1877. Number of hands employed, usually about 200. This institution is said to be equipped with excellent appliances in all its departments.

Honolulu Steam Rice Mills—Large quantities of rice milled for home and foreign use.

Hawaiian Carriage Manufacturing Company.—Manufacture to order and attend to all kinds of repairing; deal in and keep on hand wagon makers' supplies.

Hopper's Planing Mill and Iron Works.—Extensive plant, said to execute all kinds of work in wood and iron.

Enterprise Planing Mill.—Sash, doors, etc

Lucas Bros.—Sash, doors, etc.

Hawaiian Gazette.—Bookbinding, etc.

Press Publishing Company.—Well equipped printing house.

Tahiti Lemonade Works.—For manufacture of all kinds of aerated waters.

Another establishment of the same kind.

The usual number of blacksmith and wagon shops, cooperages, etc.

Banking houses.—Bishop & Co.; Claus Spreckles & Co., whose California correspondent is the Anglo-California bank.

The mercantile houses are numerous.

CITIES OF OAHU (OTHER THAN HONOLULU).

Kanehoe, in the Kulau district, the principal place on its side of the island, situated near Waialai harbor, just beneath the Pali, back of Honolulu. No details of settlement. The climate here is cooler by a few degrees than on the leeward side, and frequent showers keep up the verdure.

Waialua, a large village, lies at the northern end of the plain which separates the two ranges of mountains. No details.

Waianae, nearly in the middle of the southwest coast of the island, a village lying at the base of the mountains in a narrow valley, fertile and cultivated. The shore here forms a small sandy bay, and on the southern side, between two high rocky precipices, in a grove of cocoanut trees, stands the village.

Pearl City, situated on the south side of the island, is a large, irregularly-shaped lagoon or inlet, greatly cut up by projecting points and islands. This is Puuloa River and Pearl Lochs, where the United States Government has acquired certain rights.* On the west side of the channel lies Puuloa village, in the neighborhood of which are large salt works. Along the inshore side of the Pearl Lochs is a strip of very fertile land of variable breadth, part of which is under cultivation; behind the land rises gradually to the Ewa plain. Pearl City is said to be one of the pleasantest spots on the island, made accessible by the building of the Oahu Railroad. It is situated

*In 1887 a treaty between Hawaii and the United States was made which agreed that, on condition of the remission of duties on certain articles of Hawaiian produce, the United States was ceded the exclusive right to establish and fortify a naval station in the Hawaiian Islands. Pearl Harbor was designated as the station.

In 1889 an enlargement of the treaty provisions, so as to confer special advantages upon both parties, was proposed by the United States. It was suggested that the cession of a naval station be perpetual as well as exclusive. Another provision was proposed, viz, to allow the United States to land troops in Hawaii whenever necessary to preserve order. These provisions have not so far been taken advantage of by the United States.

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in the midst of a highly productive and fertile district, 12 miles distant from Honolulu, and is now a beautiful town, with an abundant supply of pure artesian water, with wide streets, a substantial station, and several modern residences already built, and with improvements going on as rapidly as a large force of workmen can push them to completion.

The Oahu Land and Railroad Company founded the town.

Water supply.—Pearl City is said to have facilities for supplying 10,000 inhabitants. There is now an artesian well which flows to a height of 28 feet, and has a capacity, when pumped, of 2,000,000 gallons per day. The water from this well will be pumped into a reservoir 100 feet high, and be used to supply the peninsula.

There is another reservoir on the more elevated ground, 200 feet above sea level, with a capacity of 1,500,000 gallons, which can be increased to 16,000,000 as soon as necessary. This is supplied from mountain streams.

Pearl City consists of 2,200 acres of land, which was owned in fee simple by the Oahu Railroad and Land Company, 18,000 acres adjoining which is held by the same company under a fifty-year lease, and is being sublet for fruit-growing purposes. Three companies have recently been incorporated, two of them with a capital of $30,000 each, and have rented a choice portion of this land, which will be planted principally in bananas and pineapples.

The 2,200 acres which the town proper comprises, includes the whole of the peninsula extending into the harbor, and the lots on the mainland, the latter of which are on a gradual slope of land inclining toward the mountains.

The site of Pearl City has long been a favorite spot where boating, bathing, and fishing can be enjoyed under the most favorable circumstances. A good breeze is always blowing from the ocean. The temperature of the water is perfect for bathing all the year round.*

Diamond Hill—About 3¹/₂ miles southeast of Honolulu; a signal station for incoming vessels.

Waikiki.—A village lying about 1 mile northwest of Diamond Hill. There is no anchorage in front of it.

Island of Hawaii. (Map D.)

In shape the island of Hawaii is a wide triangle, sides 85, 75, and 65 geographical miles. Almost the whole surface is a gentle slope from one of the four volcanic mountains: Mauna Kea, on north, 13,805 feet, the highest peak in the Pacific Ocean; Mauna Loa, on south, 13,600 feet; Mauna Hualalai, on west, 8,275 feet; and Mauna Kohala, on northwest, 5,505 feet. The slopes on the west are so gentle that the base of terminal cones may be reached on horseback. In the Mahukona district the face of the country is regular, ascending gradually from coast to summit of highland.

The plain lying between the mountains of Hawaii is many square miles in extent.

Coast.—The south point of the island of Hawaii, called Ka Lae, is very low, rising with a gentle slope to the hills behind. The southern side of the island is much drier and the country more open and free from forest than on the north, where, indeed, the forests are very dense.

From the south to Kumukahi, the east point of Hawaii, there are no bays or good anchorages.† The coast is exposed to wind and swell.

*Pacific Coast Commercial Record. †Except the small bay at Kaalualu

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From the east point almost to Hilo Bay the coast is precipitous, and against it the sea continually beats with violence; thence for thirty miles the shore is remarkable for the number of streams (85), running at the bottom of ravines, 1,800 to 2,000 feet deep, which furrow the side of Mauna Kea and render travel along its coast very laborious. Ridges between the ravines, terminating at the sea in precipices from 100 to 500 feet high, oblige the road to run inland. The northeastern ooast is very generally steep and rocky, though here and there are small bays or breaks in the cliffs where the natives are able to land their canoes.

Upolu Point is the northern extremity of the island. Behind it lies an extensive plain in good state of cultivation, rising gradually to the foot of the mountains.

From the north point of the island the west coast is at first barren, owing to want of rain; the face of the country is regular, ascending gradually from the coast to the summit of highland in the interior. From Kawaihe Bay to the village of Kailua there is no anchorage or shelter.

Kealakekua Bay, where stands the monument to Capt. Cook, R.N., is the best anchorage of the south coast; but south of it lies a rugged lava-covered shore, where large masses of rock, miles in extent, often form perpendicular cliffs against which the sea beats with fury.

This formation extends half a mile into the interior, and as the distance from the sea increases the soil becomes richer and more productive. The face of the country within this rocky barrier is rough and covered with blocks of lava more or less decomposed, but at a distance of 2 miles from the coast begins to be well covered with woods of various kinds, which are rendered almost impassable by an undergrowth of vines and ferns.

The interior of the island of Hawaii is a strange blending of fertility and desolation. In the valleys are often found regions of extraordinary richness, that are reached only by crossing arid districts strewn with rocks and bowlders, or overlaid by recent streams of lava still uncovered by soil.

Barren wastes are succeeded by vegetation so dense as to be almost impenetrable, or by pleasant grass lands lying near forests of the peculiar koa tree, which is characteristic of this island. The trees in the koa forests frequently grow close together from a soil carpeted with long rich grass; they are large in size, of hard, dark wood, and were formerly greatly used to make the canoes of the islanders.

The density of the forests is proportional to the amount of rainfall, which, upon the windward side of Hawaii, is phenomenally great.*

On Hawaii is found a peculiar grass, said to have been brought to the island by accident. In its green state it is hardly fit for pasture. Cattle and horses eat it, but it apparently affords very little nourishment, though more when cured. So dense and high is this grass that it is difficult to ride through it. Another, and perhaps the best variety of grass, comes from Mexico; it is called, locally, maniania grass, and wherever it grows forms the richest and most velvety sward imaginable. It is highly nutritious and animals are very fond of it.

Such being the character of the interior of the island, roads are in general bad, and communication difficult.

*Maj. Dutton says that this may attain to more than 300 inches annually in the interior of Hawaii; 240 inches have been measured at Hilo.

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CITIES, TOWNS, AND PORTS, HAWAII.

Hilo.—Hilo, or Byron Bay, on the northeast side of Hawaii, is the only anchorage on the northeast coast; the bay is about 7¹/₂ miles wide and 3 miles deep. It is fully exposed to the northeast, trade wind.

The scene which the island presents, as viewed from the anchorage in Hilo Bay, is novel and beautiful; the shores are shielded with extensive groves of cocoanut and bread fruit trees, interspersed with plantations of sugar cane, through which numerous streams are seen hurrying to the ocean. To this belt succeeds a region some miles in width, free from woods, but clothed in verdure, while beyond is a wider belt of forest, whose trees, as they rise higher and higher from the sea, change their character from the vegetation of the tropics to that of the polar regions. Above all tower the snow-capped summits of the mountains.*

On the coast of the bay near Cocoanut Island lie the creek and village of Whyeatea, where landing may be effected in all weathers. There are two piers to the northward of the entrance of the creek, alongside the northernmost of which ships drawing 15 feet of water can lie. The shore then turns westward along a sandy beach for nearly 1 mile to the bottom of the bay, where the town of Hilo is situated.

Hilo is the principal town in Hawaii, and ranks next to Honolulu in importance and population. The town may be easily recognized from the seaward by the tall white square towers of the Roman Catholic church and the pointed white spire of the Protestant church. There are also several other large buildings, both public and private, such as a court-house, schools, governor's house, stores, etc.

There are several sugar plantations in the vicinity of Hilo on which the town is mainly dependent for prosperity.

Besides sugar and molasses, Hilo exports hides, tallow, goatskins, arrowroot, rice, and a small amount of coffee.

As before stated, the rainfall here is very great, and accounts for the luxuriant verdure of the district.

The Hawaiian Government steam vessels communicate with Hilo from Honolulu once a week, and schooners ply constantly between the two ports. (See Communications and Appendix i.)

Supplies.—Supplies of nearly all descriptions can be obtained: Beef, 10 cents per pound; bread, about 9 cents, and vegetables at 6 cents.

A small pier has been built in front of the town, but in 1888 the sand had washed up and closed it as a landing place. The only landing place is at Whyeatea.

Close to the west of the town is Waterfall Creek, the mouth of Wailuku River, and about 2 miles from the entrance is Cocoanut Point. There is a good watering place up this creek which is generally easy of access, except when the wind is blowing hard from seaward; on such occasions the surf is high, and the rocky bar at the entrance becomes dangerous for boats to pass. The water is excellent and abundant.

Hilo Bay is a safe anchorage, and next to Honolulu may be considered the best in the Hawaiian Islands. With a strong trade wind there is a slight sea, unpleasant enough for boats but not sufficient to endanger the safety of a ship. The westerly wind, which is felt most, seldom blows strongly. A well-sheltered anchorage can be picked up anywhere under the lee of Blonde Reef in from 5 to 7 fathoms. A vessel drawing 15 feet or

*Pacific Islands, Vol. II, Hydrographic Office. Admiralty.

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less may anchor so as to be quite under the lee of Cocoanut Island and Keo Kea Point.

Mahukona.—A small village with anchorage off it about 6 miles south of Upolu Point. The place is becoming important, through the energy of a Mr. Wilder, who has made a most convenient landing place, and constructed a railway 15 miles long to bring sugar from the Kohala district round the north end of the island.

The cargo boats lay along the side of the pier and are laden and cleared very quickly by means of a steam "Crab "which works a truck up and down the incline.

There is no water in the place. All the fresh water has to be brought from Kohala by train. An attempt to obtain artesian water failed.

The anchorage is indifferent, and with winds to the westward of north or south would be untenable. Freight is disembarked and shipped at night, during the greater part of the year.

The soil along the shore is barren for 3 or 4 miles inland owing to the want of rain. The face of the country is regular, ascending gradally from the coast to the summit of the high land.

Kawaihae village is situated in a grove of cocoanut trees, just behind a sandy point near the center of the bay of the same name. The village consists (1891) of a general store, 2 or 3 houses, and several huts along the shore. In front of the village is a pier for boats.

So much of the soil of this district as lies along the coast, though rich, is badly watered; 7 or 8 miles inland from Kawaihae Bay it becomes exceedingly rocky and barren.

The climate is upon the whole unpleasant, especially at Waimea, about 9 miles eastward of Kawaihae, in consequence of the exceedingly strong trade wind, which brings with it a mist toward sunset. This wind rushes furiously down between the mountains which bound the valley of Waimea and becomes very dangerous to the shipping in the bay. It is called by the natives mumuku, and is foretold by an illuminated streak seen far inland, believed to be caused by the reflection of the twilight on the mist that always accompanies the mumuku.

The principal exports of the district are hides, tallow, and beef.

On approaching the anchorage a good landmark is a conspicuous mound situated a short distance south of the village. Another conspicuous landmark is a white tomb in the form of a pyramid.

There is a coral reef in front of the village, but a boat passage exists around the north end and close to the shore, where landing is easy.

With strong westerly winds the anchorage would be very exposed and unsafe. The sea breeze from the westward lasts all day, and the northeast trade or land breeze sometimes blows strong all night.

Supplies.—Beef may be obtained here at 6 cents a pound; potatoes are abundant, and plenty of fish may be caught with the seine.

The watering place, which is in a small sandy bay, is only a pool of rain water collected in a hole, and would require 500 feet of hose to pump into a boat. In the summer the water becomes somewhat stagnant and unfit for drinking; in winter more rain falls, and it then becomes a stream.

Settlement—Kailua Bay.—The bay affords a good anchorage at most seasons of the year. (In 1841 the residence of the governor of Hawaii Island was established here, and great advances were being made in the civilized arts and industries.) There is a most convenient landing place on a sandy beach on the west side of the bay, formed by the jutting out of two points, between which is a small cove protected from the surf by rocks.

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Rain seldom falls here except in showers, and a rainy day once in the year is looked upon as remarkable. This, together with the absence of all dew, prevents the existence of much cultivation. There grows, nevertheless, a coarse vegetation sufficient to pasture a few hundred goats, and a mile back from the shore the surface is covered with herbage which maintains cattle, etc.; 2 miles in the interior there is sufficient moisture to keep up a constant verdure.

The temperature is mild and equable. During the winter the thermometer ranges from 64° to 85°; summer, 68° to 86°.

The prevailing winds are the land and sea breezes, which are very regular; the most severe gales are those from the southwest, which last from a few hours to two or three days, and render anchorage unsafe.

On approaching Kailua Bay, the town may be recognized by the 2 churches and the cocoanut groves on the shore to the westward.

There is a most convenient landing place, as noted above.

Kona.—Settlement near Kealakekua Bay, situated west side Hawaii; best anchorage on that coast. Climate mild, 62° to 76° in winter, 70° to 86° in summer. Strong winds are seldom felt. During day, cool sea breeze; during night, land breeze. It was at Kealakekua Bay that Capt. Cook was killed (1779). On west of Kanwalda Cove is a village of same name, where the monument to Cook now stands. The shore all around the bay is rocky, making landing dangerous when there is a swell setting in, except at Kealakekua village. Here there is a fine sandy beach, with burying place at one extremity and a small well of fresh water at the other. The bay is easy of access; but anchorage is not good, owing to the great depth of water and foul bottom. Kanwalda Cove, though exposed to winds south and southwest, may be considered safe anchorage, except in winter.

Kona is a village a few miles inland, and is considered one of the most healthy spots in the whole group, and especially beneficial to people suffering from weakness or disease of lungs or chest. It is said that many visitors come here from California to pass the winter, and there are one or two commodious boarding houses for their accommodation.

From the landing place, about half a cable southwest of Cook's monument, there is a good road leading to Kona.

Supplies.—Beef, fowls, sweet potatoes, and plantains can be obtained in Kealakekua; also water at Napupu, a village south of Kealakekua; but the tank is falling to decay, and the water is brackish in all wells in the vicinity of Kanwalda Cove.

Island of Maui (Map E.)

The island of Maui lies northwest of Hawaii. The channel which separates them has a width of 28 miles.

The island is 48 miles long in a west-by-north and east-by-south direction; it is divided into two oval-shaped peninsulas, connected by a low isthmus 6 miles across, and only a few feet higher than the beach.

The whole island, which is volcanic, was probably produced by the action of the two adjacent volcanoes.

Coast.—The southwest point of Maui, Cape Hanamanioa, is formed by rugged, craggy rocks. From here along the coast 25 miles to Alau islet the whole shore is rugged and offers no anchorage or shelter. From seaward the land appears to ascend abruptly; it is densely covered with trees and vegetation, while here and there a few

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habitations appear. Alau islet, lying off the east coast of Maui, is very small. Kauiki head, the eastern point of Maui, is an old crater which is connected by a low spit to the mainland, and at a distance appears like an island.

Near this peninsula lies Hana harbor, from which a coast that affords no shelter extends for 31 miles.

The north coast of East Maui is a succession of deep ravines, which gradually diminish in breadth as they ascend, and are finally lost in the flanks of the mountains; traveling along the coast, in consequence, becomes almost impossible. Cascades several hundred feet in height, but having little volume of water, are seen falling into these ravines.

The east coast of West Maui is an abrupt precipice several hundred feet in height, terminating at Kahakuloa Point, the northern extremity of the island. The southern side of West Maui has a forbidding appearance. The shores, however, are not so steep and rocky as elsewhere, and have generally a sandy beach.

Off Makena, near the southwest extremity of the island, lies a small barren islet called Molokini, only visited by fishermen who dry their nets on its barren surface.

Interior.—The eastern peninsula of Maui, the larger of the two, is lofty; but though the mountains are often seen above the clouds, they are never covered with snow.

East Maui rises in an unbroken mountain.

East Maui, although mountainous, has much cultivated land; and the rich volcanic soil of the Kula district, on the southwest side of the island, raises abundant crops of potatoes. Wheat and other grains are also cultivated.

West Maui has many sharp peaks and ridges, which are divided by deep valleys, descending towards the sea, and opening out into sloping plains of considerable extent, in the north and south sides.

The highest peak of West Maui is Mauna Ika, 6,130 feet.

The connecting isthmus consists of sand, which is constantly shifting and is thrown up in dunes; this region is naturally dry, but during nine months of the year affords fine grazing, feeding huge herds of cattle that are mostly owned by foreigners.

The productions of Maui are those of the other islands, with the addition of a few fruits, such as grapes, etc.

The highest point of Maui, named Kolakole, is 10,030 feet above the sea. It is destitute of trees to the height of about 2,000 feet; then succeeds a belt of forest to the height of about 6,500 feet, and again the summit is bare.

The crater of Haleakala is a deep gorge, open at the north and east, forming a kind of elbow. The inside is entirely bare of vegetation. The natives have no tradition of an eruption.

Though arid and sandy in appearance, the soil of the isthmus connecting the two parts of the island is good, deep, and exceedingly fertile where irrigation has been introduced. At Spreckelsville, in the northern part of the peninsula, lie the largest sugar estates of the island.

CITIES, TOWNS, AND PORTS, MAUI.

Hana Harbor.—The anchorage is well protected from the wind and sea, and is very convenient. There is a town here. Details unknown.

Kahului Harbor.—Situated between the coral reefs on the northern side of the low isthmus joining the two peninsulas. Channels about 3¹/₂ cables wide, 4 cables deep, fully exposed to the northward.

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Kahului.—An important place for exporting the produce of the northern part of Maui; there are railways connecting it with Wailuku to the westward, and Spreckelsville and Haiku on the east. (See Communications.)

There was being built in 1881, out from the shore near the customhouse, a jetty which it was proposed to extend as far as the edge of the reef.

Anchorage may be obtained in from 2¹/₂ to 7 fathoms.

Wailuku.—A nourishing village about 2 miles northwest of Kahului. Here there is a female seminary occupying an extensive range of coral buildings, beautifully situated on an inclined plane, with high precipices behind. It is considered one of the best organized establishments in the Hawaiian Islands.

Lahaina.—A town situated on the west side of West Maui, and at one time a nourishing place much frequented by whaling vessels for refitting and for obtaining supplies, but now only visited by vessels loading with sugar, which is grown on the estates in the vicinity.

The town is built along the beach for a distance of three-fourths of a mile. It is principally composed of grass houses situated as near the beach as possible. It has one principal street, with a few others at right angles to it. From seaward the town may be recognized by some conspicuous buildings, especially Government House, which is near the beach and has a tall flagstaff before it. The seminary of Lahainaluna is situated on the side of the mountain above the town.

Off the town there is an open roadstead which is completely sheltered from the trade wind by the high land of Maui, but the holding ground is reported indifferent.

Supplies.—Supplies of all sorts can be obtained here—beef, vegetables, fruit, and water in abundance.

Landing.—The landing place is at a small pier, extending from the light-house, and protected by a breakwater.

The tide is irregular, generally running northwest sixteen hours out of the twenty-four.

Patoa.—A roadstead (so called by Vancouver) situated on the southern side of West Maui. "The anchorage at Patoa is abreast of the easternmost of these valleys, which appeared fruitful and well cultivated."

Kamalalaea Bay settlements.—The bay is on the west side of Maui, lying between two peninsulas, the western side formed by rocky cliffs and precipices. Nearly in the middle of this side is a village called Mackerrey, off which is an anchorage in 7 fathoms. No details known.

Maalaea.—Near the head of Kamalalaea Bay, in the northeast corner, is the small village of Maalaea. Here there are some houses for storing sugar. Besides sugar there is a great quantity of wheat, maize, and potatoes grown in this district, and supplies of fresh provisions are obtained in plenty from Wailuku, which is about 6 miles distant.

The anchorage off this place is not good, as the trade wind blows across the low isthmus in heavy gusts, and communication with the shore by boats is sometimes interrupted.

There is a small pier here for loading schooners and boats can always go alongside, the channel leading to the landing place being about 20 yards wide, between two coral reefs.

Makena, or Makees Landing.—A small indentation in the west coast of East Maui, near the southwestern extremity of the island. It

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derives the latter name from a planter whose estate is situated on the side of Mauna Haleakala, on a plateau 2,000 feet above the sea and about 5 miles east of the landing place. Near the landing are a stone church and several houses. The anchorage is exposed to the heavy squalls which occasionally blow over the low isthmus in the center of Maui, and landing is at times impracticable for ships' boats owing to the heavy surf. The holding ground is not good.

Island of Kauai. (Map E).

Kauai lies 64 miles west by north of Oahu, and is separated from it by the Kaieie Waho channel. This island is of volcanic formation, somewhat circular in shape, 25 miles long and 22 miles wide, and rises in the center to a peak 5,000 feet in height.

Coast.—From the seaward the northeast and northwest sides appear broken and rugged, but to the south the land is more even; the hills rise with a gentle slope from the shore, and at some distance back are covered with woods.

The southern point of the island is a bold, barren, rocky headland, falling perpendicularly into the sea.

Ninini Point, north point of Nawiliwili Harbor, is low, level, grassy laud, sprinkled with volcanic bowlders extending from a range of low hills that stretch along the coast at a short distance from the beach, which extends northward to Wailua.

Along the coast from Wailua sugar cane appears to be cultivated in large quantities, especially in the vicinity of Wailua and Kanala Point, where there are several factories.

From this point to Hanalei Bay are several small villages scattered along the coast near the mouths of mountain streams which are closed by sand bars. The land near the sea is flat and very fertile, but soon rises to the mountains behind. The rivers as well as the sea abound in fish.

The northwest coast of Kauai, forming the district Na Pali, has a very rugged appearance, rising to lofty abrupt cliffs that jut out into a variety of steep rocky points destitute of both soil and verdure, but terminating nearly in uniform even summits, on which, in the valleys or chasms between them, are several patches of green. Here and there a stream running from the lofty mountains behind finds its way to the ocean.

Mana Point, the western extremity of Kauai, is a long, low sand spit, commencing at the foot of a high range of mountains, and from it a sandy plain extends to the town of Waimea. This plain is from a quarter to a mile wide and 150 feet above the sea, whence it rises gradually to the mountains.

It has a sunburnt appearance and is destitute of trees, except on the low grounds where the cocoanut thrives. The sea here abounds in fish. Between Waimea and Kaloa Bay, the south point of Kauai, extends a series of sunburnt hills and barren plains, sloping gradually to the shore from the mountains, and here and there intersected by ravines. There is no cultivation, and the soil only produces a kind of coarse grass quite unfit for pasture.

Interior.—The island of Kauai is considered one of the most pleasant of the group. Portions of it appear better adapted to agriculture than the other islands, and the coffee and sugar plantations on the weather

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side, which is well watered with streams and by frequent rains, are very productive; but the lee side is dry and adapted to cultivation only in valleys.

CITIES, TOWNS, AND PORTS, KAUAI.

Nawiliwili Bay village.—The harbor of Nawiliwili is a small cove on the southeast side of the island, at the head of a bay of this name. The greater part of the harbor is blocked by shoals and reefs.

At Nawiliwili Bay is a large village; the soil in the vicinity is rich, producing sugar cane, taro, beans, sweet potatoes, etc.

There is a small pier in the northwest corner of the harbor, where landing may be easily effected; but the pier should be approached with caution, as a reef extends from the shore to the southward of it for two cables in an easterly direction.

The local mail steamer runs to this point. (See Communications.)

Wailua.—Formerly a place of some importance, 5¹/₂ miles from Ninini Point, situated on a small river of the same name, in a barren sandy spot, surrounded by an extremely fertile district. The river, in common with the others along this coast, is closed at the mouth with sand bars, but inside is deep and navigable by canoes for several miles.

Coast villages.—From Kanala Point, north and west, 14 miles to Hanalei Bay, there are several small villages scattered along the coast, near the mouth of mountain streams closed by sand bars.

Hanalei.—Situated near the bottom of a bay of this name.

Anchorage ground in the bay is spacious in fine weather, but there is only room for about three vessels in bad weather under the lee of the reef near the eastern point of the bay.

A landing is generally effected inside the mouth of the river.

Supplies.—Supplies are plentiful—beef, vegetables, and fruits may be obtained in abundance. Water may be procured by sending boats into the river, which is easy of access in fine weather, and a short distance from the mouth the water is perfectly fresh. The town is very picturesquely placed; the mountains rise to a height of from 3,000 to 4,000 feet, and are clothed with verdure from base to summit, with numeroua rills running down their precipitous sides.

In front of the town is a good beach where great quantities of fish may be caught with a seine.

The district derives its name from the numerous rainbows formed by passing showers. The rains are so frequent as to clothe the country in perpetual green.

On the eastern side of the entrance is a conspicuous dark bluff-head, with two sandy beaches a short distance to the eastward.

A little way to the southward of this bluff is the mouth of a small river, in front of which is a bar that may be crossed by boats at half flood; inside, the bar carries a depth of from one to three quarters of a fathom and is navigable for several miles for boats drawing 3 feet. About 4 cables from the mouth of the river, on the northern bank, is a large farm, called "Charlton farm," owned by the English consul, who keeps a large number of cattle of good breed.

Waimea village.—Situated on Waimea Bay, southwest coast, placed at the mouth of river of the same name, which runs about 15 miles inland. At one time a populous native town, but now (1891) only a small village of little importance. It contains a church.

Boats may ascend the river for about three-quarters of a mile; this is the the only water here that is not brackish. A little to the eastward

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of the village a shoal projects. The trade winds, deflected by the mountains, often raise a surf which renders landing at times very unpleasant, sometimes impracticable.

Waimea Bay should be approached with caution, as reefs extend to the southward. There is a railroad from Waimea to Kekaha. No details known.

Kaloa Bay village.—About 1 mile west of the south point of Kauai is a slight indentation of the coast, where there is a considerable village called Kaloa, off which anchorage may be obtained but in a very exposed position.

The country around the village of Kaloa is much broken by hills and inactive craters; but the soil is good, though dry and very stony, and is capable of cultivation in many places. There is a sugar plantation here, and there are several large cattle ranches in the vicinity.

The village may be recognized by many high buildings and two churches; it extends from the beach to a distance of 2 miles up the slope of a hill. Between the village and Makanuena, the southern extremity of the island, there is a low point running out into a rocky ledge that somewhat protects the anchorage.

There is a good landing place at Kaloa, in a small cove protected by a reef extending about 1 cable from shore; an artificial creek has been made at the head of this cove, with sufficient space for one boat to enter.

Supplies.—Supplies of beef, vegetables, and fruit may be obtained in abuudance.

Island of Molokai. (Chart B.)

Molokai is situated north of Lanai, from which it is separated by Pailolo Channel, 6¹/₂ miles wide.

It is apparently formed by a chain of volcanic mountains about 40 miles long and 7 miles broad. The mountains are high and broken by deep ravines and water courses; the sides are clothed with verdure and ornamented with shrubs and trees.

Coast.—Lae o Ka Laau, the southwest extremity of Molokai, is a low black point. On the south side of the island are several small harbors, the best of which is Kaunakakai, midway between the two extremes.

From this point to the southeast extremity of the island the distance by the coast is about 21 miles, thence northward to Kalaua, the northeast point, about 2 miles.

Some 16 miles from Kalaua, and on a peninsula projecting about 2 miles into the sea, is placed the leper settlement of the Hawaiian Islands.

Interior.—One-third of the island of Molokai, towards the west end, is a barren waste not susceptible of cultivation, except in the rainy season. It has in consequence but few inhabitants, who are engaged mostly in fishing.

The eastern two-thirds is almost one entire mountain, rising gradually from the south until it attains an elevation of 2,500 feet, while on the north it is almost perpendicular. On the south side there is a narrow strip of land not exceeding a quarter of a mile in width, where dwell the greater part of the population. The soil is very rich, but owing to the want of moisture few plants will thrive even here. Resort is therefore had to the uplands, which are found to be susceptible of the highest degree of cultivation.

S. Doc. 231, pt 6----28

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CITIES, TOWNS, AND PORTS, MOLOKAI.

Kaunakakai.—A town or village situated on the south side of Molokai, midway between the extremes. There are outer and inner anchorages: former not good, latter limited.

No supplies are to be obtained at Kaunakakai. No details of town known.

Kalanao.—Situated near the center of the north coast of Molokai, at the base of very precipitous mountains. The leper establishment was erected here about 1865. The anchorage is to the southward of a low point, extending from the foot of two remarkable, steep mountains. It can not be considered safe, being exposed to a heavy swell; landing at Kalanao, always difficult, is at times dangerous.

Supplies.—No supplies can be obtained.

Island of Lanai, or Ranai. (Chart B.)

Lies 16 miles northwest of Kahulaui, and is separated from West Maui by Auau Channel, 7¹/₂ miles wide. Lanai is a dome-shaped island, about 17 miles long and 9 miles broad. Large fissures are visible on its sides.

The center of this island is much more elevated than Kahulaui, but is neither so high nor so broken as any of the other islands.

Great part of it is barren, and the island in general suffers much from the long droughts which prevail. The ravines and glens, notwithstanding, are filled with thickets of small trees.

The island is volcanic; the soil shallow and by no means fertile. The shores abound with shellfish.

Sheep in large numbers, it is said, are pastured here.

CITIES, TOWNS, AND PORTS, LANAI.

No towns noted; probably none exist.

Island of Niihau. (Chart B.)

The island lies 17 miles west-southwest of Kauai, from which it is separated by Kumukahi Channel. It is about 20 miles long by 7 miles broad.

This island is mostly lowland, except on the eastern side, where it rises directly from the sea to a height of 1,500 feet, and is rocky and unfit for cultivation. On the western side is a level plain from 2 to 4 miles wide, where the natives cultivate yams, fruits, sweet potatoes, etc. The soil being dry, the yams grow to great size. The natives are few in number and very poor; they live almost entirely on the western side of the island.

Of late years Niihau has been used as a sheep run, and in 1875 there were said to be about 70,000 sheep on the island.

The eastern shore of Niihau is rocky and wholly destitute of shelter, but on the western shore there are several open roadsteads.

CITIES, TOWNS, AND PORTS, NIIHAU.

Yam Bay.—An open roadstead about a mile and a half south of Kona Point, where, in fine weather, anchorage may be obtained. There is

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only one place in the bay where boats can effect a landing in safety when the sea sets in, a common occurrence; this is on the western side behind a small reef of rocks that lies a little way off the beach; even here it is necessary to guard against sunken rocks. No inhabitants noted.

Cook anchorage.—On the southwest of Niihau, about 4 miles south of Kona Point; is exposed to the heavy northwesterly swell; the bottom is composed of large rocks, with patches of sand.

Near the beach are a few huts, a church, and a derrick for loading and unloading boats.

Landing.—The landing place is protected by some rocks forming a breakwater in the northeast part of the bay, and is situated just inside a lava patch which from seaward appears like a point. Landing can be effected easily in moderate weather, but with a heavy swell it is impracticable.

Supplies.—Whalers call here occasionally for fresh meat, but the sheep being bred for wool only, very little meat can be procured; and only a limited quantity of vegetables and fruit.

Fresh water can only be procured during the rainy season, when the water courses are full; at other times of the year there is no water but what the natives have collected in wells in the rock for their own use; these wells are chiefly near the south end of the island.

Caution.—As the rollers set in with but little warning at Cook anchorage, sailing vessels should proceed to sea on first indications of them. These rollers generally last from three to four days.

Island of Kahulaui. (Chart B.)

Called also Tahurowa, separated from East Maui by Alalakeiki Channel, 6 miles wide, is about 11 miles in length and 8 miles wide.

It is low and almost destitute of every kind of shrub or verdure, excepting a species of coarse grass. The rocks of which it is formed are volcanic, but nothing is known of any active or extinct craters on the island.

At one time this island was used as a penal settlement; but it is now chiefly used as a sheep run, the soil of decomposed lava being of too poor a quality for cultivation.

CITIES, TOWNS, AND PORTS, KAHULAUI.

No towns noted; probably none exist.

Island of Kaula. (Chart B.)

This island, called also Tahura, lies 17 miles southwest one-half west from Niihau. It is a small, elevated, barren rock, destitute of vegetation, and uninhabited. It is visited to collect the eggs of sea birds, which abound.

Island of Lenua. (Chart B.)

Lenua, or Egg Island, lies off the north point of Niihau. It is a small, rugged, barren rock, apparently destitute of soil and without sign of habitation.

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Island of Molokini. (Chart B.)

A small islet of the island of Maui, which see.

Communications of the Hawaiian Islands.

RAILROADS.

There are, according to the Statesman's Tear Book for 1893, 56 miles of railway in the islands of Hawaii, Maui, and Oahu. These roads were built principally for the transportation of products from the interior to the seaports.

RAILROADS OF OAHU.

Oahu Railroad. —This line extends from Honolulu, 19 miles, to Ewa plantation; passing around Pearl Lochs, with a branch along the peninsula to Pearl City, and a spur extending into a quarry at Palama. Roadbed good. It is proposed to run the railroad completely around the island.

Depots.—There is an excellent depot at Honolulu; also turntable. Stations, with suitable houses, at intervals along the line. A fine depot, also turntable, exists at Pearl City.

Wharfage.—The company's wharf at Honolulu is 60 feet wide and 200 feet long and is ample for present needs. Products can be unloaded directly from cars to vessels and vice versa.

Rolling stock, etc.—The rolling stock and equipments are of the most approved and modern style.

At the port of Waianae, in northwest portion of Oahu, there are several small railroads, in all about 4 or 5 miles, branching to plantations in the interior and along the coast. About these there are, however, no obtainable data.

RAILROADS OF HAWAII.

In Hawaii, from Mahukona to the Kohola district, some 15 miles of railroad exist.

RAILROADS OF MAUI.

In the island Maui a little railway of very narrow gauge now connects Wailuku and Kaluilui. The railway also extends 3 miles further eastward to the sugar mills of the great plantation of Sprecklesville, in all 13 miles.

(The distances between these places are given from the overland distance tables in the Hawaiian Annual for 1893.)

Data concerning gauge, quantity of rolling stock, etc., as well as reliable maps, are at present unobtainable.

RAILROADS OF KAUI.

On the island of Kaui there is (according to the Hydrographic Office chart of Waimea Bay) a railroad from "Waimea village to Kekaha. No details known.

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ROADS.

There are a few well-constructed roads on the Island of Oahu, leading from Honolulu to places of interest to tourists; but in general the roads on the island are not good, being frequently heavy with sand and muddy in wet districts. No positive information obtainable.

TELEGRAPHS.

There are telegraphs round the island of Oahu as well as in Hawaii and Maui. Oahu. and Hawaii are connected by telegraphic cable. Total length of telegraphs, 250 miles.

TELEPHONES.

Telephones are in general use in Honolulu and probably elsewhere on the islands.

POSTAL SERVICE.

For Hawaiian Islands postal service and post-offices.

INTER-ISLAND STEAMERS AND VESSELS.

There are 22 coasting steamers plying between the ports of the island, of which 9 belong the Inter-Island Steam Navigation Company, 7 to the Wilder Steamship Company, and the remainder to various private owners.

There are also 25 sailing vessels belonging to various firms and owners.

There are, besides, 2 steam and 6 sailing merchantmen and traders of Hawaiian register plying between the islands and foreign ports.

LEPROSY.

In his report to the Hawaiian legislative assembly of 1884, the president of the board of health makes the assertion that "Hawaii has to meet a calamity of widespread disease. ٭ ٭ At least 2 per cent of her entire native population is attacked by a fearful and supposed incurable malady [leprosy], of an exceptioual character, that demands separation and isolation." In the same report it is shown that the appropriation of $90,000, for the segregation and care of lepers, voted in 1882, for the biennial period closing March 31,1884, had fallen short of the demands upon the health authorities. The Hawaiian law has provided for the strict segregation of lepers since 1865, and the district of Kalawao on Molokai, a territory of about 5,000 acres, was selected at that time for the leper settlement.

It is asserted that up to 1882 at least, the law requiring segregation was not carried out with vigor, but it is shown that under the partial enforcement of the law during sixteen years prior to June 1, 1882, 2,602 cases, an average of 162.62 cases per year, had been sent to the

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leper settlement. The biennial report of the president of the board of health for 1890 states that "the work of collecting and segregating lepers had been carried on with firmness and impartiality, and that the number of lepers collected and sent to Molokai for the biennial period closing March 31, 1890, was 798. Of these 2 were of British and 2 were of American birth." The report shows that $331,057.80 was expended by the board of health during the biennial period, and it is asserted "that the maintenance of the leper establishment is the almost bottomless pit into which more than three-fourths of the money appropriated is cast."

It is hopefully claimed, however, "that its requirements are on the wane, and judging from the most reliable information obtainable there are but very few undoubted cases of leprosy now at large in the country, and they will come under the care of the board as rapidly as it is possible to get control of them." In proof of this it is stated that on the 31st of March, 1888, it was estimated that there were then at large throughout the Kingdom 644 lepers, while at the date of the report under consideration, March 31,1890, "according to the best information obtainable, there are ٭ ٭ ٭ about 100 persons supposed to be affected by the disease still at large who have not been before the examining board." The reasons why these suspected lepers have not been examined are stated to be that some very bad and unmistakable cases are hiding in fastnesses of the mountains, while some mild cases change their residence so often as to baffle the efforts of the officers of the law for their arrest.

In regard to the contagious character of the disease and the precautions necessary to be taken it is claimed by Surg. Tyron, 17. S. Navy,* that the spread of the disease in the Hawaiian Islands is due, or was due at that time, 1883, to the general belief that "the disease is only slightly contagious, and its treatment as such from the beginning, allowing free individual intercourse, with weak enforcement of the laws for its suppression."

That leprosy has not always been regarded by the authorities of the Hawaiian Islands as eminently contagious is shown by the following extracts from the report of the president of the board of health to the legislative assembly of 1884. He says: "Such a characterization is entirely uncalled for, is not warranted by experienced medical opinion, and the violent and hasty segregation which it would inspire is a wrong to a suffering community." "The confirmed leper should be separated from the community, but there should be no alarm in consequence of the temporary presence in the street of a leper, or on account of any ordinary intercourse with a sufferer from the disease."

On the other hand the report of the board of health for 1890 declares in the most emphatic manner that " complete, thorough, and absolute segregation offers the only safeguard" against the ravages of leprosy. The same report asserts that if, from the time when leprosy was first recognized as an established fact in the islands, the policy of absolute segregation had been firmly decided upon and unflinchingly pursued, ٭ ٭ ٭ Hawaii would be as free from leprosy to-day as any civilized nation." The report concludes with the hopeful words: "It is safe to say that if we do not relax our efforts we have seen the worst of leprosy in this country." The average leper population of the leper settlements in Molokai for the two years ending March 31, 1890, was 1,035.

*American Journal Medical Science, April, 1883.

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A. Lutz, M. D., a specialist employed by the Hawaiian Government as "government physician for the study and treatment of leprosy," reports, under date of April 1,1890, as follows: "The infection from one person to the other furnishes probably the largest number of patients; heredity, if it really exists at all, is quite secondary, being perhaps only simulated by family infection. The influence of vaccination appears most doubtful."

From the Sanitary Instructions for Hawaiians, by the chairman of the sanitary committee of the Hawaiian legislature, the following statement of predisposing causes of leprosy and rules to be observed is made up:

"Be careful that where the operation of vaccination is performed pure vaccine is used."

"Avoid a leprous bedfellow as you would a pit of fire."

"Eat regularly and of the best obtainable food."

"Avoid dark, damp, badly-ventilated rooms."

"Never lie down to repose in damp or dirty clothing, and keep the body clean."

"Nearly all the lepers come from among the poor, who have fared badly and have lodged in damp and ill ventilated huts."

"Take care of the first symptoms of leprosy. The moment numbness of feeling, or any marks or swellings that indicate leprosy are observed, a physician should be consulted."

Venereal diseases favor the attack of leprosy. "If two men, one perfectly well and clean in body and the other diseased with venereal virus, were each brought into intimate contact with a leprous individual, the diseased man would be affected and become a leper far sooner than the sound man."

Dr. Lutz, Hawaiian Government physician for the treatment and study of leprosy, was encouraged to declare, under date of April, 1890, that he believes "we shall ٭ ٭ ٭ see cures, which may be attributed, not to extraordinary chance, but to our methods of treatment." It appears, however, from later reports, that the study of leprosy by specialists employed by the Government was soon abandoned. Dr. Lutz resigned September, 1890, without having effected a permanent cure.

The president of the board of health reports to the legislative assembly, session of 1892, on the subject of the study of leprosy by Government specialists, as follows: "In deference to the oft-repeated requests, ٭ ٭ ٭ the board of health opened correspondence with the leprosy commission of England and with Dr. E. Arning, of Hamburg, Germany, with a view of ٭ ٭ ٭ continuing the study and treatment of leprosy." The substance of Dr. Arning's reply is: "That the scientific work connected with the etiology and pathology of leprosy can, with surer prospects of success, be carried on here in its European centers, and this is actually being done; there are a number of bacteriologists ٭ ٭ ٭ at work on this intricate question and slowly unraveling knot on knot towards its solution."

The report of the board of health for 1892 states that on "December 31,1890, there were 1,213 lepers in the custody of the board, that being the highest number ever reached, and on March 31, 1892, there were only 1,115, a decrease of 98 during the period." In regard to the segregation of lepers the report affirms that at this date, March 31, 1892, "there are very few known lepers at large, with the exception of perhaps 17 at Kalalau, Kaui, but there are about 60 suspects at liberty in

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Honolulu, and some in the outer districts, and more or less of them will, in time, become confirmed cases."

The same report shows that the cost of the "segregation, support, and treatment of lepers" for the biennial period closing March 31, 1892, was $224,331.88.

In regard to venereal diseases, so well known as prevalent in the Hawaiian Islands, the statement is made in the Medical Record for April, 1889, that the "effects of hereditary immunity ٭ ٭ ٭ has resulted in the production of a much milder form of the disease in the course of three or four generations. At the present day syphilis in the Sandwich Islands is comparatively a benign disease, and furnishes but a small contingent to the sum of mortality." The writer, Dr. P. A. Morrow, states that "not only has the disease moderated in severity, but, according to the testimony of numerous physicians, ٭ ٭ ٭ it has materially decreased in frequency." The writer also asserts the "comparative rarity of hereditary transmission" of syphilis in the islands, and explains it by the fact that the native Hawaiians of to-day are a sterile race. " In some of the districts the percentage of births does not exceed 2 per 1,000 instead of 2S per 1,000, as it should be, to balance the mortality rate."

Note.—The maps and charts mentioned in this paper omitted.

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VII. Also the following lecture, delivered at the u. s. national museum, february 9, and march 15, 1884, by capt. c. e. dutton, of the u.s. army in washington, d.c.

[Ordnance notes—No. 343, Washington, April 23, 1884.]

THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS AND PEOPLE.

Lectures delivered at the U.S. National Museum February 9 and March 15,1884, under the auspices of the Smithsonian Institution and of the Anthropological and Biological Societies of Washington.

[By Capt. C. E. Dutton, Ordnance Department, U. S. A., on U. S. Geological duty.]

Ladies and Gentleman: The Hawaiian Islands are the summits of a gigantic submarine mountain range. If the waters of the Pacific were removed from their vicinity we might behold a range of mountains as long as our Appalachian system, from Lake Champlain to Chattanooga, and quite as wide, with summits five times as high as Mount Washington. The summits of Mauna Loa and Mauna Kea are nearly 14,000 feet above the ocean, and their bases are from 15,000 to 18,000 feet beneath it. Referred to the bottom of the ocean these mountains are higher than the Himalayas. Standing upon the northeastern coast of Hawaii the crest of Mauna Kea is less than 20 miles away, and is nearly 3 miles above us. At a distance of 30 miles at sea the ocean floor is about 3¹/₂ miles below us. I am not aware of any other place in the world where, along a line less than 50 miles in length, may be found a difference in altitude of more than 6 miles.

The Hawaiian group consists of four larger and four smaller islands. The largest island is named Hawaii. It has a length of about 90 and a width of 70 miles. Its area is nearly 4,000 square miles, being a little less than two-thirds of the area of the entire group. It is not, however, the most populous, for that distinction belongs to the islands of Oahu, on which is situated the principal town and capital, Honolulu, which is the center of trade and the seat of the Government.

Only a small portion of each island is capable of sustaining a dense population. The interiors are mountainous and generally rough, craggy, and cut with profound gorges of the wildest description. The habitable portions are near the seacoast, forming a ring around each island; but only a part of each ring is habitable or cultivable. Some portions are arid and barren; others are covered with recent floods of lava, and still others are bounded by lofty rocky coasts, and trenched with ravines so deep and abrupt that access is difficult. Generally speaking, the proportion of habitable area is singularly small. But those portions which are well favored are probably capable of sustaining as dense a population as any tracts in the world.

The climate of these islands is the climate of Paradise. It is never hot, and, except at considerable altitudes, it is never cold. Rarely has the thermometer been known to reach 90° on the seacoast, or to fall below 65°. The temperature in most localities may be averaged the year round as varying between 75° and 85°. But while the temperature of any given locality is uniform, there is wonderful variety in the climate as we pass from one place to another. Indeed, there are almost as many climates as there are square leagues. As a rule the windward or eastern sides are rainy and the leeward sides dry. On the eastern coast of Hawaii the annual rainfall varies from 150 to 250 inches. On the northwest coast of the same island it is probably less than the

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twentieth part of those amounts. The islands being situated within the trade-wind belt, the wind blows constantly from the east and northeast during the greater part of the year, and is only subject to brief interruptions during midwinter. Violent storms occur only in the winter time, and these, coming once or twice a year from the southwest, are known as konas, which means in the native language the southwest. During a stay of six months on the islands I only heard a single peal of thunder.

These islands are all of volcanic origin. They are composed of basaltic lavas, and no other rocks are found there excepting a few consolidated coral sands, which are remnants of old sea-beaches, upheaved from 50 to 200 feet. In the two westerly islands the volcanic activity has long been extinct. Most of the ancient craters have been obliterated, and the volcanic piles built up during the periods of activity have been greatly ravaged and wasted by subsequent erosion. Next to the plateaus and canyon country of the Rocky Mountain region, it would be difficult to find anywhere more impressive and suggestive examples of the wasting and slow destruction of the land than those presented by these islands. We find there grand illustrations of the two methods by which the general process of erosion accomplishes its work. First, is the action of the rains, followed by the decomposition of the massive rocks and their conversion into soil, and also the action of running water and decay of the rock masses, resulting in the formation of ravines and mountain gorges of imposing grandeur; secondly, we find the slow but incessant inroads made by the waves of the ocean upon a seacoast, gradually wearing back the cliffs and slowly paring away the rocky shore, until, after the lapse of thousands of years, the sea has eaten its way several miles into the land. Thus we have on the one hand striking examples of one way in which mountains are built, and we have on the other hand equally striking examples of the ways in which those mountains are destroyed.

Travelers in the lofty volcanic islands of the Pacific have frequently noted with some surprise the singularly sharp, angular, abrupt features of their mountain scenery. It is very impressive in the Fijis and Samoa, in the Ladrone, Caroline, and Society groups. But none of them rival in wildness and grandeur the still loftier islands of Hawaii. Gorges little inferior to Yosemite in magnitude are rather numerous. But in a certain sharpness of detail and animation in the sculpture they are unique. The island of Kauai and the western portion of the island of Maui consist of old volcanic piles as high as Mount Washington, and much broader and longer. They are literally sawed to pieces by many immense canyon-like gorges, which cut them to their foundations. Over all is spread a mantle of tropical vegetation in comparison with which the richest verdure of our temperate zone is but the garb of poverty. Whoever reads Shakspeare's Tempest and visits the Bermudas will be disenchanted from some of the most pleasing illusions of the play. But, if Shakspeare could have known the eastern shores of Maui or Hawaii and made them the scenes of his play, it would have had, if possible, another claim to immortality.

This wealth of verdure and splendor of scenery usually occur upon the windward sides of the islands, for upon those sides is found the cause which produces them. This cause is the copious rainfall brought by the perpetual trade winds. Nothing can be more pleasing to the lover of beautiful scenery than a ride along the windward coasts of Maui and Hawaii. The land terminates in cliffs, varying from 200 to 500 feet in height, plunging down almost vertically into the Pacific.

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The long heavy swell, driven for thousands of miles before the trade wind, breaks with great force against these iron walls. The surface above slopes upward towards the mountainous interior, at first with a gentle acclivity, which becomes steeper inland, and at length precipitous. This plat formis gashed at short intervals by true canyons, which head far up the mountain slopes, and open seaward in the great terminal wall. A mile or two inland from the brink of the cliff-bound shore is a forest so dense that it can be penetrated only by hewing a way through it or following a path already hewn. To describe the glories of this tropical vegetation is impossible. Only those who have beheld it can conceive of its splendor and luxurance. Yet there is one unrivaled feature of the island vegetation which has no parallel elsewhere than in the Pacific and Austral islands, and which may be mentioned. This is the ferns. There are more than 300 species of them in the Hawaiian Islands, and the most conspicuous are tree ferns which grow in amazing abundance and sumptuousness. They often cover the sides of the ravines, forming a thicket which is quite impenetrable, and become a mantle of green velvet so deep, rich, and exquisitely patterned that it makes an imperial robe seem ridiculous.

But there are contrasts. There are portions of the islands where the features have at first sight no more in common with those just spoken of than if they belonged to another planet. The beautiful or grand scenery is found in those parts where the volcanic activity has long been dormant. The contrasted portions are those where the volcanoes are still in action, or have recently put out their fires.

The southern half of the great island of Hawaii is covered with the two grandest volcanoes in the world—Mauna Loa and Kilauea. The great central pile is Mauna Loa, which is certainly the monarch of modern volcanoes. Its name signifies the Great Mountain. No other in the world approaches it in the vastness of its mass or in the magnitude of its eruptive activity. There are many volcanic peaks higher in air, but these are planted upon elevated platforms of stratified rock, where they appear as mere cones, of greater or less size. Regarding the platforms on which they stand as their true bases, the cones themselves and the lavas which have emanated from them never approach the magnitude of Mauna Loa. Aetna, and all its adjuncts are immeasurably inferior; while Shasta, Hood, and Ranier, if melted down and run together into one pile, would still fall much below the volume of the island volcano. In the greatness of its eruptions, Mauna Loa is also without a rival. Some of the volcanoes of Iceland have been known to disgorge at a single outbreak volumes of lava quite equal to them. But in that island such extravasations are infrequent, and a century has now elapsed since any such have been emitted. The eruptions of Mauna Loa are all of great volume and occur irregularly, with an average interval of about eight years. Any one of its moderate eruptions represents more lava than Vesuvius has outpoured since the last days of Pompeii. The great flow of 1855 would nearly have built Vesuvius, and those of 1859 and 1881 were not greatly inferior.

The Hawaiian volcanoes are in some respects abnormal. The most distinctive of their characteristics is the quiet and undemonstrative method of their eruptions. Rarely are these portentous events attended by any of that explosive action which is manifested by all other volcanoes. In only one or two instances within the historic period have they been accompanied by earthquakes and subterraneous rumblings. The vast jets of steam blown miles high, hurling cinders and lapilli far and wide and filling the heavens with vapor, dust, and ashes, have never

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been observed here. Some action of the sort is indeed represented sometimes, but only in a feeble way. Ordinarily the lava spouts forth in stupendous quantities, but as quietly as water from a fountain. So mild are the eruptive forces that the observer may stand to the windward of one of these fountains and so near it that the heat will make the face tingle, yet without danger. Usually the outbreak takes place without warning, and even without the knowledge of people in the vicinity, who first become aware of it at nightfall, when the heavens are aglow with the reflected light and the fiery fountains are seen playing. As the news spreads hundreds of people flock to witness the sublime spectacle, and display as much eagerness to approach the scene of an eruption as the people of other countries show to get away from one.

All this is in contrast with the ordinary volcano. At the other extreme is such an eruption as that which happened last August, at Krakatoa, in the Straits of Sunda. With the published details of this catastrophe you are all familiar. Appalling as it was, the eruption of Sumbawa in 1815 must have been, if can rely upon the accounts of it, even more energetic and destructive. The eruption of Coseguina, in Nicaragua, in 1835, appears to have been of the same character, or upon a scale quite equal; while once or twice in a century Cotapaxi shakes the chain of the Andes through half its length, fills the sky with dust, and converts noonday into midnight for a hundred miles around. The eruptions of Aetna have all been on a smaller scale, but still sufficient to fill all Sicily with terror. Vesuvius is usually regarded as an obstreperous vent, but its performauces are mere Fourth of July fireworks in comparison with these Day-of-Judgment proceedings at Sumbawa, Krakatoa, and Cotapaxi.

The explosive agent in these terrible convulsions is steam. In their original seat, miles deep in the earth, the lavas contain considerable quantities of water; but the condition of this water is such as we have, at the surface of the earth, no experience with, except as we observe it in volcanoes. It is water red hot, or even yellow hot, and under a pressure hundreds of times greater than that of the steam in a locomotive boiler—a pressure probably comparable to that exerted by gunpowder in a powerful cannon. Under the enormous pressure, occurring at a depth of several miles within the earth, water is absorbed by the lavas in much the same way as water itself absorbs ammonia gas, or as wine absorbs carbonic acid. When the lavas rise to the surface where the pressure is removed their explosive energy becomes terrible. The steam is given off as the uncorked bottle of wine gives off its gas, only a thousand times more violently and energetically. So densely charged with vapor of water are some lavas that when, as in the case of Krakatoa, a vent is found, the explosive energy becomes so great that the lava is blown into fine dust and dissipated in the surrounding atmosphere. Although this extreme of explosive activity is far too common for the comfort and safety of the human race it is by no means the most frequent. The more ordinary type of volcano is one in which the explosiveness is not so intense as to blow the whole of the ejected matter into impalpable dust, but blows it into pellets termed lapilli. These grains of lapilli are of all sizes, from that of a kernel of wheat up to those of cannon balls, and sometimes weigh a hundred tons or more. With a majority of volcanoes, whether active or extinct, the greater part of the material ejected is cast into the air in this fragmental form. Falling back around the orifice it builds up a fairly regular cone, with a cup on the summit. This is termed a cinder

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cone. Most ot the volcanic piles of the world are crowned with cinder cones, the principal bulk of which consists of lapilli and scoriaceous lumps, with some massive portions of flowing lava streams mixed in. It is probable that quite half of the volcanic material now visible upon the globe consists of accumulations of such fragmental matter.

To this general method of extravasation Mauna Loa and Kilauea are remarkable exceptions. They consist almost wholly of massive sheets and floods of lava. On Mauna Loa there are but the most insignificant traces of fragmental products, and on Kilauea there are only a dozen or two of small cinder cones. The lavas of these great volcanoes flowed quietly out in enormous deluges, running sometimes for months, or even a whole year, with little or no explosive action throughout the entire duration of the flows.

One consequence of this quiet method of eruption has been to give to these colossal piles a wholly exceptional form among volcanoes. Instead of a huge cone crowning the apex of Mauna Loa, its summit is nearly a flat plain, 5¹/₂ miles long and nearly 4 miles wide. Within this plain is sunken a pit 3 miles long, 2 miles wide, and 1,000 feet in depth. In the floor of this pit at certain times may be seen a lake of red-hot liquid lava, varying in size from time to time, but occasionally as large as 30 or 40 acres. At intervals of fifteen or twenty minutes a column of liquid lava of great brilliancy, as large and as high as the Washington monument will be when it is completed, is shot upward and falls back into the lava pool in a fiery spray. This grand display is sometimes kept up for months, and is generally terminated by an eruption. When an outbreak occurs it does not take place usually at the summit, but a fissure suddenly opens in the side of the mountain, out of which a sheet of lava spouts hundreds of feet into the air, and, falling, collects into a river of fire half a mile in width, and rushes at first with great velocity down the slope. After running some miles it reaches more level ground, where it spreads out in great lakes or fields. It also cools on the surface, which gradually freezes over. But it is still hot within, and beneath its hardened covering the liquid rivers are still running, and at the edges and along the front of the great sheet the limpid lava constantly breaks forth, pushing out fiery rivulets in advance and laterally.

These rivulets are shot out in quick succession here, there, and everywhere, gradually covering the ground by repeated offshoots. They soon blacken and harden, but only to be covered by another and another belch. The later progress of the stream is slow. When the lava first leaves the vent it may run 10 or 15 miles an hour. But later on the stream may advance less than 100 yards in a day. In November, 1880, a great eruption broke forth near the summit of Mauna Loa, and the ava poured out in heavy streams unceasingly for eleven months. There were three great streams flowing in as many directions, and the largest one extended from the vent a distance of nearly 50 miles. It reached the outskirts of the beautiful little town of Hilo, whose inhabitants had abandoned all hope that their village would escape, and had removed their portable property. But the flow stopped just at the edge of the village.

The massive and highly liquid character of the flows from Mauna Loa is the cause which has given this mountain its peculiar form. It is in contrast with all other volcanoes by virtue of its flat and gently sloped profiles. It ia a gently rising dome whose steeper slopes are only about 7 degrees, while its longer ones are only 4 degrees. Most volcanoes have slopes ranging all the way from 15 to 30 and even 40

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degrees. The liquid lavas run off from the summit and upper dome and distribute themselves at immense distances. But if fragmental products were ejected in any quantity they would pile up around the orifices from which they were ejected and thus form steep conical hills.

The ascent of Mauna Loa is a feat wholly unworthy of the name of mountaineering. It is necessary, however, to procure a guide who knows the way, otherwise the journey is pretty sure to prove more interesting than was expected. Many of the lava streams are masses of clinkers of the most angular and cruel aspect imaginable; indeed, the hummocks of an arctic ice field are good traveling in comparison, and only a guide familiar with the mountain knows how to avoid them.

Just east of Mauna Loa, about 20 or 25 miles, is the far-famed volcano Kilauea. This has been visited and described so often that little needs to be said here. It contains a great pit similar to that on Mauna Loa, and somewhat larger, though not so deep.

Within it are the great lakes of fire always burning. The lake at the summit of Mauna Loa is frozen over and silent, without a trace of volcanic activity, for several years at a time, and is open only for several months or sometimes a year or so before a great eruption. But at Kilauea the lava lakes are always aflame, and have been so ever since the earliest traditions of the natives. Forty years ago there was a pit within a pit, and in the lowest deep was a lava pool half a mile or more in diameter, always boiling, spouting, and flaming. At the present time the inner pit is quite filled up with solid lava, and a large conical pile of rocks is built up over the site of this former lake. Within this pile of rocks, however, is the remnant of this lake, now about 10 acres in area. Half a mile distant is a second lake which is easily visited, and it is an exhilarating sight to stand at night upon the brink of it and watch the boiling, surging, and swirling of 6 acres of melted lava. At brief intervals the surface darkens over by the formation of a black solid crust with streaks of fire around the edges. Suddenly a network of cracks shoots through the entire crust, and the fragments turn down edgewise and sink, leaving the pool one glowing expanse of exactly the appearance of so much melted cast iron. The heat of fusion in this lake is maintained, in spite of the enormous loss of heat by radiation, by the constant ascent of large quantities of intensely hot vapors from the depths of the earth.

An hour's lecture, ladies and gentlemen, leaves no time for rhetoric and graceful transitions from one theme to another. Having shoveled out to you, so to speak, some incoherent remarks concerning points of special interest in the islands, I proceed at once to a subject which will, I hope, prove more interesting, and that is the people who inhabit them.

When we were boys and girls our general idea of the inhabitants of the Pacific islands was that they were typical savages. What savages were we knew pretty well, or thought we knew, for had we not all read Robinson Crusoe? We thought of them as naked, black creatures, whose principal occupation was blowing conch-shells, brandishing thigh bones, and dancing a horrible cancan around a fire where a human carcass was roasting. But we were mistaken. The Polynesians, as a rule, were not savages, though many of the white people who first visited them were so.

In the Pacific islands two very distinct races are found. Of one race the Hawaiians or Tahitians may be regarded as the type. This race peoples also the Society, Samoan, Navigators, and Friendly groups, and includes the Maoris of New Zealand. All these islanders have the

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same physical features, similar social cults, and speak dialects of the same language. The difference between the language of a Hawaiian and of a Society islander is not greater than that between the German and the Dutch. The difference between the language of a Hawaiian and a Maori is less than between the Dutch and the English. This and the community of physical type establish the identity of race sufficiently. The western islands of the Pacific are occupied by a race which has such apparent affinity with the inhabitants of Papua or New Guinea as to raise a very strong presumption of their community, and the supposition is corroborated by many other circumstances. Of the two races, the first mentioned is much superior physically, mentally, and morally, and of all branches of that race the noblest is the Hawaiian.

Physically they are rather large, and have a light-brown color, straight hair, and are handsomely formed, of good bearing, and well featured. The women also are pleasing and comely. There is nothing about them savoring of the squaw, hag, or wench, which is almost universal among so many of the primitive dark-skinned races, and they are not without beauty, even according to the taste of the white man, if he is willing to admire a robust type of feminine grace as easily as he does the "pale, pious, pulmonary" persuasion. Among the Hawaiians the old kings and chiefs seemed to form a distinct caste and a breed greatly superior to the common herd. They were very large, sometimes almost gigantic in size, and of very impressive form and bearing. Their color was lighter, and they were of more massive frames.

At the time of the discovery of these islands by Capt. Cook, in 1776, these people were by no means savages. Their social system was as much above savagery on the one hand as it was below civilization on the other. A careful study of their habits and customs discloses the interesting fact that their social organization bore a striking similitude to that of Europe in the tenth and eleventh centuries. It was a feudal system almost exactly. They had kings who were in all strictness hereditary suzerains. Under them were chiefs who owed them fealty, and who held lands and titles by a tenure which can hardly be distinguished from enfeoffment, and which, at all events, was a truly feudal tenure; for it carried with it the recognition of the principle that the allodium was vested in the king alone, and the tenure was granted to the chief as a vassal in consideration of military service. The common people were mere villains, bound to the soil, though in some sort as tenants at will. The islands were divided up into several kingdoms, over each of which a king reigned, whose power was very absolute; in all things he was lord paramount. The kingdom was subdivided into tracts, for which the term now used in the islands is simply the word "lands." These lands were lorded over by chiefs, of whom there were several grades. They were subdivided again and again down to the smallest holdings, of a fraction of an acre, tenanted by the lower classes, and all were marked off by metes and bounds.

The power of the King was absolute, and limited only by the endurance of his subjects. Life and death, as well as property, were subject to his will; and yet there was a division of power. To make the parallel with mediaeval Europe more complete, the power of the King was rivaled, and in some cases even overborne, by the power of a priesthood; and the priests enforced their sway with a spiritual weapon of resistless potency. The weapons of Rome were many, chief among which were excommunication, the inquisition, and the interdict. The Hawaiian priest had a weapon more powerful than them all. It was the tabu. This word has been adopted, metaphorically, into the English

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and many other languages, but few people comprehend its significance in the places where it originated. The word means prohibited or forbidden, and a great deal more besides. Almost anything might be tabu. The penalty of violating a tabu was always death. The institution derived its power from the fact that there was not a native in all Polynesia who did not devoutly believe that even if the King or priests did not cause him to be killed for violating a tabu the gods certainly would.

In respect to the arts possessed by these people they were few and simple. The islands contained no metals and very few substitutes for them, except stone, and not the best kinds of stone for implements at that. Considering the want of materials, however, their arts were hardly to be despised. They made many articles of wood with surprising neatness. Their only substitutes for cloth were a fabric made of a peculiar bark, macerated in water and pounded out as thin as paper, and mats woven from the fibers of the pandanus with no little skill. Their houses were large, commodious structures made of grass, often neatly woven, and attached to a framework of poles. They were scrupulously neat within, and matting of pleasing aspect was used abundantly. They were wonderfully expert fishermen, and had devices suited for capturing each kind of fish. More than that, they had fish ponds and preserves for rearing select varieties.

Agriculture was practiced systematically. They constructed canals for irrigating, the remains of which are still visible in numerous places. Their chief vegetable was the root of the taro plant, a species of arum to which the calla lilies belong. It may not be generally known that this is probably the most prolific food plant in the world. Humboldt gives that distinction to the banana, but the banana is nowhere in the comparison; for a square yard and a half planted with taro will yield food enough to support a man for a year. This plant is poisonous when raw, but cooking completely destroys the poisonous quality and renders it very wholesome. The Hawaiians first bake it and then pound it, gradually adding water, which is kneaded in like oil in a mayonnaise, and when fully prepared it is of a consistency very much like mayonnaise. In that state it is termed poi; and to this day the natives regard it as we do bread, and it serves still as their favorite food. Many of the white residents also have become exceedingly fond of it.

The primitive Hawaiians were very bold and skillful navigators. There can be no question that they frequently visited in their little canoes the Society Islands and Tahiti, south of the equator and 2,400 miles distant from Hawaii. How they could cross such vast wastes of ocean seems at first mysterious ; but they had a knowledge of astronomy such as we sometimes marvel at in the old Egyptians and Chaldeans. They knew the planets, and had names for the brighter stars. They also had a good calendar. Their year was three hundred and sixty five days long, and began when the Pleiades rose at sunset. They had twelve months, of which eleven had thirty days each, and the twelfth thirty-five days. They had also a primitive arithmetic and a system of numerals in which they could number up into the hundreds of thousands. It was partly decimal and partly tesseral.

The religion of this people was in some respects analogous to that of the Greeks. Their gods were hero gods and of many grades. Indeed, it is quite literal to say that the woods were full of them. Every locality, every conspicuous rock or tree, had its tutelar, corresponding perhaps to the Grecian fauns and dryads. They also had animal gods, most notably the shark god, and the divinity of the volcano of Kilauea

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was a female named Pele. The amount of myth and legendary lore in which these divinities figured was something amazing. We have for some years been finding out that our own Indians were rich in myths, if nothing else. But the extent of such lore among the Hawaiians quite surpasses anything known of other primitive peoples. Many of them are highly poetical and ingenious.

The origin of the Polynesian race has always been a mystery. There is very little light thrown upon it as yet by ethnologic research. The view most favored is that they came from the East Indies at a remote period. That the larger islands of the Pacific have been inhabited for many centuries is an inference which finds considerable support. Attempts have been made to ascertain whether the language has any affinity to known languages of southeastern Asia, but the results are little better than negative. Some coincidences have been found, or supposed to have been found, but it does not seem that they are any better or more significant than such as may be frequently discovered between two languages which are surely known to have absolutely nothing in common. Coincidences between legends and customs have also been discovered. But ethnologists of the present day have come to attach less importance to them, if possible, than to languages. Thus the manners and customs, and also the legends, of the Maoris of New Zealand have very little in common with those of the Hawaiians. Yet the absolute identity of physical type and the virtual identity of their languages are tantamount to proof of a common race. And primitive peoples, world over, are constantly surprising us by furnishing correspondences in legends and peculiar customs, when it is absolutely certain that they are widely distinct. On the other hand, there is good ground for believing that if the Polynesians did not come from some known Asiatic or East Indian stock, they may at least have communicated with them in one way or another.

When the islands were discovered by Capt. Cook pigs were very abundant there, and the animal was an East Indian variety. The peculiar tusks, the portentiously long snout like an icthyosaurus, and ears set in the middle of its body, give us pretty reliable testimony as to its origin. They also had dogs, and certainly no dog could have come either from America or Australia. Finally, and even more conclusively, they had common hens and chickens, which are certainly of Asiatic origin. What people brought these animals to the islands is a question. I have already mentioned to you that the Hawaiians often made voyages to Tahiti in their little canoes, a distance of 2,400 miles; and their ancient poems and legends are full of vague accounts of voyages to even greater distances. They knew of the Samoan and Tonga islands, which are more than 3,000 miles away and farther westward. Possibly also they knew of New Zealand, but the evidence of that is not so clear. But I have never learned that anything in their poetry or traditions indicated a knowledge of either America or Asia. While, therefore, it is not impossible that they may have had communication with Asia, there is no other evidence of it than the fact that domestic animals of Asiatic origin were found among them.

The transition of this people from barbarism to civilization has been wonderfully rapid and complete. It is a very remarkable fact, too, that it is the only dark-skinned race that has ever been brought into full contact and relation with civilization without war and generations of bloodshed, ending in subjugation. The reasons are many. Prominent among them are the following: In the first place, there can be little question that it is the finest and most intelligent race of dark-skinned

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skinned people in the world. In the second place, It is due in a great measure to the wisdom, tact, and good sense of the missionaries through whom this civilization was imparted. But it seems to me the third reason is still more potent, and this was the great ability, wisdom, and good sense of the kings of the line of the Kamehamehas and the absolute power they originally held over their people.

Fortunately, also, at the time of the advent of the white men the control of the islands had already been consolidated into the hands of one man, who was fully capable of wielding it. If the lot of the first Kamehameha had been cast in Europe instead of the remotest islands of the sea he would have been one of the most conspicuous figures of history. Originally a little kinglet of a district at the north end of Hawaii, he gradually conquered the whole of that island and finally the whole group. No King in history ever knew better how to rule his people. Brought into contact with civilization, he grasped its meaning with a breadth of comprehension which is perhaps without example among barbarians. He knew instinctively how resistless was its power and how inexorably it crowds the weaker races to the wall. But he had the wisdom not only to avert the destruction of his own power and the obliteration of the nationality of his people, but actually to draw strength from it and make it his servant instead of his master. The greatest achievement of his life was the work of his declining years, and it was an achievement of surpassing skill. He broke completely the secular power of the priesthood. He had the sagacity to discover alone and unaided the grandest truth in political science, and one which white men never discovered until three or four centuries ago. That great truth was that church and state had better let each other alone. We need not wonder, however, that he discovered it, for the Kings of Europe understood it well enough; indeed they were about the only ones who did. The marvel was that this barbarian should have had the courage and address to make the truth a practical reality and put it into execution. It is one thing to perceive the foolishness of superstition and quite another to break down a whole religion. When Kamehameha began his career the priesthood was far more powerful than he. When he died they were as powerless in secular matters as the Pope now is in Italy. The finishing stroke was given when his dead body, as yet unburied, was awaiting the obsequies. His widow and son deliberately broke many of the most sacred tabus, and enjoined the same sacrilegious acts upon their households and followers. They were promptly obeyed, and the example was followed by the whole nation. Next the temples were despoiled, the images of the gods broken and burned, and the priests themselves driven into the forests and jungles.

An act so sweeping and revolutionary as the trampling under foot of the most binding superstition or religious conviction that ever held sway over the human race would never have been ventured if the people had not been gradually wrought up to it. In truth, Kamehameha had first revolutionized the whole social and political condition of the people, and had elevated them immensely against the influences of a priestcraft which was all the time striving to hold them down. When the issue came the King triumphed and the priest was overthrown. It was probably this change which prepared the Hawaiian people for what followed. It established the kingly power independently of a priesthood and left the people without a religion.

The year following this important event the missionaries landed there for the first time. They soon secured the good will of the second Kamehameha and found their work a comparatively easy one. To the

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missionaries is due the credit of having been the agents through whom civilization was imparted to the islands. Those who are specially devoted to the interests of foreign missions have been in the habit of regarding the Hawaiian Islands as a signal instance of the triumph of Protestant propagandism. On the whole, there is a large measure of justice in this claim. But, on the other hand, a closer view will probably disclose to the impartial mind the fact that, while the amount of Christian proselytism has been very considerable, the outside view of it is somewhat overdrawn.

There are certainly many devout Christians among the Hawaiians, but there are also many who cherish their old religion, and the greater part of them are more or less tinctured with the ancient superstitions. But whatever doubts may arise as to the complete success of the propaganda, there can be none as to the success in imparting civilization. Fortunately, they had to deal with and through a succession of kings who were men of preeminent sense and of practical wisdom, and who knew how to manage their subjects. They were kings in the best possible signification. Royalty was inborn in them, and the loyalty of their subjects was such that the loyalty of an Englishman is a feeble sentiment in comparison. The Kamehamehas, from the II to the V, inclusive, were quick to recognize the advantages of civilization, and had wonderful tact in discriminating between good and bad advice. The missionaries proved to be discreet and judicious advisers, and the transition from barbarism to civilization was effected safely, step by step; the Government was transformed into a constitutional monarchy, the feudal tenure of lands was changed to fee simple. Statute laws were enacted and codified, and suffrage was made as broad and liberal as in America. Perhaps the most inrportant step was compulsory education, which is provided for by the State, and to day it is hard to find a native who can not read, write, and cipher.

The economic condition of the Hawaiian is probably superior at the present time to that of any other tropical people in the world; and, on the whole, I think it quite safe to say that it is but very little surpassed, if at all, by that of the working classes of America. He has even more to eat and better food, plenty of beef, pork, and fish, and could have an abundance of flour if he desired it, but he prefers his taro. He owns his property in fee; he makes laws and executes them; he reads and writes; he has but one wife; he tills the soil and tends flocks; sometimes he accumulates wealth and sometimes he does not; he makes his will in due form, dies, and receives a Christian burial; in no land in the world is property more secure. Indeed, I have yet to learn of any where it is equally secure from burglary, rapine, and thievery or those subtler devices by which the cunning get possession of the property of the less astute without giving an equivalent for it. The few relics of barbarism remaining are of the most harmless description, and probably quite as good for him as anything he might adopt in place of them.

Unfortunately, the population is rapidly decreasing. A century ago a fair estimate would probable have been over 150,000. To-day the native population is 45,000 to 50,000. The causes of this decrease are many. It has usually been attributed to diseases brought by contact with the whites. While it is indisputable that such diseases have in a measure contributed to the result, I believe there is still another cause at work tending to the same result, which is as follows: The Hawaiian is the most amiable and social creature in the world. Life without plenty of society is intolerable to him. He is also fond of display—of

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giving feasts, of treating, and extravagantly fond of dress, horses, and sport. His instinct is to leave the country and crowd into the towns. This is as common among the women as among the men. But to live in town, or to indulge in dissipation, requires money, and therefore a family is a burden, especially to women, who are so fond of gaiety. There is, therefore, a deliberate and willful curtailment of the birthrate, and, in my judgment, this has been not much less potent in reducing the population than the abnormal increase in the death rate.

The Government of the islands is now a constitutional monarchy. The King is the chief executive officer, and his powers, though in theory no greater than those of the English sovereign, are in reality much more extensive and effectual. The legislative branch consists of a representative assembly, elected biennially by the people, and a house of nobles limited by the constitution to 20 members. The nobles are appointed for life by the King, but their titles are not hereditary. The judiciary is organized upon a plan somewhat similar to that of New York State, though considerably simpler. At the head of the judicial branch is the chief justice or chancellor and two vice-chancellors, who perform the functions of a supreme court and final court of appeals. They have also original jurisdiction in a wide range of subjects, and indeed in almost all important cases of whatsoever nature. Each of these justices holds circuit courts in various parts of the Kingdom, at which cases are tried both originally and on appeal. There are also lower courts in which petty cases are tried, and in which more important ones may originate. The higher judges are white men truly learned in the law, and they have reflected honor upon their profession and upon their adopted country. All of them are Americans, who received their education and training in law in the United States. The primary judges are in some cases whites, in others natives. The native judges were formerly appointed by the chancellor, but are now appointed by the Crown. There is generally much difficulty in finding men of native birth who possess the requisite legal knowledge and experience. Their intentions are always of the best, but their tendency is to construe law in accordance with their own notions of abstract justice rather than upon legal principles, and few of them are capable as yet of understanding the value and significance of precedents. But the higher courts are always open to appeal. The administration of law is excellent and will, on the whole, compare favorably with any country in the world. The respect of the native for statute law is very great, and the sheriff, policeman, or taxgatherer has no more difficulty in executing his process than in England or Massachusetts; indeed, he has, if anything, less difficulty.

The statutory code is in general modeled after that of New York, though it is apparent that in matters of detail many minor differences were at the first and still are necessary. But the underlying principles were identical. The tenure of real estate, the laws relating to liens and mortgages, to wills and inheritance of property, to bankruptcy and debt, to marriage and divorce, to partnership and corporations, are founded upon those of New York State. The system of jurisprudence is also fundamentally the same. There are many differences of detail and these are sometimes wide, but never so wide as to constitute differences of principle. The processes of the courts are more frequently summary, and their action is much more speedy and direct. Devices for protracting and complicating litigation have not as yet been developed to any great extent.

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All laws are enacted by the Legislature, which regulates taxation and customs and appropriates specifically for all public expenditures. In theory the powers of this body are very nearly the same in their broader features as those of one of our State legislatures. The members of the lower house are elected biennially and are mostly natives. In practice, however, there is a wide difference. In England and America the representative body dominates everything and everybody, especially the chief magistrate. In Hawaii the King dominates the representative body. This arises from the fact that this people has always been intensely loyal to the King for scores of generations, and the habit of unquestioning submission to the royal will is far too strongly settled and ingrained to be readily shaken off. The want of experience in self-government on the part of the people, and the habit of absolute command on the part of the kings, will suggest the explanation of the great influence which the King holds over the Legislature.

At the present time the condition of the people of the islands is one of great prosperity, and they are rapidly advancing in wealth and general improvement. The reciprocity treaty now existing between the islands and the United States has been mutually beneficial. Large amounts of American capital have been invested there in sugar plantations and in the commerce with the little Kingdom. The result has been to give abundant employment to the entire population. Wages are high, and all the produce of the islands brings good prices. Thus the condition of the natives has been greatly improved. They are no longer idlers, but the recipients of well-earned wages and incomes. They are rapidly replacing their primitive grass houses with neat frame buildings, built in the regular California cottage style. They have adopted civilized clothing, hats, boots, and shoes, and the women cultivate the fashions as eagerly as our own farmers' wives and daughters, and it is by no means uncommon to see them clothed in silks or delicate woolen fabrics, or white lawns made in scrupulous regard to the latest numbers of Harper's Bazaar. They wear them as easily and naturally as the mulattoes or quadroons in our own country. The women of rank are ladies who are competent to sustain with grace and dignity all the appearances of cultivated society, though it would be expecting too much to look for any high degrees of mental culture according to the rigorous standard of the great white nations. Both men and women, however, are quick to catch the externals of social customs and refinement. The better culture, however, will come in time as wealth and the comforts and luxuries of civilized life increase among them.

One of the most important agencies, and perhaps the most important, has been the enforcement of education. Common schools are sustained at public expense, and a college for the higher education has been established. Unfortunately the natives have never been taught to speak the English language, and this has been a serious obstacle in the way of their intellectual advancement. It is far easier for a white man to acquire the Hawaiian language than for the Hawaiian to acquire English, and as a consequence few of the natives are able to converse or read except in their own tongue. On the other hand, the white residents can converse easily with the natives, and some of them have obtained an excellent knowledge of the Hawaiian language, while almost all the whites can at least use an intelligible jargon. The defect is in some measure offset by the extensive use of books and newspapers printed in the Hawaiian language, and by a postal system which, under the circumstances, is a highly creditable one to the

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nation. By means of the newspapers the natives are kept fully informed about their own affairs, and receive considerable knowledge of the great far-off world beyond the sea. That the papers and postal system have been of great potency and utility to them is sufficiently apparent.

Whoever wishes for a delightful and instructive journey will do well to visit these islands. They are only seven days' sail from San Francisco in a first-class steamer, and across an ocean which is rarely troubled with storms. He will find scenery as beautiful as any in the world and as novel as it is beautiful. He will find charming society among his own people residing there, and unbounded hospitality. If he is philosophically disposed he will find many instructive subjects for his contemplation. If, without forgetting for a moment the splendor of the civilization in which he has been reared, he can rise above its prejudices, and if he is able to study men and human society from a relative rather than an arbitrary standpoint, and judge them according to the fundamental principles of human nature, he will find his own humanities greatly enlarged and he will be much instructed and benefited.

VIII. Also the following paper prepared by hon. sanford b. dole and read before the hawaiian historical society december 5, 1892.

[Papers of the Hawaiian Historical Society No. 3.]

Evolution of Hawaiian Land Tenures

[Read before the Hawaiian Historical Society, December 5, 1892, by the Hon. Sanford B. Dole.]

When the Hawaiian pilgrim fathers first landed on the lonely coast of Hawaii from their long and exhausting ocean voyage in their canoes decked with mats and rigged with mat sails, it was for them a new departure in government and social and industrial economy. Their past, with its myths of origin, its legends of struggling and wandering, its faiths and customs, and rites aud ceremonies, its lessons of victory and defeat, its successes over nature, was still their present authority and paramount influence, as they feebly began a new social enterprise upon the desolate yet grand and beautiful shores of their new inheritance.

Their past still held them through its venerable sanctions, and yet they were free in the freedom of a new and unoccupied land to add to its accumulations and to improve on its lessons.

We may imagine that the remnant of the freight of their storm-worn canoes included a few household idols, a live pig or two, some emaciated chickens, a surviving bread-fruit plant, kou, and other seeds.

There were women as well as men in the company; the little children had succumbed to the hardships of the voyage which was undertaken to escape the indignities and confiscations incident to the status of a defeated party in tribal warfare.

These people, lean and half-famished, gladly and with fresh courage took possession of their new world. As soon as they recovered their strength they built a heiau* and sacrificed to their gods.

After a little exploration they settled in a deep valley sheltered by steep cliffs and watered by an abundant stream of clear water, abounding in fish and shrimps. At the mouth of the gorge was the sea, where

* Heiau—temple.

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there were shellfish, crabs, and a variety of fish. Fruits of various kinds flourished on the hillsides, some of which they were acquainted with, while others were new to them. They found varieties of the kapa* plant, and understanding the process of making its bark into cloth, they restored their wardrobes which had for the most part disappeared in the vicissitudes of the voyage. They also discovered the taro† growing wild in mountain streams, which they hailed as an old friend, feeling that now their satisfaction with their new home was complete. The cultivation of this was begun at once as a field or dryland crop, as had been the practice in the home land, but as time went on and some crops failed for want of rain, irrigation was used, until at length, it may have been generations after, the present method of cultivating the crop in permanent patches of standing water became established. This result was greatly favored by the abundance of running water, which was a feature of the country.

Children were born and grew up and intermarried, and the colony grew and prospered. Exploring parties went out from time to time, and other watered valleys were found, and bays and reefs rich in fishing resources. As the community began to crowd the limited area of the valley which was their first resting place, one and another of these newly discovered and favored localities was settled, generally by a family consisting of the parents and grown-up boys and girls. And now and then new companies of exiles from the southern islands found their weary way over the ocean, bringing, perhaps, later customs and adding new gods to the Hawaiian pantheon.

So Hawaii was gradually populated, and when its best localities were occupied, Maui began to be colonized, and then its adjacent islands, until the whole group was stocked with people.

There may have been a few chiefs in the pioneer company who largely directed the affairs of the colony, and whose descendants furnished chiefs for the growing demands of the branch colonies. Among the new arrivals also from the outside world were occasional chiefs, who were hospitably welcomed and accredited as such, and accorded corresponding position and influence.

It is also probable that in the very early period when chiefs were scarce the head men of some of the settlements which had branched off from the parent colony acquired the rank of chiefs, from the importance of their positions and the influence which their authority over the lands of their respective settlements naturally gave them. Such acquired rank descended to their children, in some cases doubtless with an increase of dignity due to marriages with women of chief rank; and so some new families of chiefs, originating from the common people or makaainanas,‡ were established.

This early period of Hawaiian history for a number of generations was a time of industrial enterprise and peaceful and prosperous growth. There was no occasion for fighting, for there was land and water enough for all and every one was busily employed. It was the golden age of Hawaii. There were taboos§ indeed, but only religious ones. No chief was powerful enough yet to proclaim taboos for political purposes, nor had the necessities for political taboos yet arisen. The arts prospered; the Hawaiian canoe developed; the manufacture of kapa flourished and made progress in the direction of variety of fabric and its esthetic finish and decoration; royal garments of birds' feathers were manufactured;

*Kapa—native cloth.	‡Makaainanas—common people.
†Taro—arnm esculentum.	§Taboo—repressive enactment.

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implements of stone and of wood for mechanical and industrial work were invented and improved upon; and great engineering enterprises were taken, such as the irrigating systems of Wahiawa, Kapaa, and Kilauea on the island of Kauai, and great sea walls inclosing bays and reefs for fish-ponds, such as the one at Huleia, on Kauai, and at many other places all over the islands. The antiquity of some of these is so great that even tradition fails to account for their origin, as in the case of the parallel irrigating ditches at Kilauea, on Kauai, the digging of which is attributed by the Hawaiians to the fabled moo, or dragon, and the deep water fish-pond wall at the Huleia Kiver, on Kauai, which is supposed to have been built by the Menehunes—the fabled race of dwarfs, distinguished for cunning industry and mechanical and engineering skill and intelligence. In reality they were the pioneers of the Hawaiian race, who took complete industrial and peaceful possession of the country, and this early period is distinctly the age of the Menehunes, or skillful workers.

Principles of land tenure developed slowly through this period, probably from some form of the patriarchal system into a system of tribal or communal ownership. There was land enough for everyone, and holdings at first were based upon possession and use.

As in the irrigating customs of the Hawaiians, where there was an abundance of water, every taro grower used it freely and at all times according to his own convenience, and there were no regulations, but in those localities where the water supply was limited strict rules for its distribution grew up; so that when the land was not all occupied there was freedom in its use, it being easier to locate new holdings than to quarrel about old ones.

But as land irrigation developed, requiring permanent and costly improvements in the way of irrigating ditches and the building of terraces on the valley slopes for the foundation of taro patches, such improved localities acquired a special value, and the more real sense of ownership in land, which is based upon an investment of labor in the soil beyond the amount required for the cultivation of a crop, began. A quality of this ownership was necessarily permanence, because of the permanence of the improvements which created it.

Another element of tenure arose as the population increased, and the best lands became occupied; the increasing demand gave them a market value, so to speak, which gave rise to disputes over boundaries. Although such feuds, sometimes attended with personal violence, favored the development of the later feudalism of the Hawaiians, yet the early period, containing many of the features of tribal government and land tenure common to the Samoans, Fijians, and Maories of New Zealand, probably lasted for a long time, with a gradual development of the principle of ownership in land and descent from parent to child, subject to tribal control, until it was perhaps radically and violently interrupted by the turbulent times beginning in the thirteenth century, and lasting until the conquest of the group by Kamehameha I. This was a period of internecine warfare, promoted by the ambition of chiefs for political power and personal aggrandizement, and was most favorable to the growth of feudalism, which rapidly took the place of the previous political status. As was inevitable under the new conditions, the importance and influence of the chiefs was greatly increased, to the immediate prejudice of the rights and privileges of the people, who were oppressively taxed in support of the wars brought on by the whim of their respective rulers, or to defend them from the attacks of ambitious

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rivals. The growing necessity for protection of life and property caused everyone to attach himself closely to some chief, who afforded such protection in consideration of service and a portion of the produce of the soil. Then the chiefs, as their power increased, began to levy contributions of supplies arbitrarily, until it came to pass that the chief was the owner of the whole of the products of the soil and of the entire services of the people, and so it was a natural consequence that he became finally the owner also of the soil itself. These results, which were hastened by the constant wars of this period, were yet of slow growth. The small valley and district sovereignties one by one disappeared in the clutch of rising warrior chiefs, who thus added to their dominions and power. As such principalities became formidable, it became necessary for the remaining smaller chiefdoms to ally themselves to some one of them. And so this process went on until each island was at length under the control of its high chief, and then finally the whole group passed under the sovereignty of Kamehameha I., and the feudal programme was complete.

During this period the control of land became very firmly established in the ruling chiefs, who reserved what portions they pleased for their own use and divided the rest among the leading chiefs subject to them. The position of the latter was analogous to that of the barons of European feudalism; they furnished supplies to their sovereign, and in case of war were expected to take the field with what fighting men their estates could furnish. These barons held almost despotic sway over their special domains, apportioning the land among their followers according to the whim of the moment or the demands of policy, or farming it out under their special agents, the konohikis,* whose oppressive severity in dealing with the actual cultivators of the soil was notorious. Thus the occupancy of land had now become entirely subject to the will of the ruling chief, who not only had the power to give but also to take away at his royal pleasure. This despotic control over land developed in the direction of greater severity rather than toward any recognition of the subjects' rights, and it finally became an established custom for a chief who succeeded to the sovereign power, even peacefully by inheritance, to redistribute the lands of the realm.

It is evident that this status was, for the time being, disastrous and destructive to all popular rights in land that may have previously existed. If there was formerly anything like succession in tenure from father to son and tribal ownership, such holdings were now utterly destroyed, and the cultivators of the soil were without rights of cultivation or even of habitation. "The country was full of people who were hemo, i. e. dispossessed of their lands at the caprice of a chief. Three words from a new to a former konohiki*—' Ua hemo oe '†—would dispossess a thousand unoffending people and send them houseless and homeless to find their makamakas‡ in other valleys." (Alexander's reply to Bishop Staley.)

The redistribution of lands upon the accession of a ruling chief was naturally carried out with great severity when his accession was the result of civil war between rival factions or the triumph of an invading army. In the case of a peaceful accession of a young chief to sovereign power, the redistribution was mainly to his personal friends and companions, and was less complete than in the case of a revolution of force. Very influential men of the previous reign would not be disturbed,

*Konohiki—land agent of chief.	†Ua hemooe—you are removed
‡Makamaka—friend.

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both because it would be dangerous and impolitic to do so, and because their assistance was desired. A curious survival of this feudal custom of redistribution of power and land upon the accession of a new ruler is recognizable in the equally reprehensible sentiment of modern politics expressed in the well-known words, "to the victors belong the spoils."

When Kamehameha I conquered the group, excepting the island of Kauai, which was accomplished only after the most desperate fighting, his success carried with it the fullest and severest application of this custom, and it meant to his defeated enemies loss of all political power and of the lands which were the basis of such power. The island of Kauai, through the treaty of annexation between the King of that islaud, Kaumualii, and Kamehameha, might have escaped such misfortunes but for the rebellion of Humehume, the son of Kaumualii, some years later, which, being suppressed, subjected the insurgent chiefs to the rigorous rule of confiscation of their lands and the annihilation of their political influence.

Thus Kamehameha became at last, through these feudal customs and by virtue of his conquest, the fountain head of land tenures for the whole group. The principles adopted by the land commission in 1847 opens with the following statement:

"When the islands were conquered by Kamehameha I he followed the example of his predecessors and divided the lands among his principal warrior chiefs, retaining, however, a portion in his hands to be cultivated or managed by his own immediate servants or attendants. Each principal chief divided his lands anew, and gave them out to an inferior order of chiefs or persons of rank, by whom they were subdivided again and again, passing through the hands of four, five, or six persons, from the King down to the lowest class of tenants. All these persons were considered to have rights in the lands or the productions of them. The proportions of these rights were not very clearly defined, but were, nevertheless, universally acknowledged."

During Kamehamena's long and vigorous reign affairs became settled to an extent to which the country had been unaccustomed. Long and undisturbed possession of their lands by chiefs was a preparation for the development of a sentiment favorable to permanent individual rights in land. Such a sentiment had become well defined in the mind of Kamehameha before his death, and may be regarded as the seed germ of the system of land tenures which afterwards developed.

Many of those who have been interested in this subject have been accustomed to regard the idea of private rights in land in these islands as one of foreign introduction during the reign of Kamehameha III, at which time the remarkable change from feudal to private real estate control took place. But the landed reforms of that reign were the results of causes which had been long and powerfully at work. The century plant had slowly grown, but when its full time came it swiftly and abundantly blossomed. At the meeting of chiefs at Honolulu, upon the arrival of the frigate Blonde, in 1825, with the remains of Kamehameha II and his wife, to consider the question of the succession to the throne and other matters, as reported in the Voyage of the Blonde, page 152 and following, Kalaimoku, the regent, in his address to the council, referred to the inconveniences arising from the reversion of lands to the King on the death of their occupants—a custom partially revived under Kamehameha II, but which it had been the object of Kamehameha I to

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exchange for that of hereditary succession. This project of their great King he proposed to adopt as the law, excepting in such cases as when a chief or landholder should infringe the laws, then his lands should be forfeited and himself tabooed. Several chiefs at once exclaimed: "All the laws of the great Kamehameha were good; let us have the same!"

Lord Byron, captain of the Blonde, presented the council some written suggestions in regard to the administration of affairs which are contained the following article: "That the lands which are now held by the chiefs shall not be taken from them, but shall descend to their legitimate children, except in cases of rebellion, and then all their property shall be forfeited to the King." The account proceeds as follows (page 157): "These hints, it will be at once perceived, are little more than a recommendation quietly to pursue the old habits and regulations of the islands. Kamehameha I had begun to establish the hereditary transmission of estates, and Lord Byron's notice only adds the sanction of the British name to it."

This principle, adopted previous to the reign of Kamehameha III, greatly influenced the progress of events.

When, after the death of Kamehameha I, his son, Liholiho, came to the throne as Kamehameha II, the administration of the Government was shared with him by Kaahumanu, the Kuhina Nui,* one of Kamehameha's widows, and a woman of great force of character. It was the desire of Kamehameha II to make a redistribution of the lands of the realm according to custom, but Kaahumanu was opposed to it, and her influence, together with the united strength of the landed interests which had become firmly established in the chiefs during the long reign of Kamehameha I, was too strong for him, and beyond a few assignments among his intimate friends, he relinquished his purpose. The distribution of lands therefore by Kamehameha I remained for the most part as a permanent settlement of the landed interests of the Kingdom, to be afterwards modified in favor of the common people and the Government, but never ignored.

During the period from the distribution of lands by Kamehameha I, about 1795, till the year 1839, the sovereign held a feudal authority over the whole landed estate of the Kingdom, which included the right, as above set forth, summarily to cancel the rights in land of any chief or couimoner. There was a growing tendency, however, during this period toward the provision in favor of the descent of lauds from parent to child adopted by the chiefs upon the return of the Blonde, and the feudal right of the sovereign over the laud of the subject was more rarely exercised as time went on. Increasing security in tenure led to increasing activity in land transactions. Chiefs transferred lands to others, and they became a marketable commodity. There was buying and selling—some speculating. The sovereign gave away and sold lands here and there. Foreigners became landholders. Still there was no permanence in the tenure, the enactment by the chiefs at the time of the Blonde being in the nature rather of an expression of an opinion than a binding law. The Kingdom then was under the regency of Kaahumanu and Kalanimoku, and Kamehameha III, being still a minor, was not a party to this provision and it was not regarded as binding upon him.

The status of land matters at this time was similar to that which existed in England after the Norman conquest, but here the progress of events, owing undoubtedly to the influence of a foreign civilization,

* Kuhina Nui—a premier or minister having a veto on the King's acts.

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was far more rapid than there. The possession of land by foreigners with strong governments back of them, represented here by men of war and zealous consuls, had a stimulating effect upon this movement. It was a transition period; the strength of the feudal despotism was fast waning and there was as yet nothing of a positive nature to take its place. This uncertainty in regard to land tenure was a serious obstacle to material progress. The large landholders—the chiefs and some to whom they had given or sold lands—felt a degree of security in their holdings through the growing sentiment toward permanent occupation and hereditary succession; but this was insufficient to place land matters upon a satisfactory footing and to justify extensive outlays in permanent improvements. But that class of occupiers of land known as tenants, which class included a large proportion of the common people, was still in a condition which had scarcely felt the favorable influences which had begun to improve the status of the chiefs. They were hardly recognized has having civil rights, although they enjoyed freedom of movement and were not attached to any particular lands as belongings of the soil. If a man wanted a piece of land to live on and to cultivate he had to pay for it by a heavy rent in the shape of regular weekly labor for his landlord, with the additional liability of being called upon to assist in work of a public character, such as building a heiau or making a road or fish-pond sea wall. With all this the tenant was liable to be ejected from his holding without notice or chance of redress. That this defenseless condition of the common people was rigorously taken advantage of by the landholding chiefs and their konohikis, we have the evidence of those living in this period, including some of the early missionaries, that it was a feature of the times that large numbers of homeless natives were wandering about the country. This want of security in the profits of land cultivation led many to attach themselves to the persons of the chiefs as hangers-on, whereby they might be at least fed in return for the desultory services which they were called upon to perform in that capacity. This practice of hanging- on or of following a chief for the sake of food was a feature of the perfected feudalism, when insecurity of land tenure was at its height, and the word defining it—hoopilimeaai *—probably originated at that period.

In 1833, Kamehameha III, then 20 years old, assumed the throne, and soon became deeply interested in public affairs. In many ways the unsatisfactory status of land matters was pressed upon his attention. The growing sentiment toward permanence in tenure powerfully influenced the situation. The defenseless and wretched condition of the common people in regard to their holdings appealed to his humanity and to his sense of responsibility as their ruler. The inconsistency of his sovereign control of all the lands of the Kingdom with any progress based upon the incoming tide of civilization became more and more evident every day. The increasing demand among foreigners for the right to buy and hold land was an element of importance at this national crisis and doubtless had much to do in hastening the course of events. The King not only consulted the great chiefs of the realm, who certainly were in favor of permanence in tenure for themselves, but he also conferred with foreigners on the subject. In 1836 Commodore Kennedy and Capt. Hollins visited Honolulu in the U. S. ships Peacock and Enterprise, and during their stay held conferences with the chiefs, in which the question of land tenure was discussed. In 1837, Capt. Bruce of the British frigate Imogene

* Hoopilimeaai—adhering for food.

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had several meetings with the chiefs in regard to matters of government, when, in all probability, land matters were considered. The influence of Mr. Richards, for a long time the confidential adviser of the chiefs was undoubtedly very great with the King in leading his mind to the definite conclusion which he reached in 1839, in which year, on the 7th day of June, he proclaimed a bill of rights which has made his name illustrious, and the day on which it was announced worthy of being forever commemorated by the Hawaiian people. This document, though showing in its phrases the influence of Anglo-Saxon principles of liberty, of Robert Burns and the American Declaration of Independence, is especially interesting and impressive as the Hawaiian Magna Charta, not wrung from an unwilling sovereign by force of arms, but the free surrender of despotic power by a wise and generous ruler, impressed and influenced by the logic of events, by the needs of his people, and by the principles of the new civilization that was dawning on his land.

The following is the translation of this enlightened and munificent royal grant:

"God hath made of one blood all nations of men to dwell on the earth in unity and blessedness. God hath also bestowed certain rights alike on all men and all chiefs and all people of all lands.

"These are some of the rights which He has given alike to every man and every chief of correct deportment; life, limb, liberty, freedom from oppression, the earnings of his hands and the productions of his mind— not, however, to those who act in violation of the laws.

"God has also established government and rule for the purpose of peace; but in making laws for the nation it is by no means proper to enact laws for the protection of the rulers only, without also providing protection for their subjects; neither is it proper to enact laws to enrich the chiefs only, without regard to enriching their subjects also, and hereafter there shall by no means be any laws enacted which are at variance with what is above expressed, neither shall any tax be assessed, nor any service or labor required of any man in a manner which is at variance with the above sentiments.

"The above sentiments are hereby proclaimed for the purpose of protecting alike both the people and the chiefs of all these islands while they maintain a correct deportment; that no chief may be able to oppress any subject, but that chiefs and people may enjoy the same protection under one and the same law.

"Protection is hereby secured to the persons of all the people, together with their lands, their building lots, and all their property, while they conform to the laws of the kingdom, and nothing whatever shall be taken from any individual except by express provision of the laws. Whatever chief shall act perseveringly in violation of this declaration shall no longer remain a chief of the Hawaiian Islands, and the same shall be true of the governors, officers, and all land agents. But if anyone who is deposed should change his course and regulate his conduct by law. it shall then be in the power of the chiefs to reinstate him in the place he occupied previous to his being deposed."

It will be seen that this bill of rights left much to be done in defining the rights in land granted by it. It appears by the constitution enacted by the King, the kuhina nui, or premier, and the chiefs, the following year, that the feudal right of controlling transfers of land was still retained in the Sovereign, in the following words: "Kamehameha I. was the founder of the kingdom, and to him belonged all the land from one end of the islands to the other, though it was not his own private property. It belonged to the chiefs and people in common,

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of whom Kamehameha I. was the head and had the management of the landed property. Wherefore there was not formerly and is not now, any person who could or can convey away the smallest portion of land without the consent of the one who had or has the direction of the kingdom."

The bill of rights promoted activity in land matters, and for the next few years difficulties arising from land disputes pressed upon the King, producing great confusion and even endangering the autonomy of the kingdom. In 1841, Ladd & Co., the pioneers in sugar cultivation in this country, obtained from the King a franchise which gave them the privilege of leasing any unoccupied lands for one hundred years at a low rental. This franchise was afterwards transferred to a Belgian colonization company of which Ladd & Co. were partners, under circumstances that made a good deal of trouble for the Hawaiian Government before the matter finally disappeared from Hawaiian politics. The intimidation of the King by Lord Paulet, captain of the British frigate Carysfort, under which the provisional cession of the country to England was made in 1843, was based largely upon a land claim of Mr. Charlton, an Englishman, which was regarded by the King as illegal, but which he finally indorsed under Paulet's threat of bombarding Honolulu. These troubles naturally developed among the Hawaiians an opposition against the policy of allowing foreigners to acquire land which, in 1845, reached the definite stage of political agitation and petitions to the Government.

During these years of undefined rights, the common people were protected in their holdings by law to a certain extent, but their tenure was based mainly upon their industrious cultivation of their lands, except as to house lots and the payment of rent in labor.

The question of the proportionate interests of the King, the chiefs, and the common people in the lands of the kingdom was one of great difficulty. As we have seen, the constitution of 1840 distinctly recognized such a community of interest, but Hawaiian precedents threw no light upon the problem of division. It had been a new departure to admit that the people had any inherent right in the soil, and now to carry out that principle required the adoption of methods entirely foreign to the traditions of Hawaiian feudalism.

In this transition time the necessity of an organized government separate from the person of the King, became apparent even to the chiefs, and this was carried out by three comprehensive acts in 1845,1846, and 1847. The first, "to organize the executive ministry of the Hawaiian Islands;" the second, "to organize the executive departments of the Hawaiian Islands;" and the third, "to organize the judiciary department of the Hawaiian Islands."

As soon as the existence of a responsible government, detached from the person of the King, became an accepted feature of the political system, it was felt that in some way or other the Government ought to have public lands and become the source of land titles. At its inception the Government, as a distinct organization, was possessed of no landed property; it may be said to have had a right to that portion of the King's interest in the landed property of the Kingdom which he held in his official capacity, in distinction from that which belonged to him in his private capacity; but this was a mere theoretic right, dimly recognized at first, and only after innumerable difficulties and fruitless expedients was it finally developed and carried out in the great mahele or division of lands between King, chiefs, and people in 1848. Elaborate laws were made for the purchase of land by the Government from private landholders

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which do not appear to have added materially to the public domain.

The act to organize the executive department contained a statute establishing a board of royal commissioners to quiet land titles. This statute was passed December 10,1845. It was a tentative scheme to solve the land problem, and though not in itself sufficiently comprehensive for the situation, it was in the right direction, and led, through the announcement of principles of land tenure by the commission, which were adopted by the Legislature, to a better understanding of the subject, and finally, in the latter part of 1847, to the enactment by the King and privy council of rules for the division of the lands of the Kingdom, which, with the statute creating the land commission and the principles adopted by them, formed a complete and adequate provision for the adjustment of all recognized interests in land on the basis of the new departure in the principles of tenure.

At the time of the creation of the board of commissioners to quiet land titles and up to the enactment of rules by the privy council for land division, the nation was still feeling its way through the maze of the difficult questions which were pressing upon it in this great reform in land matters. Each step which it made threw light upon the path for the next one. The rapidity with which this reform was accomplished must be attributed not only to the wisdom and fidelity of the advisers of the nation, but largely to the earnestness and patriotism of the King and chiefs, who cheerfully made great sacrifices of authority and interest for the sake of a satisfactory solution of these questions.

The commissioners to quiet land titles were authorized to consider claims to land from private individuals, acquired previous to the passage of the act creating the commission. This included natives who were in the occupancy of holdings under the conditions of use or payment of rent in labor, and also both natives and foreigners who had received lands from the King or chiefs in the way of grants. The awards of the board were binding upon the Government if not appealed from, and entitled the claimant to a lease or a royal patent, according to the terms of the award, the royal patent being based upon the payment of a commutation of one-fourth or one-third of the unimproved value of the land, which commutation was understood to purchase the interest of the Government in the soil.

The principles adopted by the land commission use the words King and Government interchangeably, and failed to reach any adjudication of the separate rights of the King in distinction from those of the Government in the public domain, or, in other words, they failed to define the King's public or official interests in distinction from his private rights, although they fully recognized the distinction. There was, however, an implied apportionment of these two interests through the proceedings by which an occupying claimant obtained an allodial title. The commission decided that their authority coming from the King to award lands represented only his private interests in the lands claimed. Therefore, as the further payment of the claimant as a condition of his receiving a title in fee simple from the Government was one-third of the original value of the land, it follows that the King's private interest was an undivided two-thirds, leaving an undivided one-third belonging to the Government as such.

The commission also decided that there were but three classes of vested or original rights in land, which were in the King or Government, the chiefs, and the people, and these three classes of interests were about equal in extent.

The land commission began to work February 11, 1840, and made

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great progress in adjudicating the claims of the common people, but its powers were not adequate to dispose of the still unsettled questions between the King, the chiefs, and the Government, though it must be admitted that it made progress in that direction. Neither was the chiefs ready to submit their claims to its decision.

After earnest efforts between the King and chiefs to reach a settlement of these questions, the rules already referred to were unanimously adopted by the King and chiefs in privy council December 18, 1847. These rules, which were drawn up by Judge Lee, embodied the following points: The King should retain his private lands as his individual property, to descend to his heirs and successors; the remainder of the landed property to be divided equally between the Government, the chiefs, and the common people.

As the land was all held at this time by the King, the chiefs, and their tenants, this division involved the surrender by the chiefs of a third of their lands to the Government, or a payment in lieu thereof in money, as had already been required of the tenant landholders. A committee, of which Dr. Judd was chairman, was appointed to carry out the division authorized by the privy council, and the work was completed in forty days. The division between the King and the chiefs was effected through partition deeds signed by both parties. The chiefs then went before the land commission and received awards for the lands thus partitioned off to them, and afterwards many of them commuted for the remaining one-third interest of the Government by a surrender of a portion.

After the division between the King and the chiefs was finished he again divided the lands which had been surrendered to him between himself and the Government, the former being known thereafter as Crown lands and the latter as Government lands.

This division, with the remaining work of the land commission, completed the great land reform, the first signal of which was announced by Kamehameha III, in his declaration of rights, June 7, 1839. A brief ten years had been sufficient for the Hawaiian nation to break down the hoary traditions and venerable customs of the past, and to climb the difficult path from a selfish feudalism to equal rights, from royal control of all the public domain to peasant proprietorship and fee-simple titles for poor and for rich. It came quickly and without bloodshed because the nation was ready for it. Foreign intercourse, hostile and friendly, and the spirit of a Christian civilization had an educating influence upon the eager nation, united by the genius of Kamehameha I, with its brave and intelligent warrior chiefs resting from the conquest of arms, their exuberant energies free for the conquest of new ideas; with rare wisdom, judgment, and patriotism they proved equal to the demands of the time upon them.

IX. Also the following extract from the report of hon. john quincy adams, chairman of the committee on foreign affairs of the house of representatives.

"It is a subject of cheering contemplation to the friends of human improvement and virtue, that by the mild and gentle influence of Christian charity, dispensed by humble missionaries of the gospel, unarmed with secular power, within the last quarter of a century, the people of this group of islands have been converted from the lowest debasement of idolatry to the blessings of the Christian gospel; united under one balanced government; rallied to the fold of civilization by a written language and constitution, providing security for the rights of persons, property, and mind, and invested with all the elements of

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right and power which can entitle them to be acknowledged by their brethren of the human race as a separate and independent community. To the consummation of their acknowledgment the people of the North American Union are urged by an interest of their own, deeper than that of any other portion of the inhabitants of the earth—by a virtual right of conquest, not over the freedom of their brother man by the brutal arm of physical power, but over the mind and heart by the celestial panoply of the gospel of peace and love."

X. Also the following hawaiian treaty and review of its commercial results.

THE HAWAIIAN TREATY.

A REVIEW OF ITS COMMERCIAL RESULTS.

The Hawaiian treaty was negotiated for the purpose of securing political control of those islands, making them industrially and commercially a part of the United States and preventing any other great power from acquiring a foothold there, which might be adverse to the welfare and safety of our Pacific coast in time of war. They are situated midway on the direct way from Panama to Hongkong and directly on the shortest line from the Columbia River or Puget Sound to Australia. Here the two great lines of future commerce of the Pacific Ocean intersect, and vessels must stop there for refreshment and refuge.

The islands prior to the treaty were declining in population, and owing to the decay of the whale fishery, were declining in wealth. Their soil is, perhaps, the most productive for sugar raising of any known in the world. But the high tariff on sugar and the exceedingly low wages which must be paid in tropical countries for raising sugar to supply the United States rendered the industry difficult. In 1875 a movement arose in the islands for the importation of Hindoo coolies to supply the requisite cheap labor, and the consent of England was promised. The growth of the Australian colonies had gradually developed an improving market for Hawaiian sugar, and, after a trial of it by some of the Hawaiian planters, it was found that better prices could be obtained in the free-trade port of Sydney than in San Francisco, and return cargoes could be bought there much more cheaply. Preparations were making for sending there the entire crops of 1876- '77. These matters came to the knowledge of the State Department. The Hawaiians had been pressing for many years for a commercial treaty with the United States, but without success. It was now felt in the State Department that the question was assuming graver importance, and, as political supremacy in the islands must inevitably follow the commerce, it was recognized that this country must make favorable concessions to them, or else let them follow the inevitable tendency and drift slowly into the status of an English colony. The result was the negotiation of the existing treaty and its ratification by the consent of the Senate. The effect of the treaty was as follows:

It was anticipated that the remission of duties would make the profits of sugar culture very great. But a sugar plantation requires for the most economical work a large amount of capital, $500,000 being very moderate for a single plantation, and $250,000 being about as small as is prudent. The islanders had no capital of any consequence and were obliged to borrow it from the United States (i. e., from or through the mercantile houses of San Francisco who import their sugar and act as agents to the planters for selling it to the refineries). The opening of plantations proceeded rapidly until the output of sugar has now nearly

S. Doc. 231, pt 6----30

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reached the full capacity of the soil, and is seven or eight times greater than in 1874-'75. Our exports to the islands have increased in very nearly the same ratio, being five or six times greater than in 1874-'75, or, if measured in quantity rather than by price, are about seven times as great. A new merchant marine has been created, consisting of vessels built expressly for the service, costing over $3,500,000. Of this total tonnage over 90 per cent is American built, and the rest was bought. These mercantile houses, with their shipping, transact tbe entire commerce both ways, and transport annually about $12,000,000 worth of merchandise at very high rates of freight, commission, and exchange.

In general, the effect of the treaty has been to make the islands a field for very profitable investment of American capital. It has created a demand which would not have existed otherwise for American produce to an amount which may seem small ($23,000,000 in nine years) when viewed in comparison with our total export, but which, when viewed in connection with the fact that the population which has made that demand is less than 80,000, is remarkably large. During the last four years it has averaged about $40 per capita per annum, and, if the transportation charges be added as they properly should be, it will amount to over $50 per capita per annum. This is four or five times as much per capita as England or Canada buys of us. The general results of the trade may be seen in the following tables:

Values delivered by the United States to the Hawaiian Islands for nine years—1876 to 1885.

Invoice value of United States exports to Hawaii	$23,686,328
Bills of exchange to pay for all Hawaiian imports from third countries	9,868,674
Difference between coin exported to and received from Hawaii	2,222,181
Outstanding liabilities of United States to Hawaii not known	....
Total values paid by United States	35,777,183

To balance the account:

Profits already realized on merchandise account	$18,414,766
Cash debts payable to United States at maturity out of future shipments	6,500,000
Increased values of productive properties in the islands owned by Americans	11,680,164
	72,372,113

Values received and receivable by the United States from the Hawaiian Islands for nine years—1867 to 1885.

Invoice value of Hawaiian exports to the United States	$51,294,764
Add freight and insurance to obtain value in United States ports	2,897,185
Value of merchandise received		$54,191,949
Liabilities of the islands to the United States for advances on crops	3,000,000
Bonded debts payable in United States and secured on island property	2,500,000
Hawaiian Government bonds paid for in silver, coined on Hawaiian Government account	1,000,000
Total liabilities to United States		5,500,000
Increased value of plantation properties owned by United States citizens, as assessed in 1883	10,180,164
Value of other productive properties	1,500,000
		11,680,164
Total values received and receivable		72,372,113

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General distribution of profits.

To American shipping:
Freights and insurance on imports from the islands	$2,897,185
Freights and insurance on exports	5,127,964
Passenger receipts	1,325,000
		$9,350,149
Commission on purchases for export to the islands	592,158
Commission on sales of islands' produce	2,209,463
		2,801,621
Premium on exchange		812,839
Interest on loans and advances		2,160,000
Dividends and miscellaneous profits		3,290,157
Total profits already realized		18,414,766
Debts receivable held chiefly by the San Francisco banks		6,500,000
Increased values of productive properties owned by Americans		11,735,464
Total gross profits		36,650,230

1. In the foregoing table, beginning with values delivered, the first item is the invoice value of our exports to the islands, as shown in the Treasury statistics for the nine years. It is the home value, and, since we are comparing San Francisco values with San Francisco values, freights are not added.

2. The second item represents what we have paid in the form of bills of exchange to settle the balance of trade against us. Since the Hawaiians export almost nothing to third countries, but do import considerable from them, it follows that they must draw upon shipments to the United States to pay for all they import from third countries. They have no other source of credit to draw upon. Hence turning to Hawaiian official statistics we find their total imports in nine years to have been $9,181,522. The freight and insurance must be added, and, as these are known to be about 10 per cent of the value, we get $10,099,674. Deducting $231,000, which is their total export to third countries in nine years, and which liquidated just so much of their indebtedness to third countries, we have $9,868,074 on merchandise accounts, which we must pay in bills of exchange drawn in San Francisco against Hawaiian account and in favor of third countries.

3. In further settlement of the balance of trade are coin remittances. In nine years the excess of coin shipped to Hawaii over coin received from Hawaii amounts to $2,222,181. Of this $1,000,000 was a silver coinage for the Hawaiian Government struck at the San Francisco mint, for which that Government gave its bonds for $1,000,000, which are now held in this country.

If we have given Hawaii any other consideration it must be in the form of obligations of some sort which do not appear in statistics. None such are known, and in a small community like the islands, where everybody's business is known to everybody else, it is hardly possible that if any appreciable amount of them existed it would not be known. As the Hawaiians are deeply in debt to the United States it is not likely that any such obligations of importance exist. This side of the exhibit is therefore as complete as present knowledge can make it. On the other side of the account we have:

(1) Value of Hawaiian exports to the United States, $51,294,764. This is the invoice value at Honolulu. As we are comparing San Francisco values with San Francisco values it is necessary to add freights and insurance. (The American consul at Honolulu requires invoices to state the values delivered, less cost of transportation.) This requirement, being a matter of indifference to shippers, is complied with. If

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the merchandise had to pay an ad valorem duty they would put the invoice value as low as possible in accordance with the actual export costs.

(2) Liabilities of the islands to the United States.—The sugar crop is an enormously expensive one to raise. It requires fifteen to sixteen months to mature, and employs hundreds of laborers to each plantation and sugar mill. The planter must, therefore, borrow large amounts of money to mature it, giving a lien upon the crop as a security to his factor. The factor in turn borrows the necessary amounts from the San Francisco banks. On an average this lien amounts to nearly or quite half the market value of the crop. I have estimated it for safety at about one-third that value, or $3,000,000.

(3) Many plantations have also mortgaged debts held in San Francisco. The amount of these is not fully known; but I am sure of at least $2,500,000, and believe the real amount to be much more than that.

(4) The value of the plantation properties held by Americans was assessed by the Hawaiian Government in 1883 at $10,180,104. This was assumed to be about two-thirds the real value. This value has been created almost wholly since 1876 out of the ground, buildings, and machinery.*

(5) Other productive properties held by Americans are the interisland mercantile marine, two railroads and equipment, a marine railway, warehouses, etc., all of them the creation of the treaty. The estimate of $1,500,000 is a very low one. The value of these properties far exceeds the sum of their mortgages and capital stock indebtedness. No man is rated in this argument as an American citizen unless he has the right to vote in the United States without naturalization and has the right to the protection of our Government under public law.

The most striking feature of this exhibit is the very large profit to the United States—so large that it seems at first unaccountable; but the great discrepancy between the exports and imports will vanish when we take full account of the fact that the whole carrying trade and mercantile business is ours in both directions. All economists regard transportation and mercantile functions in the passage of commodities from the purchaser to the consumer as a part of the production. To the value of our produce at San Francisco must be added all further accessions of value until it finally leaves our hands and passes into those of the Hawaiian. Add, then, to the invoice value of our exports the cost of transportation, commission, and insurance until we have put the produce into the Hawaiian's hands, and the $36,000,000 becomes not far from $44,000,000. It costs the Hawaiian not far from one-sixth of the value of his crop to get it to San Francisco. Deduct that from $54,000,000 and we have $45,000,000. Thus if we reckon Hawaiian values against Hawaiian values the exchange becomes less unequal, as it should, for the real exchange takes place in Hawaii. It is there that

* This is reckoned as profit for the following reasons: Among the commodities which we send to the islands, and also among those which we buy in Europe and send there on Hawaiian account, are machinery, building materials, etc. These are used in construction. The labor which is employed, the improvements which come from cultivation, and the natural appreciation of land make up together the final value of the property. The cash outlay directly applied to the creation of this value is, of course, small in comparison with that value. Whatever cash value has been so applied is already accounted for and included in the table showing values delivered to Hawaii. The value of the properties thereby acquired should of course appear on the other side of the account, and also in the list of profits, for such it clearly is. It pertains, however, to the capital-stock account and not to simple mercantile profit The figures here given largely understate the value of these properties.

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our own products finally leave our hands, and it is there that Hawaiian values first come into our hands.

The Committee on Ways and Means, seeing that our exports in nine years have shown on invoice value of $23,000,000, while our imports show $54,000,000, have hastily concluded that the apparent balance of trade against us of $31,000,000 had to be liquidated in coin and exchange. In fact, only about $13,000,000 is liquidated in that way, and the $18,000,000 remaining is paid over to our own people and may be reckoned as a gross profit already realized. Over $9,000,000 has gone to American shipping, nearly $3,000,000 to San Francisco commission houses, nearly a million to the banks, over $2,000,000 for interest on loans and advances, and over $3,000,000 as dividends and miscellaneous profits.

In addition to this we hold $6,500,000 of Hawaiian debts which they must liquidate out of future shipments, and have created $15,000,000 worth of magnificent productive properties in the islands out of the soil by the combined action of capital and labor. It would be difficult to find in all the annals of trade and production a result more gratifying.

The Committee on Ways and Means have taken it for granted that the loss of revenue to the Treasury is equal to the computed remission of duty. This is a grave error.

First. The tariff on sugar for more than twenty years has been so graduated as to become more and more forbidding, and, finally, prohibitory as the grade and quality of raw sugar increases. This excludes all eatable raw sugar from the grocery trade and makes it more profitable to the refiner to buy the lowest grades he can get. But if raw sugar is duty free, it is the interest of the refiner to buy the highest grades and the interest of the planter to make them. Accordingly the Hawaiian planter makes the highest grades, not exceeding No. 20, above which grade he must pay duty.

But without the treaty he would do as the Cuban does, i. e., make them of as low grade as possible, so as to pay the minimum duty. The Committee on Ways and Means has computed the remitted duties on Hawaiian sugar as actually imported in the highest grades at $3.18 per cwt. prior to June 30, 1883, and $2.40 per cwt. subsequently; but Hawaiian sugars, which would have been imported had the treaty never existed, would have been in lower grades and paying presumably the same average duty as all imported sugars. This was, prior to 1883, about $3.41 per cwt. and about $1.96 subsequently. Of course we can not reckon a duty we never could have collected as a loss of revenue. Instead, therefore, of losing on sugar $23,000,000 in nine years the loss has not been over $18,000,000.

Second. But this loss must have had very large compensations to the Treasury. Fully five sixths of the Hawaiian crop has been bought and paid for by exports, transportation services, and otherwise, for which the treaty has created a demand, and for which no demand would have existed elsewhere without the treaty. Our exports to third countries could not possibly have been diminished by it. Now, the free entry of Hawaiian sugar has no doubt caused us to purchase from third countries less dutiable sugar. Obviously the exported values withheld from the purchase of dutiable sugar remain available for other purchases. The full value of our exports must come back to us somehow, and if we get less dutiable sugar we must get just so much more of something else. The only question is whether this "more of something else" pays as much duty as the sugar would have paid. Probably it does not; and so far there is a loss, because some of these residual values come

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back in the shape of duty-free articles and because the duty on sugar is higher (computed ad valorem) than the average of our total imports. A part of the California bullion and wheat and wine sent to England pays for Hawaiian sugar, which is duty free. About one sixth of the Hawaiian crop is thus paid for, and to that proportion there is a total loss of revenue. While it is impossible to compute what the real loss is, I think it safe to say that it probably does not exceed one-third, and certainly does not amount to one-half of the $18,000,000 computed as lost on sugar. In any event the duty never leaves the country. It is paid over by the refinery to the consignee of the Hawaiian, and is paid out again, with much more besides, to American shipping, banks, merchants, and stockholders. The gross profit of $36,000,000 throws into insignificance the possible loss of $6,000,000 or $8,000,000 of revenue.

It has been said repeatedly that all the profits of this magnificent trade and industry go to the benefit of Claus Spreckels and a small clique of speculators. What nonsense! If it did, he would richly deserve it, and a vote of thanks by Congress besides.

It will be going to the root of the matter at once to say that the opposition to the treaty has arisen from the systematic and. in some measure successful attempts to saturate the public press and Congress with utterly false ideas about Claus Spreckels and his relation to the islands, to create a bitter personal prejudice against him, and by implication to illogically and unjustly extend that prejudice to the commerce and industries of the Hawaiian Islands. Claus Spreckels certainly has for many years monopolized the manufacture and sale of refined sugars on the Pacific coast, and ruled that market to the extent of his powers with a rod of iron. But the first grand mistake consists in supposing that the Hawaiian treaty has or could have given any assistance to the establishment of his monopoly or to its maintenance or confer upon it any benefit whatever. The second mistake consists in wholly false impressions about the wholly distinct personal relations of Mr. Spreckels to the industry and commerce of raw sugar. In these he is only one of many men, and though individually his relations are large, yet relatively to the whole they are small, and he can no more control the whole than the Cunard Company can control our commerce with England. As a monopolist of refined sugar he can not escape the odium which always attaches to a monopoly. As a planter and stockholder, as a director of an American steamship company, and a banker, his whole career and course of conduct will compare favorably with that of any great and successful merchant in America.

The monopoly of refined sugar in San Francisco is, like all other monopolies, a perfectly legitimate object of attack; and if it can be broken up in any way such an end is devoutly to be wished.

But Claus Spreckels's relations to the island trade and industry are a totally different matter, and when rightly understood will present themselves to the unprejudiced mind in a totally different aspect. In this field his operations are perfectly legitimate. It is my purpose to point out that any attempt to terminate the treaty is simply an attempt to strengthen and fortify his monopoly and to break down commendable enterprises which should be built up and sustained, and in which Claus Spreckels is merely one of many participants. Whatever damage might be inflicted upon him in respect to his island interest would be more than compensated to him out of enlarged profits of his monopoly as a refiner, while the blow would fall with full and disastrous effect upon thousands of innocent third parties, both in Hawaii and California, whose interests should be dear to Congress and to the American people.

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The Hawaiian treaty has become an object of attack by the sugar-refining interest of the Eastern States and of the sugar-planting interests of Louisiana. The motives which have led to this attack are as follows:

During the last few years the sales of sugar imported from Hawaii, Manila, and Central America, and refined in San Francisco, have been extending gradually into the markets of the Mississippi Valley, advancing further eastward every year, thereby displacing the sales of eastern sugars in the States and Territories west of the Mississippi River. The Eastern refiners and the Louisiana planters believe that the possibility of this arises from the free entry of Hawaiian sugars, thus enabling (as they suppose) the San Francisco refiners to purchase raw sugar much more cheaply than they otherwise could. Thus they believe that the treaty discriminates severely against their interests, and is unjust to them.

This position is denied by the San Francisco refiners and importers of sugar and by the owners of Hawaiian sugar properties in California. They contend that the San Francisco refineries get their raw sugar no cheaper by reason of the treaty, but are obliged to pay the same price for it as for equivalent dutiable sugar from Asia; that the ability of the Pacific refiners to compete successfully with the Atlantic refiners is founded upon conditions wholly independent of the treaty, viz: First, because unlimited amounts of Asiatic sugar can be laid down in San Francisco cheaper than raw sugars can be laid down in New York; second, because through eastward freights over the Pacific railways are scantier than westward through freights, and the railroads naturally prefer to carry sugar at low rates to hauling empty cars. They contend that this competition is a natural one; that it is not helped by the treaty and will not be hindered by its abrogation; that it is destined to grow, and would grow if the Hawaiian Islands did not exist.

Since it is also claimed by the opponents of the treaty that it fosters and sustains a monopoly of refined sugars, and that the benefits of the treaty accrue only to that monopoly, and since the whole complaint is founded in a gross misunderstanding of the nature and conditions of the sugar business on the Pacific coast, it seems proper to discuss the facts at some length. From these it will appear that these charges, as well as others, are utterly without foundation.

It is a self-evident proposition that a cargo of Manila sugar delivered in New York must sell at a price just equal to that of so much Cuban sugar of equal grade. It is evident, also, that the price of that cargo at Manila "free on board" must be less than the New York price by an amount equal to the cost of transportation. It is further evident that the price of a similar cargo of Manila sugar delivered in San Francisco must exceed the Manila price by an amount equal to the total cost of transportation. It is, therefore, an easy matter to compute whether Manila sugar in San Francisco ought to be cheaper than Cuban or Manila sugar in New York. The rate of freight from Manila or Hongkong to San Francisco on sugar is very low. A vessel can be chartered to go from San Francisco to Manila in ballast and bring back sugar at $5 or $6 per ton, but during the last eight years Asiatic sugar has largely come as mere ballast. Freights from Manila to New York range from $9 to $12 per ton. Interest, insurance, and shrinkage being proportional to the time of the voyage are evidently in favor of San Francisco as compared with New York. In brief, the San Francisco price of raw sugar is lower than the New York price by three-eighths to five-eighths of a cent per pound.

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Hawaiian sugars are shipped by the agents or factors of the planters in Honolulu to commission merchants and importers in San Francisco, and sold by the latter to the refinery. The terms of purchase after the treaty took effect were known as the "Manila basis." The refinery agreed in substance to take the whole of each planter's crop at a price which should be equal to that of an equivalent quantity and grade of Manila sugar delivered, duty paid, in San Francisco. The price of a certain grade of sugar at Manila known as "extra superior," polarizing 91, and in color No. 10 Dutch standard, was telegraphed daily to San Francisco. To this price was added $6 per ton for freight, 2 per cent insurance, the cost of sixty days' exchange, and a specific allowance for the remitted duty. This constituted the Manila basis for the day of quotation.

Just here is one point of dispute between the sugar men of New York and those of San Francisco and Honolulu. The New Yorkers refuse to believe that Spreckels pays the full normal price and the entire duty to the Hawaiians. If anybody is particularly interested in knowing whether he does not it must be the Hawaiian planter and his Honolulu factor, for an eighth of a cent per pound means to them a profit or loss of hundreds of thousands of dollars. Time and again they have examined this question and put it to the most crucial tests, and the verdict is universal that Spreckels has dealt with them fairly and squarely, and this is the testimony alike of friends and enemies whose bread and butter depends on knowing the truth and abiding by it. Who ought to know best about it, they or people who live 3,500 miles away?

A little over a year ago Spreckels withdrew the tender of the Manila basis and would only offer the Cuban. The result was, a new refinery competing with him. Spreckels has always contended that the Manila basis was higher than it ought to be; that he was overpaying the planters and giving them more than Manila and China sugar would have cost him. A second refinery, C. Adolf Low & Co., which was pooled with Spreckels up to 1885, also seemed to think so, for, while having the option of taking as much Hawaiian sugar as they wanted, they declined taking any on the ground that Manila and Central American sugars were cheaper. My opinion is that Spreckels was in a great measure right.* To show this would require a detailed examination,

*For the following reasons: Spreckels allows ¹/₈ cent per pound for the value of every degree of polariscope. The Manila standard polarizes 91°. The average polarization of the whole Hawaiian crop is about 94°, and the allowance, therefore, is, on the average, ³/₈ cent above the Manila basis. Suppose, now, the price of Hawaiian sugar delivered is 5 cents per pound for 91°; for 94° it is 5³/₈ cents. But a 94° sugar contains ³/₉₁ more of pure sugar than a 91° sugar, which at 5 cents is ¹⁵/₉₁ cent, or about ¹/₆ cent. In other words, Spreckels pays ³/₈ cent for what is worth to him only ¹/₆ cent. The lower cost of refining a 94° sugar than a 91° is fully covered by the ¹/₂₀ cent allowance for every color above No. 10, Dutch standard. This difference, computed on the last Hawaiian crop, amounts to pver $350,000. If it be asked how Spreckels came to concede too much for quality the answer is that when it was first agreed upon, in 1876, the price of raw sugar was very high, and at that time the allowance was not very excessive. The New York allowance was ¹/₁₀ cent per degree of polarization. Moreover, it was at that time anticipated that the run of the Hawaiian crop would not be above 91° or 92°. Once fixed, the allowance became a custom, and custom is a powerful conservative force sometimes in matters of price.

Again, the great bulk of the Hawaiian crop comes to San Francisco in December to March, inclusive, and Spreckels must pay for it on delivery. Hence he must carry an enormous surplus stock, worth $3,000,000 to $4,000,000, during a great part of the year, and the interest on that is no trifle. If he could buy Asiatic sugars as he wanted them, or take advantage of the favorable stages of the market, he would have an advantage he does not now possess. All things considered I have no doubt that the practical working of the Manila basis was to make Spreckels pay more for Hawaiian sugar than Manila sugar would have cost him.

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which no one but a sugar expert would easily understand. At the same time it seems to me that the true price, while lower than the Manila basis, ought, during the extremely low prices of sugar last year, to have been a little better than the Cuban basis. Be this as it may, the vital fact remains in any event that the price on either basis would be considerably lower in San Francisco than in New York. It also remains true that the attempt of Spreckels to better himself in respect to the terms on which he purchases Hawaiian sugar has cost him very dear in the organization of an opposition refinery, and the end is not yet. And this brings to us the next link in the chain.

Mr. Spreckels was obliged to buy the whole Hawaiian crop and pay the full market price for it, including the entire duty, or else subject himself to competition. To understand this it is necessary to look at the nature of this monopoly. A monopoly means the want of effective and full competition. What are the possible sources of competition in the sale of refined sugars in California? There can be none from foreign refined sugars, because the duty upon them is prohibitory. There can be no effective competition from Eastern refined sugars, because their price is established on the Atlantic seaboard, where sugar is dearer and the railway transportation is prohibitory. Why is there no local competition ? Because there is not work enough for two refineries. A single refinery half as large as Havemeyer & Elder's can saturate with sugar the whole country west of Denver. If, then, there are two refineries, as has actually been the case, they must either pool and divide the market, which they did, or else begin a war of extermination, which they are now doing. The causes which have rendered a monopoly easily possible are, therefore, a prohibitory tariff on refined sugar, the isolation of California from other States where sugar is refined, its comparatively small population, and the fact that one ordinary refinery is ample for all needs. Under such circumstances a monopoly, or else a pool, which amounts to the same thing, is inevitable. Nothing on earth can stop it but time and the changes of conditions, which time will ultimately bring.

The Hawaiian treaty has had nothing to do with the establishment of this monopoly; the monopoly was fixed before the treaty, and so far from being helped by it, has been embarrassed and weakened by it, and may be yet more seriously embarrassed by its continuance, for the treaty rendered possible two new sources of competition. The nature of this competition is very instructive and will repay careful examination.

The duty upon raw sugars not only increases with their purity and lightness of color, but increases in a faster ratio than the value of the sugar itself. The result in New York is that it is cheaper and more profitable for the refineries to purchase the impurest sugars they can get, and that raw sugars of fine high quality are, in consequence of this disportionate duty, dearer than refined sugars. In short, the duty on raw sugars which are fit to eat is, to all intents and purposes, prohibitory. This is the reason why raw sugar has entirely disappeared from our grocery stores. In England, the greatest sugar-eating country in the world, where sugar is duty free, a large proportion of the sugar consumed does not go through the refinery at all, but is sold to customers just as it comes from the plantations. If the tariff on sugar were exactly proportioual to its purity vast quantities of raw sugar would be sold in the stores in the place of just so much refined sugar. So it would be in the Eastern States if raw sugars up to 20 Dutch standard were duty free. It is easy to see that in California

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the free entry of Hawaiian sugar up to No. 20 put the refinery into the following difficulty: It must not permit the sugars to go upon the open market. How was it to prevent it? By making it more profitable to the planter to sell to the refinery than the grocery store. How was it to do that? First, by paying a maximum price for the raws, and, second, by keeping down the price of refined sugar to points which should not exceed the price of raws by more than a certain small percentage. The maximum price of the raws was the Manila basis, and if the price of the refined exceeded the Manila basis by more than a certain small percentage the Hawaiian sugar would be tempted into the grocery trade direct.

Congress has been saturated with the idea that Spreckels has bought Hawaiian sugar at his own price, appropriating the remitted duty to himself and at the same time increasing the price of refined sugar. The idea is absurd and impossible. The truth is just the reverse. The command of prices for raw sugar up to the Manila basis rests with the planter, and Spreckels must yield or provoke a competition in which the planter is sure to win. Above, the Manila basis the planter can not go without loss to himself. Spreckels, moreover, has been obliged to sell refined sugar at lower prices than he could command if the Hawaiian crop were out of the way. To restore the duty would crush the planter, leaving him to Spreckels' dictation and give him (Spreckels) the power of exacting a larger price for his output without fear of any competition from the planter. The effect of the treaty upon the monopoly has been to hold up the price of raw sugar to the full normal price and to bring the price of refined nearer to that of raws than it would otherwise have been.

(2) The second source of competition is a new refinery. Mr. Spreckels himself controls, as a majority stockholder, only one plantation on the islands. He has a minority interest in each of four others (unless he has acquired more since 1884). He and his friends together can not control more than a fourth part of the Hawaiian crop except by buying it on terms satisfactory to the planters. Suppose the other planters to become dissatisfied with the terms of purchase he may offer, what is to prevent them from joining hands and starting a new refinery in San Francisco to work their own sugars? Nothing, except the want of an inducement. The question of capital offers no difficulty if there is anything to be gained. What would constitute an inducement? Not the prospect of profit on the sale of refined sugars unless they are prepared to crush Spreckels out completely and set up a new monopoly in place of his. But a genuine inducement would be established at once if Spreckels were to insist upon paying too low a price for their raw sugar. Suppose the cost of Asiatic sugar, duty paid, in San Francisco is 5 cents and Spreckels will only pay the Hawaiians 4| cents. Suppose two-thirds of the planters refuse and start a new refinery. A war of rates instantly follows. How low can Spreckles afford to sell refined sugar? As low as the price of Asiatic sugar plus the cost of refining. How low could the planters afford to sell sugar? As low as the cost of raising raw sugar, shipping it to San Francisco, and refining it. When Spreckels has touched the bottom price the planter is still making the full profit on his raw sugar, but nothing on his refined, and Spreckels is making no profit out of his refinery.

This is precisely what has happened. When Spreckels dropped from the Manila to the Cuban basis some of the California stockholders and some of the keen Yankees in the island thought he was going too low. They clubbed together, and, with the aid of San Francisco capitalists who hold Hawaiian plantation stocks, they started a new refinery. They

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did not expect to make much profit out of refined sugar, but they do expect to get the fullest price of their raws. The ultimate result of this contest will depend upon whether Spreckels is right in his assertion that the Cuban basis is the normal price of sugar.

GENERAL RESULTS OF THE TREATY.

The treaty has developed a trade with the islands which, relatively to the population, is enormous, and of which the profits have been and still are exceedingly large. The profits have not, as generally supposed, accrued to the great sugar monopoly, but chiefly to the American shipping which was evoked by the treaty, to the mercantile houses which have handled the merchandise, and to the investors who have advanced the capital to open and develop the productive properties. These profits have been nearly double the remitted duties and four or five times as great as the probable loss of revenue.

So far has the treaty been from benefiting a monopoly of refined sugars in California that it has restricted its powers and embarrassed it, and may even yet destroy it. The refinery is powerless to obtain the benefit of the remitted duties in any degree whatever. It must pay them in full to the consignee of the planter, who, in turn, pays them, and more besides, over to our shipping, banks, mercantile houses, and investors. The remitted duties never leave the country.

The treaty has brought up a mercantile marine of our own, employing American-built steamers and sailing vessels, and the entire commerce, amounting to $12,00O,000 annually, is in our hands. It is the only foreign commerce to-day which we can call our own. Before the treaty the sugar and rice imported at San Francisco came chietiy from Asia and the East India Islands, where it was bought with London exchange and shipped in foreign vessels.

The treaty has had no assignable effect whatever upon the sales of sugar in the Mississippi Valley. These sales would have been the same and would continue to be the same without the treaty as with it. San Francisco is the natural source of supply of sugar for almost the whole country west of the Kansas Missouri line, and of a considerable territory still further east. The only real competition of San Francisco in that region is the Louisiana planter, who has no more right to complain of it than of the competition of New York. This competition is independent of the treaty. Congress can not prevent it, and ought not to if it could, for it is a normal and healthy one.

XI. Also the following article in the forum for march, 1893, on "hawaii and our future sea-power," and written by capt. a. t. mahan.

[The Forum, March, 1893.]

HAWAII AND OUR FUTURE SEA POWER.*

The suddenness so far, at least, as the general public is concerned, with which the long-existing troubles in Hawaii have come to a head, and the character of the advances reported to be addressed to the United States by the revolutionary government, formally recognized as de facto by our representative on the spot, add another to the many significant instances furnished by history that, as men in the midst

* Copyright, 1892, by the Forum Publishing Company.

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of life are in death, so nations in the midst of peace find themselves confronted with unexpected causes of dissension, conflicts of interests, whose results may be, on the one hand, war, or, on the other, abandonment of clear and imperative national advantage in order to avoid an issue for which preparation has not been made. By no premeditated contrivance of our own, by the cooperation of a series of events which, however dependent, step by step, upon human action, were not intended to prepare the present crisis, the United States finds herself compelled to answer a question, to make a decision, not unlike and not less momentous than that required of the Roman senate when the Mamertine garrison invited it to occupy Messina and so to abandon the hitherto traditional policy which had confined the expansion of Rome to the Italian peninsula. For let it not be overlooked that, whether we wish or no, we must answer the question, we must make the decision. The issue can not be dodged. Absolute inaction in such a case is a decision as truly as the most vehement action. We can now advance, but, the conditions of the world being what they are, if we do not advance we recede; for there is involved not so much a particular action as a question of principle pregnant of great consequences in one direction or in the other.

Occasion of serious difficulty should not, indeed, here arise. Unlike the historical instance just cited, the two nations that have now come into contact are so alike in inherited traditions, habits of thought, and views of right, that injury to the one need not be anticipated from the predominance of the other in a quarter where its interests also predominate. Despite the heterogeneous character of the immigration which the past few years have been pouring into our country, our political traditions and racial characteristics still continue English—Mr. Douglas Campbell would say Dutch, but the stock is the same. Though thus somewhat gorged with food not wholly to its taste, our political digestion has so far contrived to master the incongruous mass of materials it has been unable to reject; and, if assimilation lias been at times imperfect, the political constitution and spirit remain English in essential features. Imbued with like ideals of liberty, of law, of right, certainly not less progressive than our kin beyond sea, we are, in the safeguards deliberately placed around our fundamental law, even more conservative than they. That which we received of the true spirit of freedom we have kept—liberty and law—not the one or the other, but both. In that spirit we have not only occupied our original inheritance, but also, step by step, as Rome incorporated the other nations of the peninsula, we have added to it, spreading and perpetuating everywhere the same foundation principles of free and good government which, to her honor be it said, Great Britain also has throughout her course maintained. And now, arrested on the south by the rights of a race wholly alien to us, and on the north by a body of states of like traditions to our own, whose freedom to choose their own affiliations we respect, we have come to the sea. In our infancy we bordered upon the Atlantic only; our youth carried our boundary to the Gulf of Mexico; to-day maturity sees us upon the Pacific. Have we no right or no call to progress farther in any direction? Are there for us beyond the sea horizon none of those essential interests, of those evident dangers, which impose a policy and confer rights?

This is the question that has long been looming upon the brow of a future now rapidly passing into the present. Of it the Hawaiian incident is a part, intrinsically, perhaps, a small part, but in its relations to the whole so vital that, as has before been said, a wrong decision

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does not stand by itself, but involves, not only in principle but in fact, recession along the whole line. In our natural, necessary, irrepressible expansion, we are here come into contact with the progress of another great people, the law of whose being has impressed upon it a principle of growth which has wrought mightily in the past and in the present is visible by recurring manifestations. Of this working, Gibraltar, Malta, Cyprus, Egypt, Aden, India, in geographical succession though not in strict order of time, show a completed chain; forged link by link, by open force or politic bargain, but always resulting from the steady pressure of a national instinct, so powerful and so accurate that statesmen of every school, willing or unwilling, have found themselves carried along by a tendency which no individuality can resist or greatly modify. Unsubstantial rumor and incautious personal utterance have each suggested an impatient desire in Mr. Gladstone to be rid of the occupation of Egypt; but scarcely has his long exclusion from office ended than the irony of events signalizes his return thereto by an increase in the force of occupation. It may further be profitably noted, of the chain just cited, that the two extremities were first possessed— first India, then Gibraltar, far later Malta, Aden, Cyprus, Egypt—and that, with scarce an exception, each step has been taken, despite the jealous vexation of a rival. Spain has never ceased angrily to bewail Gibraltar. "I had rather," said the first Napoleon, "see the English on the heights of Montmartre than in Malta." The feelings of France about Egypt are matter of common knowledge, not even dissembled; and, for our warning be it added, her annoyance is increased by the bitter sense of opportunity rejected.

It is needless to do more than refer to that other chain of maritime possessions, Halifax, Bermuda, Santa Lucia, Jamaica, which strengthen the British hold upon the Atlantic, the Caribbean, and the Isthmus of Panama. In the Pacific the position is for them much less satisfactory, nowhere, perhaps, is it less so, and from obvious natural causes. The commercial development of the eastern Pacific has been far later and is still less complete than that of its western shores. The latter when first opened to European adventure were already the seat of ancient civilizations, in China and Japan, furnishing abundance of curious and luxurious products to tempt the trader by good hopes of profit. The western coast of America, for the most part peopled by savages, offered little save the gold and silver of Mexico and Peru, and these were jealously monopolized by the Spaniards, not a commercial nation, during their long ascendency. Being so very far from England and affording so little material for trade, Pacific America did not draw the enterprise of a country the chief and honorable inducement of whose seamen was the hope of gain, in pursuit of which they settled and annexed point after point in the regions where they penetrated and upon the routes leading thither. The western coasts of North America, being reached only by the long and perilous voyage around Cape Horn, or by a more toilsome and dangerous passage across the continent, remained among the last of the temperate productive seaboards of the earth to be possessed by white men. The United States were already a nation, in fact, as well as in form, when Vancouver was exploring Puget Sound and passed first through the channel separating the mainland of British America from the island that now bears his name. Thus it has happened that, from the late development of British Columbia in the northeastern Pacific and of Australia and New Zealand hi the southwestern, Great Britain is again found holding the two extremities of a line between which she must inevitably desire the

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intermediate links; nor is there any good reason why she should not have them, except the superior, more urgent, more vital necessities of another people—our own. Of these links the Hawaiian group possesses unique importance, not from its intrinsic commercial value, but from its favorable posi ;on for maratime and military control.

The military or strategic value of a naval position depends upon its situation, upon its strength, and upon its resources. Of the three, the first is of most consequence, because it results from the nature of things; whereas the two latter, when deficient, can be artificially supplied, in whole or in part. Fortifications remedy the weakness of a position, foresight accumulates beforehand the resources which nature does not yield on the spot; but it is not within the power of man to change the geographical situation of a point which lies outside the limit of strategic effect. It is instructive, and yet apparent to the most superficial reading, to notice how the first Napoleon, in commenting upon a region likely to be the scene of war, begins by considering the most conspicuous natural features, and then enumerates the commanding positions, their distances from each other, the relative directions, or, as the sea phrase is, their "bearings," and the particular facilities each offers for operations of war. This furnishes the ground plan, the skeleton, detached from confusing secondary considerations, and from which a clear estimate of the decisive points can be made. The number of such points varies greatly, according to the character of the region. In a mountainous, broken country they may be very many; whereas in a plain devoid of natural obstacles there may be few or more save those created by man. If few, the value of each is necessarily greater than if many, and if there be but one its importance is not only unique, but extreme, measured only by the size of the field over which its unshared influence extends.

The sea, until it approaches the land, realizes the ideal of a vast plain, unbroken by obstacles. On the sea, says an eminent French tactician, there is no field of battle; meaning that there is none of the natural conditions which determine, and often fetter, the movements of the general. But upon a plain, however flat and monotonous, causes, possibly slight, determine the concentration of population into town and villages, and the necessary communications between the centers create roads. Where the latter converge, or cross, tenure confers command, depending for importance upon the number of routes thus meeting and upon their individual value. It is just so at sea. While in itself the ocean opposes no obstacle to a vessel taking any one of the numerous routes that can be traced upon the surface of the globe between two points, conditions of distance or convenience, of traffic or of wind, do prescribe certain usual courses. Where these pass near an ocean position, still more where they use it, it has an influence over them, and where several routes cross near by that influence becomes very great—is commanding.

Let us now apply these considerations to the Hawaiian group. To anyone viewing a map that shows the full extent of the Pacific Ocean, with its shores on either side, two circumstances will be strikingly and immediately apparent. He will see at a glance that the Sandwich Islands stand by themselves, in a state of comparative isolation, amid a vast expanse of sea; and, again, that they form the center of a large circle whose radius is approximately, and very closely, the distance from Honolulu to San Francisco. The circumference of this circle, if the trouble is taken to describe it with compass upon the map, will be seen, on the west and south, to pass through the outer fringe of the

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system of archipelagoes which, from Australia and New Zealand, extend to the northeast toward the American continent. Within the circle a few scattered islets, bare and unimportant, seem only to emphasize the failure of nature to bridge the interval separating Hawaii from her peers of the Southern Pacific. Of these, however, it may be noted that some, like Fanning and Christmas islands, have within a few years been taken into British possession. The distance from San Francisco to Honolulu, 2,100 miles, easy steaming distance, is substantially the same as that from Honolulu to the Gilbert, Marshall, Samoan, Society, and Marquesas groups, all under European control, except Samoa, in which we have a part influence.

To have a central position such as this, and to be alone, having no rival and admitting no alternative throughout an extensive tract, are conditions that at once fix the attention of the strategist—it may be added, of the statesmen of commerce likewise. But to this striking combination is to be added the remarkable relations borne by these singularly placed islands to the greater commercial routes traversing this vast expanse known to us as the Pacific, not only, however, to those now actually in use, important as they are, but also to those that must necessarily be called into being by that future to which the Hawaiian incident compels our too unwilling attention. Circumstances, as was before tritely remarked, create centers, between which communication necessarily follows, and in the vista of the future all, however dimly, discern a new and great center that must greatly modify existing sea routes, as well as bring new ones into existence. Whether the canal of the Central American isthmus be eventually at Panama or at Nicaragua matters little to the question now in hand, although, in common with most Americans who have thought upon the subject, I believe it will surely be at the latter point. Whichever it be, the convergence there of so many ships from the Atlantic and the Pacific will constitute a center of commerce, interoceanic and inferior to few, if to any, in the world; one whose approaches will be jealously watched and whose relations to the other centers of the Pacific by the lines joining it to them must be carefully examined. Such study of the commercial routes and their relations to the Hawaiian Islands, taken together with the other strategic considerations previously set forth, completes the synopsis of facts which determine the value of the group for conferring either commercial or naval control.

Referring again to the map, it will be seen that while the shortest routes from the isthmus to Australia and New Zealand, as well as those to South America, go well clear of any probable connection with or interference from Hawaii, those directed toward China and Japan pass either through the group or in close proximity to it. Vessels from Central America bound to the ports of Northern America come, of course, within the influence of our own coast. These circumstances and the existing recognized distribution of political power in the Pacific point naturally to an international acquiescence in certain defined spheres of influence for our own country and for others, such as has already been reached between Great Britain, Germany, and Holland in the Southwestern Pacific, to avoid conflict there between their respective claims. Though artificial in form, such a recognition would, in the case here suggested, depend upon perfectly natural as well as indisputable conditions. The United States is by far the greatest in numbers, interests, and power of the communities bordering upon the North Pacific; and the relations of the Hawaiian Islands to her naturally would be, and actually are, more numerous and more

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important than they can be to any other state. This is true, although unfortunately for the equally natural wishes of Great Britain and her colonies, the direct routes from British Columbia to Eastern Australia and New Zealand, which depend upon no building of a future canal, pass as near the islands as those already mentioned. Such a fact, that this additional great highway runs close to the group, both augments and emphasizes their strategic importance; but it does not affect the statement just made that the interest of the United States in them is greater than that of Great Britain, and dependent upon a natural cause, nearness, which has always been admitted as a reasonable ground for national self-assertion. It is unfortunate, doubtless, for the wishes of British Columbia and for the communications, commercial and military, depending upon the Canadian Pacific Railway, that the United States lies between them and the South Pacific and is the state nearest to Hawaii; but, the fact being so, the interests of our 65,000,000 people, in a position so vital to our role in the Pacific, must be allowed to outweigh those of the 6,000,000 of Canada.

From the foregoing considerations may be inferred the importance of the Hawaiian Islands as a position powerfully influencing the commercial and military control of the Pacific, and especially of the northern Pacific, in which the United States, geographically, has the strongest right to assert herself. These are the main advantages, which can be termed positive; those, namely, which directly advance commercial security and naval control. To the negative advantages of possession, by removing conditions which, if the islands were in the hands of any other power, would constitute to us disadvantages and threats, allusion only will be made. The serious menace to our Pacific coast and our Pacific trade, if so important a position were held by a possible enemy, has been frequently mentioned in the press and dwelt upon in the diplomatic papers which are from time to time given to the public. It may be assumed that it is generally acknowledged. Upon one particular, however, too much stress can not be laid, one to which naval officers can not but be more sensitive than the general public, and that is the immense disadvantage to us of any maritime enemy having a coaling station well within 2,500 miles, as this is, of every point of our coast line from Puget Sound to Mexico. Were there many others available we might find it difficult to exclude from all. There is, however, but the one. Shut out from the Sandwich Islands as a coal base, an enemy is thrown back for supplies of fuel to distances of 3,500 or 4,000 miles—or between 7,000 and 8,000, going and coming—an impediment to sustained maritime operations well nigh prohibitive. The coal mines of British Columbia constitute, of course, a qualification to this statement; but upon them, if need arose, we might at least hope to impose some trammels by action from the land side. It is rarely that so important a factor in the attack or defense of a coast line—of a sea frontier—is concentrated in a single position, and the circumstance renders doubly imperative upon us to secure it, if we righteously can.

It is to be hoped, also, that the opportunity thus thrust upon us may not be narrowly viewed, as though it concerned but one section of our country or one portion of its external trade or influence. This is no mere question of a particular act, for which, possibly, just occasion may not yet have offered; but of a principle, a policy, fruitful of many future acts, to enter upon which, in the fullness of our national progress, the time has now arrived. The principle accepted, to be conditioned only by a just and candid regard for the rights and reasonable

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susceptibilities of other nations—none of which is contravened by the step here immediately under discussion—the annexation, even, of Hawaii would be no mere sporadic effort, irrational because disconnected from an adequate motive, but a first fruit and a token that the nation in its evolution has aroused itself to the necessity of carrying its life—that has been the happiness of those under its influence— beyond the borders that have heretofore sufficed for its activities. That the vaunted blessings of our economy are not to be forced upon the unwilling may be conceded; but the concession does not deny the right nor the wisdom of gathering in those who wish to come. Comparative religion teaches that creeds which reject missionary enterprise are foredoomed to decay. May it not be so with nations? Certainly the glorious record of England is consequent mainly upon the spirit and traceable to the time when she launched out into the deep— without formulated policy, it is true, or foreseeing the future to which her star was leading, but obeying the instinct which in the infancy of nations anticipates the more reasoned impulses of experience. Let us, too, learn from her experience. Not all at once did England become the great sea power which she is, but step by step, as opportunity offered, she has moved on to the world wide preeminence now held by English speech and by institutions sprung from English germs. How much poorer would the world have been had Englishmen heeded the cautious hesitancy that now bids us reject every advance beyond our shore lines. And can any one doubt that a cordial, if unformulated, understanding between the two chief states of English tradition, to spread freely, without mutual jealously and in mutual support, would greatly increase the world's sum of happiness?

But if a plea of the world's welfare seem suspiciously like a cloak for national self-interest, let the latter be frankly accepted as the adequate motive which it assuredly is. Let us not sink from pitting a broad self-interest against the narrow self-interest to which some would restrict us. The demands of our three great seaboards, the Atlantic, the Gulf, and the Pacific—each for itself, and all for the strength that comes from drawing closer the ties between them—are calling for the extension, through the Isthmian Canal, of that broad sea common along which, and along which alone, in all ages prosperity has moved. Land carriage, always restricted and therefore always slow, toils enviously but hopelessly behind, vainly seeking to replace and supplant the royal highway of nature's own making. Corporate interests, vigorous in that power of concentration which is the strength of armies and of minorities, may here for a while withstand the ill-organized strivings of the multitude, only dimly conscious of its wants; yet the latter, however temporarily opposed and baffled, is sure at last, like the blind forces of nature, to overwhelm all that stand in the way of its necessary progress. So the Isthmian Canal is an inevitable part in the future of the United States; yet scarcely an integral part, for it can not be separated from other necessary incidents of a policy dependant upon it, whose details can not be exactly foreseen. But because the precise steps that may hereafter be opportune or necessary can not yet be certainly foretold, is not a reason the less, but a reason the more, for establishing a principle of action which may serve to guide as opportunities arise. Let us start from the fundamental truth, warranted by history, that the control of the seas, and especially along the great lines drawn by national interest or national commerce, is the chief among the merely material elements in the power and prosperity of nations. It is so

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because the sea is the world's great medium of circulation. From this necessarily follows the principle that, as subsidiary to such control, it is imperative to take possession, when it can righteously be done, of such maritime positions as contribute to secure command. If this principle be adopted there will be no hesitation about taking the positions—and they are many—upon the approaches to the Isthmus, whose interests incline them to seek us. It has its application also to the present case of Hawaii.

There is, however, one caution to be given from that military point of view beyond the need of which the world has not yet passed. Military positions, fortified posts, by land or by sea, however strong or admirably situated, do not by themselves confer control. People often say that such an island or harbor will give control of such a body of water. It is an utter, deplorable, ruinous mistake. The phrase may indeed by some be used only loosly, without forgetting other implied conditions of adequate protection and adequate navies; but the confidence of our nation in its native strength, and its indifference to the defense of its ports and the sufficiency of its fleet, give reason to fear that the full consequences of a forward step may not be soberly weighed. Napoleon, who knew better, once talked this way. "The islands of San Pietro, Corfu, and Malta," he wrote, "will make us masters of the whole Mediterranean." Vain boast! Within one year Corfu, in two years Malta, were rent away from the state that could not support them by its ships. Nay, more; had Bonaparte not taken the latter stronghold out of the hands of its degenerate but innocuous government, that citadal of the Mediterranean would perhaps—would probably—never have passed into those of his chief enemy. There is here also a lesson for us.

It is by no means logical to leap, from this recognition of the necessity of adequate naval force to secure outlying dependencies, to the conclusion that the United States would for that object need a navy equal to the largest now existing. A nation as far removed as is our own from the bases of foreign naval strength may reasonably reckon upon the qualification that distance—not to speak of the complex European interests close at hand—impresses upon the exertion of naval strength. The mistake is when our remoteness, unsupported by carefully calculated force, is regarded as an armor of proof, under cover of which any amount of swagger may be safely indulged. Any estimate of what is an adequate naval force for our country may properly take large account of the happy interval that separates both our present territory and our future aspirations from the centers of interest really vital to European states. If to these safeguards be added, on our part, a sober recognition of what our reasonable sphere of influence is and a candid justice in dealing with foreign interests within that sphere, there will be little disposition to question our preponderance therein.

Among all foreign states it is especially to be hoped that each passing year may render more cordial the relations between ourselves and the great nation from whose loins we sprang. The radical identity of spirit which underlies our superficial differences of polity will surely so draw us closer together, if we do not willfully set our faces against a tendency which would give our race the predominance over the seas of the world. To force such a consummation is impossible, and, if possible, would not be wise; but surely it would be a lofty aim, fraught with immeasurable benefits, to desire it, and to raise no needless impediments by advocating perfectly proper acts, demanded by our evident interests in offensive or arrogant terms.—(A. T. MAHAN.)

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XII. Also the following extract from the report of hon. john quincy adams, chairman of the committee on foreign affairs of the house of representatives, on the message of president tyler, december 30, 1842.

"It is a subject of cheering contemplation to the friends of human improvement and virtue that, by the mild and gentle influence of Christian charity, dispensed by humble missionaries of the gospel, unarmed with secular power, within the last quarter of a century, the people of this group of islands have been converted from the lowest debasement of idolatry to the blessings of the Christian gospel; united under one balanced government; rallied to the fold of civilization by a written language and constitution, providing security for the rights of persons, property and mind, and invested with all the elements of right and power which can entitle them to be acknowledged by their brethren of the human race as a separate and independent community. To the consummation of their acknowledgment the people of the North American Union are urged by an interest of their own, deeper than that of any other portion of the inhabitants of the earth—by a virtual right of conquest, not over the freedom of their brother man by the brutal arm of physical power, but over the mind and heart by the celestial panoply of the gospel of peace and love."

XIII. Also the following, a translation of the constitution of the hawaiian government of 1840.

"In the Hawaiian bill of rights, the chiefs endeavored to incorporate in few words the general basis of personal rights, both of the chiefs and common people, and to guard against perversion; and this they have accomplished with, perhaps, as much precision and consistency as the Americans, who affirm 'that all men are born free and equal, possessing certain inalienable rights, life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.' " With distinguished and commendable care do the Hawaiians of 1840 acknowledge the paramount authority of God, in which Kaahumanu had set them a noble example, and the importance of an unwavering purpose in legislation not to controvene his word,"

The following translation I have made with care from the original, published at the islands as the constitution of 1840:

"God has made of one blood all the nations of men, that they might alike dwell upon the earth in peace and prosperity. And he has given certain equal rights to all people and chiefs of all countries. These are the rights or gifts which he has granted to every man and chief of correct deportment, life, the members of the body, freedom in dwelling and acting, and the rightful products of his hands and mind; but not those things which are inhibited by the laws."

From God also are the office of rulers and the reign of chief magistrates for protection; but in enacting the laws of the land it is not right to make a law protecting the magistrate only and not subjects; neither is it proper to establish laws for enriching chiefs only without benefiting the people, and hereafter no law shall be established in opposition to the above declarations; neither shall taxes, servitude, nor labor be exacted without law of any man in a manner at variance with those principles.

"PROTECTION FOR ALL.

"Therefore let this declaration be published in order to the equal protection of all the people and all the chiefs of these islands while

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maintaining a correct deportment, that no chief may oppress any subject, and that chiefs and people may enjoy equal security under the same system of law; the persons, the lands, the dwelling enclosures, and all the property of all the people are protected while they conform to the laws of the Kingdom, neither shall any of these be taken except by the provisions of law. Any chief who shall perseveringly act in opposition to this constitution shall cease to hold his office as a chief of these Hawaiian Islands; and the same shall apply to governors, officers of Government, and land agents. But if one condemned should turn again and conform himself to the laws it shall be in the power ot the chiefs to reinstate him in the standing he occupied before his trespass.

"FOUNDATION OF LAWS.

"According to the principles above declared, we purpose to regulate this Kingdom, and to seek the good of all the chiefs and all the people of these Hawaiian Islands. We are aware that we can not succeed by ourselves alone, but through God we can; for He is King over all kingdoms; by whom protection and prosperity may be secured; therefore do we first beseech him to point out to us the right course, and aid our work.

"Wherefore, resolved,

"I . No law shall be enacted at variance with the word of the Lord Jehovah, or opposed to the grand design of that word. All the laws of this country shall accord with the general design of God's law.

"II . All men of every form of worship shall be protected in their worshipping Jehovah, and in their serving Him; nor shall any one be punished for merely neglecting to serve God, provided he injures no man and brings no evil on the Kingdom.

"III. The law shall support every unblamable man who is injured by another all shall be protected in every good work, and every man shall be punishable who brings evil on the Kingdom or individuals. Nor shall any unequal law be established to give favor to one through evil to another.

"IV. No man shall be punished unless his crime be first made to appear, nor shall he be punished without being examined in the presence of his accuser. When the accused and the accuser have met face to face, and the trial proceeds according to law, and guilt is established before them both, then punishment shall follow.

"V. It shall not be proper for any man or chief to sit as judge or juror to try his own benefactor, or one directly connected with him. Therefore, if one is condemned or acquitted, and it shall soon be known that some of the triers acted with partiality to favor whom he loved, or perhaps to enrich himself, then there may be a new trial before the impartial."

"EXPLANATION OF THE POSITION OF THE RULERS.

"The nature of the position of the chief magistrates and of the policy of the country is this: Kamehameha I was the head of this Kingdom or dynasty. To him pertained all the lands from Hawaii to Niihau, but they were not his own personal property; they belonged to the people and the chiefs, and Kamehameha was their head and the dictator of the country. Therefore no one had before, and no one has now, the right to convey away the smallest portion of these islands without the consent of the dictator of the Kingdom.

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"These are the dictators or the persons who have had the direction of it from that time down, Kamehameha II and Kaahumanu I, and at the present time Kamehameha III. To these persons only has belonged the direction or dictatorship of the realm down to the present time, and the documents written by them only are the documents of the Kingdom.

"The Kingdom is to be perpetuated to Kamehameha III and to his heirs, and his heir shall be one whom he and the chiefs shall appoint during his lifetime; but if he shall not nominate, then the appointment shall devolve solely on the nobles and representatives.

"PREROGATIVES OF THE KING.

"This is the King's position: He is the sovereign of all the people and all the chiefs. At his direction are the soldiers, the guns, the forts, and all the implements of war of the Kingdom. At his direction is the public property, the revenue from the poll tax, the land tax, and the three days monthly labor tax, to accord, however, with the provisions of law. He shall possess his own private lands, and such as shall be forfeited for the annual tax.

"He is the chief judge of the supreme court, and to him belongs the execution of the laws of the land, the decrees, and the treaties with other countries, in accordance with the provisions of the laws of this country.

"It is for him to make treaties with the rulers of all other kingdoms, and to hold intercourse with ministers sent hither from other countries, and to consummate agreements.

"It is for him to declare war should a period of distress arrive, and the chiefs could not well be assembled; and he shall be commander in chief of the army. All important business of the Kingdom not committed by law to others, belongs to him to transact.

"OF THE PREMIER OF THE KINGDOM.

"It shall be the duty of the King to appoint a chief of ability and high rank to be his prime minister, who shall be entitled premier of the Kingdom, whose office and business shall be like that of Kaahumanu I and Kaahumanu II. For in the life time of Kamehameha, the questions of life and death, right and wrong, were for Kaahumanu to decide, and at the time of his death he gave charge, 'Let the Kingdom be Liholiho's, and Kaahumanu the prime minister.' That policy of Kamehameha, wherein he sought to secure a premier, is to be perpetuated in this Hawaaiian country, but in accordance with the provisions of law.

"This is the business of the premier: Whatever appropriate business of the Kingdom the King intends to do the premier may do in the name of the King. The words and acts of the Kingdom by the premier are the words and acts of the King. The premier shall receive and acknowledge the revenue of the Kingdom and deliver it to the King. The premier shall be the King's special counsellor in all the important business of the Kingdom. The King shall not transact public business without the concurrence of the premier; nor shall the premier transact public business without the concurrence of the King. If the King shall veto what the premier counsels or attempts that is a negative. Whatever important public business the King chooses to transact in person he may do, but only with the approbation or consent of the premier.

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"OF GOVERNORS.

"There shall be four governors in this Hawaiian country; one of Hawaii, one of Maui and the adjacent isles, one of Oahu, and one of Kauai and the adjacent isles. All the governors from Hawaii to Kauai shall hold their office under the King.

"This is the character and duty of the office of governor: He is the director of all the tax officers in his island, and shall sustain their orders which he shall deem right, confirming according to the provisions of law, and not his own arbitrary will. He shall preside over all the judges of his island and execute their decisions as above stated. He shall choose the judges of his district and give them their commissions.

"The governor is the high chief (viceroy) over his island or islands, and shall have the direction of the forts, the soldiers, guns, and all the implements of war. Under the King and premier shall be all the governors from Hawaii to Kauai. Each shall have charge of the revenue of his island, and shall deliver it to the premier.

"In case of distress he may act as dictator, if neither King nor premier can be consulted. He shall have charge of all the King's business on the island, the taxation, improvements, and means of increasing wealth, and all officers there shall be under him. To him belong all questions and business pertaining to the government of the island, not assigned by law to others.

"On the decease of a governor, the chiefs shall assemble at such a place as the King shall appoint, and together seek out a successor of the departed governor, and the person whom they shall choose and the King approve by writing shall be the new governor.

"OF CHIEFS OR NOBLES UNDER THE KING.

"In the public councils of the chiefs these are the counsellors for the current period: Kamehamelia III, Kekauluohi, Hoapiliwahine, Kaukini, Kekauonohi, Kahekili, Paki, Konia, Keohokalole, Leleiohoku, Kehuanaoa, Keliiahonui, Kanaina, Li Keoniana, a me Haalilio, and if a new member is to enter the law shall specify it. These persons shall take part in the councils of the Kingdom. But if the council choose to admit others merely for consultation it shall be allowable, the specified counsellors only being allowed to vote. No law shall be enacted for the country without their consent.

"In this manner shall they proceed: They shall meet annually to devise means for benefiting the country and enact laws for the Kingdom. In the month of April shall they assemble at such time and place as the King shall appoint. It shall be proper for the King to take counsel with them on all the important concerns of the Kingdom in order to secure harmony and prosperity, or the general good, and they shall attend to all the business which the King shall commit to them. They shall retain their own personal estates, larger or smaller divisions of the country, and may conduct their affairs on their own lands according to their pleasure, but not in opposition to the laws of the Kingdom.

"OF REPRESENTATIVES ELECTED

"Several men shall be annually chosen to act in council with the King and chiefs, and to devise with them laws for the country. Some from Hawaii, some from Maui, some from Oahu, and some from Kauai, shall the plebeians choose according to their own pleasure. The law

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will determine the method of choosing and the number to be chosen. These chosen representatives shall have a voice in the Government, and no law can be established without the consent of the majority of them.

"OF THE MEETINGS OF THE LEGISLATURE OR PARLIAMENT.

"There shall be an annual meeting as aforesaid, but if the chiefs choose another meeting at another time they may meet at their discretion.

"In the assembling of Parliament, let the hereditary nobles meet by themselves and the elected rulers meet by themselves. But if they choose to take counsel together occasionally at their discretion, so be it.

"In this manner shall they proceed: The hereditary chiefs shall choose a secretary for their body, and on the day of their assembling he shall record all their transactions; and that book shall be preserved that what they devise for the Kingdom may not be lost.

"In the same manner shall the elected representatives proceed; they shall choose a secretary for themselves, and on the day they assemble, to seek the good of the Kingdom and agree on any measure, he shall record it in a book, which shall be carefully preserved, in order that the good desired for the country may not be lost. And no new law shall be established without the consent of a majority of the nobles and of the elected representatives.

"When any act or measure shall have been agreed on by them it shall be carried on paper to the King, and if he approves and signs his name, and also the premier, then it shall become a law of the Kingdom, and it shall not be repealed except by the body which enacted it.

"OF THE TAX OFFICERS.

"The King and premier shall choose tax officers and give them a commission in writing. They shall be distinct for the separate islands. There shall be three, or more or less, for each island, at the discretion of the King and premier.

"A tax officer, having received a commission, shall not be removed without a trial. If convicted of crime he may be removed; but the number of years the office shall continue may be previously limited by law.

"This is clearly the business of the tax officers: They shall apprise the people of the amount of assessment, that they may hear beforehand at the proper time; they shall proceed according to the orders of the governors and the provisions of law; and when the time for paying taxes shall arrive, they shall collect the amount and deliver it to the governor, and the governor to the premier, and the premier to the King. The tax officers shall also direct the public labor for the King, but may commit its details to the laud agents, presiding themselves over them in this work. They shall also have charge of any new business which the King may design to extend through the Kingdom, but in their doings they shall be subordinate to the governors. They shall be arbiters of the tax laws, and in all cases where land agents or landlords oppress the peasantry, and in every difficulty between land agents and tenants, and everything specified in the tax law established June 7th, 1839.

"In this manner shall they proceed: Each shall exercise his office

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in his own district. If a difficulty arise between a land agent and a tenant the tax officer shall investigate it, and if the tenant is in fault the tax officer and land agent shall execute the law upon him; but if the land agent is in fault in the judgment of the tax officer the latter shall call the other tax officers of the island, and, if they agree with him, judgment against the land agent is confirmed, and the governor shall execute the law on him; but if any believe the tax officer to have erred the governor may be apprised and try the case over again, and if he is believed to have erred the case may be made known to the supreme judges, and they shall try the case anew.

"OF THE JUDGES.

"The governor of each island shall choose judges for the island according to his own mind, two or more, at his own discretion, and give them a written commission. When they receive this they shall not be removed without trial, but the law may limit their term of office.

"In this manner shall they proceed: The court days shall be declared beforehand, and when the appointed day arrives they shall proceed with trials according to law. To them shall be given jurisdiction in respect to all the laws except those connected with taxation, and to the difficulties between land agents, landlords, and tenants. The governor shall sustain them and execute their judgment. But if their judgment is thought to be unjust he who thinks so may complain or appeal to the supreme judges.

"OF THE SUPREME JUDGES.

"The elected representatives shall choose four judges to assist the King and premier, and these six shall be the supreme judges of the Kingdom. This shall be their business: Cases of difficulty not well adjusted by the tax officers or island judges they shall try again according to law; the court days shall be declared beforehand, that those who are in difficulty may apply, and the decision of this court shall stand. There is thereafter no appeal. Life and death, to bind and release, to fine and not to fine, are at their disposal, and with them the end of controversy.

"OF CHANGES IN THE CONSTITUTION.

"This constitution shall not be considered as fully established until the people generally shall have heard it, and certain persons as herein mentioned shall be chosen and shall assent to it, then firmly established is this constitution.

"And thereafter, if it be designed to alter it, the people shall be first apprised of the nature of the amendment intended to be introduced, and the next year, at the meeting of the nobles and representatives, if they agree to insert a passage or to annul a passage, they may do it lawfully.

"This constitution, above stated, has been agreed to by the nobles, and our names are set to it this eighth day of October, in the year of our Lord 1840, at Honolulu, Oahu.

(Signed),

"Kamehameha III,
"Kekauluohi."

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"The house of nobles, or hereditary lords and ladies, consisted of the King himself, a female premier, four governors of islands, four women of rank, and five chiefs of the third rank. The people were allowed to choose by districts annually seven men to be members of the national Legislature for a year: two from Hawaii, two from Maui and adjacent islands, two from Oahu, and one from Kauai, the Government bearing their expenses. The proposition was also distinctly made to increase the number after a time. The right of suffrage, so far as to vote for one or two men to act in making laws and appointing supreme assistant judges, was extended to all, but guarded with peculiar care."

XIV. Also the following from the remarks of mr. draper, of massachusetts, made in the house of representatives, and published in the congressional record of february 4, 1894.

I believe that the true policy of this Government is to negotiate a suitable treaty with the de facto Government in Hawaii, and annex the islands.

After this (or before if necessary), if Liliuokalani is supposed to have any rights, purchase them (since she is willing to sell), but on no account ought we to neglect this opportunity of securing this naval and coaling station, so important to us, both from the point of view of commerce and of coast defense.

I will first point out briefly its advantages to us from a commercial point of view. Situated at the intersection of the trade route between North America and Australasia, with the rich commercial stream which will flow between the China Seas and the Atlantic as soon as the Isthmus canal (whether it be through Nicaragua or Panama) is opened, the position of Hawaii is ideal for controlling both lines of commerce; and, for a nation which expects to maintain trade routes in the Paciiic, its possession is a necessity.

All the great commercial powers recognize the fact that our trade must be guarded; that convenient stations, as near as possible to the well-defined trade routes, must be established; and that supplies and facilities for refitting may be available at distances not too widely separated.

Until 1886 Hawaii was nearer to the territory of the United States than to that of any other power, the distance to San Francisco being but 2,100 miles, while the British fortified port of Victoria, with its neighboring dockyard of Esquimault, and coal mines of Nanaimo, was 2,300 miles distant. The next nearest British port was Leonka, in the Fiji group, 2,700 miles distant in an opposite direction.

French territory was 2,380 miles distant at Tahiti; Germany held the Admiralty Islands, distant 3,400 miles; and Spain the Caroline Islands, 2,000 miles distant, and the Ladrones, about 2,900 miles distant.

Since that time Germany has moved up to a distance of 2,098 miles, by annexing the Marshall Islands and placing herself in a flanking position on both the South Pacific and transpacific trade routes. France, by the acquisition of the Low Archipelago and the Marquesas Islands, is 2,050 miles distant from Hawaii, on the South Pacific route. Great Britain has advanced from Fiji toward the intersecting point on clearly defined lines, annexing group after group and detached islands when they were on the line of approach, even though uninhabited or without harbors and of no commercial value, until in 1891 her flag was

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planted on Johnston Island, 6OO miles from Hawaii, and the nearest point she can approach to her American territory, unless the next move be the occupation of Hawaii itself.

In one year, 1888, British cruisers took possession of the Savage, Suwarrow, and Phoenix groups and Christmas and Fanning islands, and in 1892 the occupation of the Gilbert and Ellice groups and Gardner and Danger islands completed the covering of the South Pacific trade from Johnston Island to Australia. The only unannexed group on that line remaining is the Samoan Islands, and they are closely surrounded by British and French possessions.

It has not been a blind grab for territory which has been going on in the South Pacific for six years past, but a working out of strategical schemes with definite ends in view; and the United States is the only great power interested in the Pacific trade which has not had the wisdom to acquire territory in localities where the great trade of the future will need guarding and supplying.

Samoa and Hawaii have been ripe to our hands for years. They are most advantageously situated for our needs, as bases from which our cruisers could work in time of war to protect our own trade and break up that of an enemy. The moral force of the United States is all that has kept European hands off these two groups to the present time, but should a strategic necessity for their occupation by either of those powers arise moral force would lose its power and we would have to be prepared to then fight for them or to retire at once from the absurd dog-in-the-manger position we have so long occupied.

To appreciate fully the question of ocean trade it is well to observe the policy which Great Britain has consistently and successfully followed for generations in developing and supporting her commerce. Trade with India was established, then the route was guarded. When the Suez Canal was cut a different disposition was needed; and they now have the complete chain of guard stations formed by Gibraltar, Malta, Cyprus, Egypt, and Aden, the chain being continued to China by Ceylon, Penang, Singapore, and Hongkong. The route around the Cape of Good Hope and to Australia is covered by Sierra Leone, Ascension, St. Helena, Cape Town, Natal, Zanzibar, and Mauritius. To America the route is guarded by St. Johns, Halifax, Bermuda, Jamaica, St. Lucia, Barbados, Nassau, Balize, and Demerara.

The Falkland Islands at the southern extremity of America form a guard station for the trade passing around Cape Horn, and up to this point it is well to note that no station is farther than 3,000 miles from the next on the trade route it is designed to protect; and cruisers patrolling the routes, as well as merchant vessels traversing them, need never be farther removed than 1,500 miles from a base where supplies of coal and facilities for refitting are available. The foresighted statesmen of Great Britain have had a full understanding of the fact that the preservation intact of the circulation of British ships in the great arteries of trade is an absolute requisite to the well-being and even life of the British Empire, and this it is which has guided them in the establishing around the world a complete chain of guarded stations, from which her commerce can be supplied and succored, whether peace or war prevail. Until very recent times British trade in the Pacific has not been essential so far as the welfare of the Empire was concerned, and the guarding stations at the Falkland Islands, Fiji, and Victoria, British Columbia, may have been supposed to be sufficient for all needs; but it is worthy of note that as long ago as 1877 an essayist of acknowledged ability (Vice-Admiral Colomb, of the British navy) asserted, "I

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hold it futile to attempt the defense of the Pacific trade route by any sort of vessels which must rest on the bases of Vancouver, Fiji, and the Falkland Islands." It is also worthy of note that contemporaneously with the completion of the Canadian Pacific Railroad, and the establishment from its Pacific terminus of regular steamer lines to China and to Australasia, the British bases began to be moved closer together; and when the probability of the building of the Nicaragua Canal was established, the movement toward the trade center at Hawaii became a very rapid one.

At present, instead of the wide gaps in the British system of 3,000-mile stations, which existed when the Falkland Island station was 7,900 miles from that at Vancouver and 6,700 miles from that at Fiji, which in turn was 4,800 miles from Vancouver, they have established the flag of the Empire at Easter Island, 2,400 miles from the Falkland group, which is in turn 600 miles from newly acquired Ducie Island, from where Pitcairn Island is 300, and the Cook group still farther, 1,800 miles, on a line toward Fiji. On the line from Fiji to Vancouver the gap has been shortened to 2,900 miles from Johnston Island to Vancouver, and all the intermediate territory from Johnston Island to Fiji is under the British flag.

Other stations are still needed, and British strategists make no secret of the assertion that on the outbreak of war with a maritime power, a necessary first move, unless the Pacific trade were to be abandoned, would be the occupation and retention of Hawaii, Guadalupe Island, off the coast of Lower California, and one of the islands in the Bay of Panama, with a reliance on the friendship or fears of the South American States for depots at Callao and Valparaiso. As a matter of fact, they have such a depot at present in the harbor of Callao.

Now, Mr. Speaker, sentiment has not hoisted the British flag over these isolated ports, which, to maintain in a state of efficiency, are a source of great expense without any apparent return. Their coal depots, storehouses, repairing facilities, and at salient points batteries and garrisons, are provided by a business instinct purely, which recognizes that the trade which is the lifeblood of the empire must be efficiently guarded; and centuries of experience have taught them the proper means to employ.

If there is a gap in the guard stations of the Pacific trade at present, or a salient point which should be possessed, and Hawaii is such a point, sentiment, which does not trouble our British friends, will not prevent their cruisers, under the direction of far-seeing statesmen, whose aim is to secure any and every advantage for British trade, from seizing and holding, when the time to them seems propitious, just what is thought necessary to strengthen the weak places in their trade-route patrol.

War ships to patrol a trade route efficiently, to guard their own commerce and damage that of an enemy, require bases from which to operate with the certainty of finding their necessities supplied at any one of them. Merchant vessels in time of war require them as points of rendezvous and refuge, and, as we have seen, Great Britain has foreseen the necessities and provided such bases at convenient points. No other nation has this immense advantage, although France and Germany are making great efforts, the former in Africa, Asia, and Australasia, and the latter, so far, in Africa and Australasia only, where coal depots and bases for naval operations have been established.

The United States has the right to establish coal depots in Samoa and Hawaii, and at present small supplies exist at both places; but

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unprotected they are of no value, and Germany has equal rights in the former.

The concession in 1887 of Pearl River, in Hawaii, to the United States for use as naval station, with exclusive privilege of establishing a dry dock, storehouses, and repair shops, is a valuable one, but has never been utilized. The situation is admirable, and the estimated cost of necessary fortifications and harbor works is moderate in view of the great advantage to our nation.

Our position with regard to dry docks in the Pacific is peculiarly weak. Modern war vessels require docking at intervals, and a fleet to maintain command of the sea must have dry docks in which to make repairs and maintain the ship in a state of full efficiency as to speed. We have not one dock outside the mainland of our country which would be available for our ships in time of war; and on the entire Pacific coast have at present but one large and one small dock, at the Mare Island navy-yard, and one building in Puget Sound, and our vessels in the Pacific would have to return to them whenever docking was requisite.

Great Britain, on the contrary, has made ample provisions in this respect. Bordering on the Pacific she has Government dry docks at Esquimault, Brisbane, Sydney, Melbourne, and Hongkong, while many private docks are available in the ports of Australia, New Zealand, Hongkong, Singapore, Penang, and India.

France has Government dry docks in New Caledonia and Saigon, Cochin China. Holland has governmental dry docks, which would probably be available for Germany, in Sourabaya and Batavia; and Russia has two large ones in the southeast corner of Siberia, at Vladivostock. We must have additional docking facilities if we are to maintain either naval power or trade in the Pacific waters it time of war.

Coming now to the strategic advantages from coast defense point of view.

No naval force can operate on a hostile coast without a friendly base within easy distance. Our Atlantic coast is faced by a line of foreign bases. England has strongly fortified Halifax on our Northeast border, and built Government dry docks both there and at St. Johns. Six hundred and ninety miles from New York, and less than 6OO from the Carolina coast, she has at great expense fortified Bermuda, furnished it with the largest floating dry dock in the world, and supplied it with great stores of coal and shops for repair work, and all for the sole purpose of maintaining a base from which British naval forces could operate against the Atlantic coast of the United States in time of war. Jamaica and St. Lucia perform the same duty with regard to our Gulf coasts and the isthmus transit; and it is a notable fact that the defenses of all these places have been extensively augmented since an isthmus canal became a possibility of the near future.

France has St. Pierre and Miquelon on our Northeast borders, with Guadeloupe, Martinique, and Cayenne on the South coast. Spain has her bases in Cuba and Porto Rico; the Dutch in Curacoa, and the Danes in St. Thomas; and it is not improbable that either of the two latter may be available for a German base should occasion arise.

Any power which has not such a naval base off our coast can not make successful war upon the United States, a fact which was quickly appreciated by Italy during a late diplomatic incident; and an early move of the United States in a war with either of the European powers possessing these bases would have to be their capture and retention, if

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possible. If the United States held all the bases named it would be practically free from attack on its Atlantic coast.

In the Pacific we now have the opportunity to secure our Western coast by accepting possession of Hawaii as our most rational form of coast defense. With adequate fortifications on these islands, and a suitable naval force in the Pacific, our coast would be far more secure in time of war than it could be made by any expenditure for harbor defenses on the mainland alone.

Further, if our commercial interests are to predominate in the future in those waters our fleet must predominate there also, and a properly proportionate fleet would be a sufficient guaranty that serious attack would not be made on this most important naval base.

The same is equally true of our entire Pacific coast, as with such a fleet, with bases at San Francisco, Hawaii, and the entrance to the Nicaragua Canal, not only would our Pacific trade be secure and that of any other power untenable, but our coast line would be equally secure, and American control of the canal, so far as the Pacific end of it is concerned, would be assured.

Excepting Hawaii the only base for possible extensive naval operations against the Pacific States is the British station at Esquimault, which is susceptible of capture by a land expedition.

It must be distinctly understood that Hawaii can not remain independent supported only by moral force. It is of too great strategic value and will assuredly meet the fate of all islands and isolated points of like value at the hands of either Great Britain, France, or Germany, each of the two former having already once seized them (once in 1843 and once in 1849). Even if the United States were by moral force to preserve Hawaiian independence during time of peace the islands would undoubtedly be seized by the first naval power with whom we went to war, and held by all the force it could muster, as a base from which to attack our Western coast and gain control of the prospective canal.

For the United States to expend great sums on the local defense of San Francisco in the shape of forts and harbor defenses, and leave Hawaii to become a base for operations against them, is a short-sighted and extravagant policy.

As Bermuda is a standing menace in front of our Atlantic coast, so will Hawaii become a similar one to our Pacific coast, if we do not hold it as an essential part of our coast defense.

COAL.

To make the advantage of Hawaii to this country from a naval standpoint clearer I will devote a little time to some details of the question of coal and coaling stations. The possession of unlimited coal is a great advantage to a nation, but in order to convert it into naval advantage it must be placed on board of a ship of war. This is a simple thing with us so long as our naval vessels are in home ports, or so long as we are at peace, wherever the ships may be. It is in time of war that the difficulties of making our naval strength felt away from our own coasts will become apparent. Neutral ports will then be closed to our cruisers so far as supplying their coal necessities is concerned, for coal will be contraband of war as much as is other ammunition. Coaling in the open sea from supply ships is, up to the present time, an unsolved problem, and even if satisfactory mechanical arrangements be devised the supply vessels must run the gauntlet of hostile cruisers for great distances. A certainty of finding

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the collier in specified localities on definite dates, which is almost impossible without naval stations, must also be established, as a failure to meet would result in leaving the cruiser helpless. Wind is no longer a motive power for ships of war, and the days when a cruiser could keep the sea and do the work she was designed for, so long as her provisions and water held out, are gone. Coal is now the prime necessity, and unless our cruisers have points provided for them to which they can go with a certainty of finding a supply, they will on the outbreak of war have to be brought home to operate off our own coasts from the home bases of supply, or else be left powerless in neutral harbors until the close of the war.

The only other solution is to build cruisers of such size that they can carry their own coal and remain at sea for long periods independent of coal depots or supply vessels.

According to the published performances of our cruisers the very best that has yet been done by one of them is the late voyage of the Philadelphia, steaming from Callao to Honolulu, a distance of 5,200 miles, burning 703 tons of coal in eighteen days, at the rate of 12 knots an hour, and 39 tons of coal a day, which gives a distance of 7.3 knots per ton of coal burned.

As this ship and all the others of her class (and we have a number of them) can carry only about 1,000 tons of coal, in some cases less, she would have been powerless to reach any other port from Honolulu had she not been able to replenish her supply upon arrival.

It is not known that the cruisers of any foreign power have done so well; and it is a fact that, class for class, our cruisers carry more coal and steam better than do those of other nations; but it is also a fact that we need much greater coal-carrying capacity than we have at present, or else we must follow foreign example and establish coal depots.

It is published that we have two commerce-destroyers, with light batteries, substantially completed, each to carry 2,200 tons of coal, which at the Philadelphia's rate of 7.3 knots per ton of coal, would enable them to cover at slow speed about 16,000 miles; but if they are to destroy commerce they will have to occasionally steam at much greater speed than 10 to 12 knots, and it is safe to say that in time of war they could not cover a greater distance than 12,000 miles without replenishing their supply. This would mean an immediate return after a cruise of 6,000 miles, as we have now no place to which they could go away from our mainland, with a certainty of getting the coal that is absolutely necessary to their usefulness.

England does not need a coal capacity in any of her vessels greater than will enable them to traverse 4,000 or 5,000 miles, as we have seen that her coal depots are planted along the trade routes at distances of about 3,000 miles.

France, where she has important commercial interests, has similar depots; so have Germany, Holland, and Spain.

Russia is nearly as badly off as is the United States, but she has the fortified depot of Vladivostock in Asiatic waters and has lately acquired the use of French ports wherever she may need them. Even with these advantages she is furnishing herself with crusiers of great size, carrying over 3,000 tons of coal.

We have neither the depots nor the cruisers of great coal endurance; and the most rational mode of strengthening this very apparent weakness would seem to be to obtain coal depots, as the English do, and to begin by accepting the most valuable one of Hawaii.

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As an example on this point, no foreign armored ships have a greater coal endurance than those of Italy, yet not one of these immense ships can steam over 7,000 miles without replenishing its supply, and some of them can not do so well.

As the distance from Italy to the coast of the United States is practically about 5,000 miles, they would have a very brief period of usefulness after arrival on our coasts, in the absence of the bases possessed by other European powers, and would have to rely on supply cruisers over a long line of communication, which could be cut off by cruisers, in the absence of the most efficient patrol.

The same is quite true of the United States or any other power which undertakes a naval expedition without a base, as no number of batteries or battalions stationed on the mainland can secure the safety of the needed supplies while in transit, or the usefulness of a naval force at any distance from a home port.

The development of foreign commerce is one, perhaps the principal, argument advanced for the free-trade policy of the Democratic party. While not agreeing with this policy, I am willing to agree that ocean trade is an important source of prosperity to any nation. That of the Pacific is just opening on an era of activity which will be vastly augmented on the completion of an isthmus canal, and this trade belongs to the United States, if we are wise enough to secure it.

But trade, to establish itself on a sound basis, must feel assured of protection at all times, and know that it will not have to be abandoned on the outbreak of every little war which may turn loose upon it a pack of destroyers of insignificant strength, compelling it to lie idle with all the capital involved until peace prevails again.

If the United States aim at commercial supremacy in the Pacific, its trade must have such assurances, and a first necessity is the acquisition of bases for the protectors. Not only Hawaii is needed, but Somoa (distant 2,200 miles); a station at the mouth of the canal (say, 4,200 miles from Honolulu and 3,000 from San Francisco); and another at the Straits of Magellan (distant 4,000 miles from the isthmus and 5,000 from Somoa). With these bases, a properly organized fleet of sufficient size to keep the communications open between them, will hold the Pacific as an American ocean, dominated by American commercial enterprise for all time.

Now, the value of these islands to the United States for the reasons I have stated has long been appreciated by American statesmen.

Minister Stevens, whatever attacks may be made upon him, is certainly an able, farsighted, and loyal American, and his letter of November 20,1892, to Secretary Foster, on this subject, is well worthy of perusal.

Minister McCook wrote in 1866 to Secretary Seward in regard to the Sandwich Islands, in part, as follows:

"They are the resting place, supply depot, and reshipping point of all our American whaling fleet. The greater part of the agricultural, commercial, and moneyed interests of the islands are in the hands of American citizens. All vessels from our Pacific coast to China pass close to these shores.

"Geographically these islands occupy the same important relative position toward the Pacific that the Bermudas do toward the Atlantic coast of the United States, a position which makes them important to the English, convenient to the French, and, in the event of war with either of those powers, absolutely necessary to the United States."

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Minister Pierce, in 1871, wrote the following to Secretary Fish:

"Impressed with the importance of the subject now presented for consideration, I beg leave to suggest the inquiry whether the period has not arrived making it proper, wise, and sagacious for the United States Government to again consider the project of annexing the Hawaiian Islands to the territory of the Republic. That such is to be the political destiny of this archipelago seems a foregone conclusion in the opinion of all who have given attention to the subject in this country, the United States, England, France, and Germany.

"A majority of the aborigines, creoles, and naturalized foreigners of this country, as I am credibly informed, are favorable, even anxious for the consummation of the measure named.

"The native population is fast disappearing. The number existing is now estimated at 45,000, having decreased about 15,000 since the census of 1860. The number of foreigners in addition is between 5,000 and 6,000, two-thirds of whom are from the United States, and they own more than that proportion of foreign capital, as represented in the agriculture, commerce, navigation, and whale fisheries of the Kingdom.

"I now proceed to state some points of a more general character which should influence the United States Government in their decision of the policy of acquiring possession of this archipelago, their geographical position, occupying, as it does, an important central strategical point in the North Pacific Ocean, valuable, perhaps necessary, to the United States for a naval depot and coaling station, and to shelter and protect our commerce and navigation, which in this hemisphere is destined to increase enormously from our intercourse with the 500,000,000 population of China, Japan, and Australia. Humboldt predicted that the commerce on the Pacific would in time rival that of the Atlantic. A future generation, no doubt, will see the prophecy fulfilled.

"The immense injury inflicted on American navigation and commerce by Great Britain in the war of 1812-1814 through her possession of Bermuda and other West India Islands, as also that suffered by the English from French privateers from the Isle of France during the wars between those two nations, are instances in proof of the necessity of anticipating and preventing, if we can, similar evils that may issue from these islands if held by other powers.

"Their proximity to the Pacific States of the Union, fine climate and soil, and tropical productions of sugar, coffee, rice, fruits, hides, goatskins, salt, cotton, fine wool, etc., required in the West, in exchange for flour, grain, lumber, shooks, and manufactures of cotton, wool, iron, and other articles, are evidence of the commercial value of one to the other region. Is it probable that any European power who may hereafter be at war with the United States will refrain from taking possession of this weak Kingdom in view of the great injury that could be done to our commerce through their acquisition to them?"

Secretary Fish, in a letter of instruction of March, 1873, used the following language:

"The position of the Sandwich Islands as an outpost, fronting and commanding the whole of our possessions on the Pacific Ocean, gives to the future of those islands a peculiar interest to the Government and people of the United States. It is very clear that this Government can not be expected to assent to their transfer from their present control to that of any powerful maritime or commercial nation. Such transfer to a maritime power would threaten a military surveillance in the Pacific similar to that which Bermuda has afforded in the Atlantic. The latter

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has been submitted to from necessity, inasmuch as it was congenital with our Government, but we desire no additional similar outposts in the hands of those who may at some future time use them to our disadvantage."

Gen. Schofield, in May, 1873, under confidential instructions from the Secretary of War, made a full report upon the value of Pearl Harbor as a coaling and repair station, recommending its acquisition, and later he appeared before a committee of the House of Representatives to urge the importance of some measure looking to the control of the Sandwich Islands by the United States.

Now, the desired and desirable opportunity has arrived. The Provisional Goverment proposes a treaty of annexation, and the so-called Queen is ready to part with such rights as she has for a comparatively small sum.

The whites of the island desire earnestly to join us, and the natives certainly are not violently opposed.

This is shown by the fact that when the American flag was lowered in Hawaii, by order of Commissioner Blount, although it created some excitement in this country, it caused no rejoicing there, according to Mr. Blount's report.

He says:

"Inspired with such feelings, and confident no disorder would ensue, I directed the removal of the flag of the United States from the Government building, and the return of the American troops to their vessels. This was accomplished without any demonstration of joy or grief on the part of the populace."

Capt. Hooper says:

"There were no demonstrations of any kind as the American flag came down, and not a single cheer greeted the Hawaiian flag as it was raised aloft. The native men stood around in groups, or singly, smoking and chatting and nodding familiarly to passing friends, or leaning idly against the trees and fences, while the women and children, which formed a large proportion of the assemblage, were talking and laughing good-naturedly. As the hour for hauling down the American flag approached, many people, men, women, and children could be seen approaching the Government square in a most leisurely manner, and showing more interest in the gala-day appearance of the crowd than in the restoration of their national flag. The air of good-natured indifference and idle curiosity with which the native men regarded the proceedings, and the presence of the women and children in their white or bright-colored dresses was more suggestive of a country "fair" or horse race than the sequel of a 'revolution.'"

Even the presence of the "armed forces" of the Provisional Government, numbering, perhaps, 200, parading the corridors of the Government house, failed to elicit any sign of a feeling of anger or resentment.

Mr. John F. Colburn, one of the Queen's cabinet, in describing the revolution, says:

"The next day (Monday) the proclamation dictated by these gentlemen was printed and posted and distributed all over town. Later on in the day two mass meetings were held, one by the native element and the other by the foreign element. At the former the natives accepted the proclamation, though it was directly contrary to what they wanted (a new constitution), and the latter denounced the Queen and left everything in the hands of the committee of safety spoken about."

S. Doc. 231, pt 6----32

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Colburn's remark that the natives accepted the proclamation, although

it was directly contrary to what they wanted, is delicious.

There is no reason against annexation in the dissimilarity of laws, as an official document issued by our War Department in February of this year contains the following statement:

"The laws are modeled on those of the United States. There is a supreme court of justice, and, in addition, circuit judges and justices of the peace."

On the authority of this book I also state that 91 per cent of the trade of these islands is with the United States.

The former policy of our Government toward Hawaii and the anticipation of their eventual annexation is detailed in the report of Secretary Foster, of February 15, 1893, from which I will read briefly.

[Senate Ex. Doc. No. 77, Fifty-second Congress, second session.]

"The policy of the United States has been consistently and constantly declared against any foreign aggression in the Kingdom of Hawaii inimical to the necessarily paramount rights and interests of the American people there and the uniform contemplation of their annexation as a contingent necessity. But beyond that it is shown that annexation has been on more than one occasion avowed as a policy and attempted as a fact. Such a solution was admitted as early as 1850 by so farsighted a statesman as Lord Palmerston when he recommended to a visiting Hawaiian commission the contingency of a protectorate under the United States, or of becoming an integral part of this nation in fulfillment of a destiny due to close neighborhood and commercial dependence upon the Pacific States.

"Early in 1851 a contingent deed of cession of the Kingdom was drawn and signed by the King and placed sealed in the hands of the commissioner of the United States, who was to open it and act upon its provisions at the first hostile shot fired by France in subversion of Hawaiian independence.

"In 1854 Mr. Marcy advocated annexation, and a draft of a treaty was actually agreed upon with the Hawaiian ministry, but its completion was delayed by the successful exercise of foreign influence upon the heir to the throne, and finally defeated by the death of the King, Kamehameha III.

"In 1867 Mr. Seward, having become advised of a strong annexation sentiment in the islands, instructed our minister at Honolulu favorably to receive any native overtures for annexation. And on the 12th of September, 1867, he wrote to Mr. McCook that 'if the policy of annexation should conflict with the policy of reciprocity, annexation is in every case to be preferred.'

"President Johnson in his annual message of December 9, 1868, regarded reciprocity with Hawaii as desirable 'until the people of the island shall of themselves, at no distant day, voluntarily apply for admission into the Union.'

"In 1871, on the 5th of April, President Grant, in a special message, significantly solicited some expression of the views of the Senate respecting the advisability of annexation.

"In an instruction of March 25, 1873, Mr. Fish considered the necessity of annexing the islands in accordance with the wise foresight of those who see a future that must extend the jurisdiction and the limits of this nation, and that will require a resting spot in midocean

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between the Pacific coast and the vast domains of Asia, which are now opening to commerce and Christian civilization.' And he directed our minister not to discourage the feeling which may exist in favor of annexation to the United States, but to seek and even invite information touching the terms and conditions upon which that object might be effected.

"Since the conclusion of the reciprocity treaty of 1875 it has been the obvious policy of the succeeding administrations to assert and defend against other powers the exclusive commercial rights of the United States and to fortify the maintenance of the existing Hawaiian Government through the direct support of the United States so long as that Government shall prove able to protect our paramount rights and interests.

"On December 1, 1881, Mr. Blaine, in an instruction to the American minister at Honolulu, wrote:

"'It (this Government) firmly believes that the position of the Hawaiian Islands, as the key to the dominion of the American Pacific, demands their benevolent neutrality, to which end it will earnestly cooperate with the native Government. And if through any cause the maintenance of such a position of benevolent neutrality should be found by Hawaii to be impracticable, this Government would then unhesitatingly meet the altered situation by seeking an avowedly American solution of the grave issues presented.'"

Now, a word as to the objections to annexation and I will close. I know that a new line of thought has been developed among us, which I can not better characterize than by calling it a system of national self-abnegation.

If any policy can be shown to be for the special advantage of the United States gentlemen holding these views oppose it.

If Hawaii is valuable to us there will be so much the more generosity in presenting it to England.

If our business has been more prosperous, and our labor better paid than elsewhere, they think this is not fair to the rest of the world, and advocate a reduction of the tariff to equalize conditions.

I do not address myself to gentlemen holding such views, as I can not understand their position nor they mine.

From my own standpoint I have heard only one objection to the policy of annexation that seemed to me to have substantial weight. It is that the population of the Sandwich Islands are in great part unfit for American citizenship. This may be true, but in that case we can annex it as a part of one of our present States, or maintain a territorial government until they are fitted, as we are doing in the case of Alaska, and as we have done heretofore with other annexations.

The fear of annexing these small islands, which we so much need, on grounds of opposition to territorial expansion, seems peculiar, almost absurd, in a country more than three-quarters of whose territory comes from annexations by purchase or otherwise.

	Square miles.
In 1783 our territory amounted to	827,844
The Louisiana purchase added	1,179,931
Florida added	59,268
Texas added	376,133
The Mexican cession, California, etc	545,783
The Gadsden purchase	45,535
The Alaska purchase	577,390
Making a total of	3,603,884

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After assimilating all this territory we ought not to be afraid of 6,000 square miles more.

To summarize: These islands will not only be valuable to us, but their possession is a commercial and naval necessity. They are offered to us by both of the parties who claim to be entitled to their control. If we do not accept, their incorporation by one of the European powers is likely, and they will be a menace to our Pacific coast from that time forward.

As Americans, actuated by the desire to advance our country's interests, we shall never have a greater opportunity than the present one, and I sincerely hope we shall take advantage of it.

XV. Also the following extract from an article, published in harper's magazine for september, 1883, prepared by mr. marshall, a special envoy of kamehameha iii to the united states and england, to arrange for the revocation of the acts of lord george paulet in occupying hawaii as territory of great britain.

AN UNPUBLISHED CHAPTER OF HAWAIIAN HISTORY.

"From 1838 till 1843 the Hawaiian Islands were a bone of contention. Intrigues were constantly set on foot by agents and subjects of France and England, having for their object the subversion of the native Government and the seizure of the islands. In 1839 the French compelled the King, Kamehameha III, to comply with certain unwarrantable demands, and as a security for future good behavior to deposit $20,000. It was thought that the demand was made in expectation that the King would be unable to comply, and that thus the French would have an excuse to seize the groups. The American merchants came forward and raised the sum, and the peril was for a time averted.

"But the plots continued, and in 1842 the British consul, Richard Charleton, a coarse and illiterate man, incited by an ambitious adventurer, one Alexander Simpson, endeavored to involve the native Government in difficulties that would result in hoisting the British flag over the group. In the same year Sir George Simpson, governor of the Hudson Bay Company's territories, visited the islands. An English gentleman of liberal views, he would not lend himself to the intrigues of his countrymen, albeit one of them was his nephew, and by his advice the King, harassed on all sides, decided to send commissioners to the United States, England, and France to try to obtain, if possible, a definite acknowledgment of his Kingdom and sovereignty.

"To this important embassy were appointed Rev. William Richards, formerly one of the American missionaries, but who had been for some time acting as adviser to the King, and Haalileo, a native chief. They quietly embarked in a small schooner for Mazatlan, and crossed Mexico to Vera Cruz. As soon as it was known that they had left the islands on this mission the British consul, Charleton, also secretly embarked for London, via Mexico, to lay his complaints before the British Government, leaving Simpson as deputy to carry out their joint designs, whom, however, the Hawaiian Government declined to recognize.

"On the Mexican coast Charleton fell in with Lord George Paulet, commanding Her British Majesty's frigate, the Carysfort, and made his lordship, as his course afterward showed, a convert to his schemes, and, by his formal and plausable complaints against the King, induced

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Rear-Admiral Thomas, commanding the British squadron on that station, to order the Carysfort to Honolulu for the purpose of investigating the alleged grievances.

"On his arrival Lord Paulet, a hot-headed young nobleman, readily lent himself to the designs of Simpson, without inquiring into the merits of the case, dazzled by the idea of so early in his career making a brilliant stroke for his country, and extending her drumbeat round the world by one more station. Making outrageous demands upon the King, at the cannon's mouth, compliance with which he knew would be impossible, he required, as an alternative, the immediate cession of the Kingdom to England, or he would open fire upon the city and declare war in the name of Great Britain.

"In this terrible crisis the proclamation issued by this native King to his people is so touching and so king-like that I will quote it here:

" 'Where are you, chiefs, people, and commons from my ancestors, and people from foreign lands?

" ' Hear ye! I make known to you that I am in perplexity by reason of difficulties into which I have been brought without cause, therefore I have given away the life of our land. Hear ye! but my rule over you, my people, and your privileges will continue, for I have hope that the life of the land will be restored when my conduct is justified.

" ' Done at Honolulu, Oahu, this 25th day of February, 1843.

" 'Kamehameha III.

" 'Kekauluohi.'

"Lord Paulet took formal possession of the islands, installing himself as governor of Her Majesty's new dominion, destroyed every Hawaiian flag he could get hold of, and placed an embargo on every native vessel, so that no one could go out and carry the news.

"An American man-of-war, the Boston, Capt. Long, had come in a few days before the cession. Capt. Quackenbush, late of Norfolk, Va., was then a midshipman on board of her. The Americans were very indignant. They had their guns double-shotted in hopes of an opportunity to interfere, but, being on a cruise, could not go out of their way to carry the news, and could only remain neutral.

"Lord Paulet would thus have cruelly prevented the King from communicating with his ambassadors, who were abroad successfully working for the acknowledgment of his independence, hoping to commit the home Government to an acceptance of this 'voluntary' cession at the cannon's mouth before the other side of the story could be presented to it. His young lordship and Simpson chuckled over the success of the stroke by which they had, as they supposed, closed every avenue of egress for Hawaiian vessels, and secured the arrival of their own dispatches in England in advance of every other version of the story. Yankee shrewdness was, however, too much for his lordship's plans.

"It happened that the King had chartered his own yacht, Hoikaika (Swift Runner), previously to the cession, to an American house for a voyage to Mazatlan and back. Lord Paulet, anxious to get possession of the only creditable craft at the islands, in order to send Simpson as his bearer of dispatches to England by the speediest way, and being prevented, by its charter, from seizing the vessel without the consent of the American house, offered, in case they would relinquish their charter, to allow them to send an agent on the ship to attend to their business on the coast, and to bring down any freight on the return trip, thereby saving them the whole expense of the charter.

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"It must be remembered that in those days communication between the islands of the Pacific and the coast was very infrequent, depending on merchant ships that came from Boston twice a year, except for occasional chance vessels.

"Lord Paulet rightly conjectured that the Yankee merchants would jump at the offer to have all their business transacted at his expense, but he little dreamed of all the use that might be made of the opportunity he was giving them.

"The officers of the Boston, who would have been glad of an excuse for a forcible interference with his lordship's plans, not being allowed that pleasure, consoled themselves by giving a ball on board, to which the officers of the Carysfort were not invited.

"I was then a young merchant in Honolulu, and attended the ball with many other of the American residents. At its height I was quietly invited into the cabin of the Boston, where I found Capt. Long, Dr. Judd, previously a prominent American missionary, then acting as the King's minister, and other influential citizens and warm friends of the King. Here I was told of the King's desire to send an envoy to England to present his protest against Lord Paulet's act of violence, and his answer to the charges against him, and to demand the restitution of his sovereignty. I was informed also of the opportunity offered to the firm of Ladd & Co. of sending a messenger to the coast in the yacht.

"Ladd & Co., who were warm friends of the island Government, had proposed that the King should send a secret ambassador, in the character of their commercial agent, thus turning Lord Paulet's masterstroke against himself in the neatest possible way.

"I was asked if I would go in this double capacity of ostensible supercargo and actual minister plenipotentiary.

"Mr. Charles Brewer, who was one of the council, a noble-hearted man, with whom I was about associating myself in business—now enjoying a green old age in Boston—not only gave consent to my going, but agreed to advance for the King the necessary funds, and take his pay in fire-wood, all of the King's other revenues having been cut off.

"I readily accepted the commission. No time was to be lost. Lord Paulet had rechristened the Haikaika as 'Her Majesty's tender Albert, and was fitting her out with all possible dispatch.

"The King and his premier, a princess almost equal in rank, without whose signature none of his acts was valid, had left the island of Oahu immediately upon the cession, and in sullen dignity of despair "buried themselves among the mountains of the adjacent island of Maui, leaving Dr. Judd, his minister, to represent and protect his interests—a man of indomitable courage, unusual ability, and unflinching devotion to his sovereign.

"Those happy isles in that day did not boast a lawyer. My credentials were copied verbatim, except necessary variations, from the old Blue Book containing the credentials of John Adams as the first American minister to England. Mine were a commission as envoy extraordinary and minister plentipotentiary to the court of St. James from the native King of the Hawaiian Islands," the title Kamehameha was allowed by Lord Paulet to retain, with some half dozen other blank commissions signed by the King and premier, to be filled out by myself for other countries as occasion might require. These were rendered necessary by the uncertainty of my finding the King's other ambassadors,

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Haalileo and Richards, with whom, in case I did find them, I was to associate myself.

"The papers were drawn up by Dr. Judd and a confidential clerk at midnight, in the royal tomb in Honolulu, with a king's coffin for a table. So secret was it necessary to keep the transaction that even this clerk was not trusted with the name of the ambassador, which was left to be inserted by myself after I had sailed. The papers prepared, a canoe with picked crew of Kanakas was dispatched from a distant point of the island to summon His Majesty and his suite to a midnight council. Crossing the boisterous channel in this frail conveyance, they landed at midnight on the shores of Waikiki, a suburb of Honolulu, and in its cocoanut grove my credentials received the signature and seal of the king and his Kuhina-nui—"great minister"—Kekauluohi, the "Bigmouthed Queen." Then the King and his attendants returned to their mountains without Lord Paulet having a suspicion that they had ever left them.

"The American consul at Honolulu took advantage of the opportunity also to make me the bearer of his dispatches to Washington, with details of the cession, which would, of course, have momentous interest to the American Government, and the protest of the American residents against the act of Lord Paulet."

XVI. Also the following extracts from the history of the hawaiian islands, by james jackson jarves, published in 1846.

"The chiefs, fully sensible of their political wants, sent, by Mr. Richards, in 1836, to the United States to procure a suitable person to fill the situation of legal adviser and teacher in the new policy circumstances were forcing upon them. In this way they were backed by the opinion of the mission, who, desirous of preserving themselves from the responsibility, would gladly have seen it in able and disinterested hands. The wants of the chiefs were fully appreciated by the American board, but nothing was effected. Individuals of talent, by the time they have acquired the experience suitable for such a post, which in its real effect would have been equivalent to the supreme direction of public affairs, generally have fixed themselves in permanent relations at home.

"With all the modern favor in the cause of missions, and the very many excellent discourses yearly uttered from pulpits, we rarely see entire disinterestedness manifested in the middle-aged—those who have known the world and tasted its goods, however prepared they may be by those very qualifications for the posts they so industriously urge upon others. The path of novelty, enterprise, and benevolence is rarely filled by any except the young and enthusiastic. That the chiefs, relying on the philanthropy of any experienced public man to have complied with their request, should have failed is what might reasonably have been anticipated. A young man, ambitious of the influence if not of the actual power of a Peter the Great or an Alfred, on a petty scale, might readily have been found, but the chiefs were suspicious of youth. Desiring age and experience, they should have offered a salary equivalent to some of the highest posts in the United States. On such a contingency few objections would have been found unanswerable. The path of duty would have been opened to many blind to all other considerations. This is human nature, as we see it in the pulpit and on the bench. In every position it requires its motive power.

"It is said that the honorable Theo. L. Frelingshuysen was invited

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to become the adviser of the chiefs, but declined. At all events, Mr. Richards was wholly unsuccessful. On his return, the position of the chiefs being none the less embarrassing, compelled them to apply to the mission for aid. Without any definite action of their body, they commenced that system which by the natural course of events has led to the direct employment of several of their number—having first been disconnected from their ranks—in the service of the Government. Foreigners were required in public affairs. The chiefs chose those on whom they could most rely, and whatever may have been their errors of judgment, the result has shown that they were not mistaken in relying upon their zeal and fidelity: and it may be well be doubted whether, at that time, the Kingdom furnished men more suitable, from knowledge and experience with the people and foreigners to administer to its wants. The history of the policy they adopted will be traced to the period of its present development.

"The mission and their seceders were united in their views to build up a nation of Hawaiians distinct from all foreign influence. The following resolutions, taken from the missionary minutes for 1838, show the just views entertained at this date:

" ' 1st Resolved, That though the system of government in the Sandwich Islands has, since the commencement of the reign of Liholiho, been greatly improved through the influence of Christianity, and the introduction of written and printed laws and the salutary agency of Christian chiefs has proved a great blessing to the people; still, the system is so very imperfect for the management of the affairs of a civilized and virtuous nation as to render it of great importance that correct views of the rights and duties of rulers and subjects, and of the principles of jurisprudence and political economy, should be held up before the King and the members of the national council.

" ' 2d Resolved, That it is the duty of the missionaries to teach the doctrine that rulers should be just, ruling in the fear of God, seeking the best good of their nation, demanding no more of subjects, as such, than the various ends of the Government may justly require; and if church members among them violate the commands of God they should be admonished with the same faithfulness and tenderness in their dependents.

" ' 3rd Resolved, That rulers in power are so by the province of God, and in an important sense by the will or consent of the people, and ought not to resign or shrink from the cares and responsibilities of their offices; therefore, teachers of religion ought carefully to guard the subjects against contempt for the authority of their rulers, or any evasion or resistance of government orders, unless they plainly set at defiance the commands of God.

" ' 4th Resolved, That the resources of the nation are at is own disposal for its defense, improvement, and perfection, and subjects ought to be taught to feel that a portion of their time and services, their property or earnings, may rightfully be required by the sovereign or national council for the support of government in all its branches and departments, and that it is a Christian duty to render honor, obedience, fear, custom, and tribute to whom they are due, as taught in the 13th of Romans, and that the sin of disloyalty, which tends to confusion, anarchy, and ruin, deserves reproof as really and as promptly as that of injustice on the part of rulers or any other violation of the commands of God.'

" ' 5th Resolved, That rulers should be allowed to do what they will with their own, or with what they have a right to demand; we ought

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to encourage the security of the right of subjects also to do what they will with tbeir own, provided they render to Caesar his due.'

" ' 6th Resolved, That rulers ought to be prompted to direct their efforts to the promotion of general intelligence and virtue as a grand means of removing the existing evils of the system, gradually defining and limiting by equitable laws the rights and duties of all classes, that thus by improving rather than revolutionizing the Government, its administration may become abundantly salutary, and the hereditary rulers receive no detriment but corresponding advantage.'

" ' 7th Besolved, That to remove the improvidence and imbecility of the people, and promote the industry, wealth, and happiness of the nation, it is the duty of the mission to urge mainly the motives of loyalty, patriotism, social kindness, and general benevolence; but, while on the one hand he should not condemn their artificial wants, ancient or modern, because they depend on fancy, or a taste not refined, he should, on the other, endeavor to encourage and multiply such as will enlist their energies, call forth ingenuity, enterprise, and patient industry, and give scope for enlarged plans of profitable exertion, which, if well directed, would clothe the population in beautiful cottons, fine linen, and silk, and their arable fields with rich and various productions suited to the climate; would adorn the land with numerous comfortable, substantial habitations, made pleasant by elegant furniture, cabinets, and libraries; with permanent and well endowed school houses and seminaries, large, commodious, and durable churches, and their seas and harbors with ships owned by natives sufficient to export to other countries annually the surplus products of their soil, which may, at no very distant period, amount to millions.

" ' 8th Besolved, That we deem it proper for members of this mission to devote a portion of their time to instructing the natives into the best method of cultivating their lands, and of raising flocks and herds, and of turning the various products of the country to the best advantage for the maintenance of their families, the support of government and of schools, and the institutions of the gospel and its ministers, at home and abroad.' "

"Mr. Richards entered upon his official duties by delivering to the chiefs a course of lectures on political economy and the general science of government. From the ideas thus derived, based upon their old forms, a constitution was drawn up. Although greatly limiting their power, the chiefs passed it unanimously.

"The laws of the Kingdom were carefully revised and published. In comparison with the past the progress of the nation was now rapid. The liberal policy of other nations, and whatever of their forms could with propriety be here transplanted, were embodied in the new statutes, but on a scale commensurate with the feebleness of youth of the people. The penal code was greatly improved; primary and courts of appeal established; the jury system adopted. Provision was made for the more regular enforcement of debt—transmission of property, property in trust, interest in accounts, in short sufficient was done greatly to benefit the position of natives and foreigners. Taxation was rendered more equal and lighter. Encouragement was proffered to industry and to the increase of population. An enlightened public school system was organized. Their laws, imperfect as they may seem to the critical eyes of a superior civilization, were yet in advance of the people. But wherever they were allowed to operate fairly and systematically much good was effected, and they served to prepare the way for more important changes.

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"The peopie were thoroughly convinced that the immunity once claimed by chiefs for crimes of their own was at an end by an impartial trial by jury of one of that class in 1840 for the murder of his wife. He, with an accomplice, were both brought in guilty, and suffered the full penalty of the law, death by hanging. The foreigners also began to see that there was some virtue in the courts by a fine imposed upon the English consul for riotous conduct"

"On his way to England Mr. Charlton had fallen in with Lord George Paulet, commanding H. B. M. frigate Carysfort, and by his representations interested his lordship in his views. Simpson had also sent dispatches to the coast of Mexico, which induced Rear-Admiral Thomas to order the Carysfort to Honolulu for the purpose of inquiring into the matter. She arrived on the 10th of February, 1843, before the sale of Charlton's property had taken place. Simpson immediately went on board to concert measures with Lord George, who, from his entire acquiescence in his plans, appears to have been wholly won over at this interview to sustain them. The authorities on shore suspected there was no friendly feeling from the withholding the usual salutes. Mr. Judd, on behalf of the Government, made an official call on board, but was informed he could not be received. Visits from the French and United States consuls were similarly declined. Capt. Paulet addressed the governor, informing him that he wished to confer with the King, who was then absent.

"The King arrived from Maui on the 16th, and on the next day received the following letter and demands from Lord George Paulet:

" 'H.B.M.'s SHIP CARYSFORT,
" ' Oahu, 17th February, 1843.

" 'SlR: In answer to your letter of this day's date, which I have too good an opinion of Your Majesty to allow me to believe ever emanated from yourself, but from your ill-advisers, I have to state that I shall hold no communication whatever with Dr. G. P. Judd, who, it has been satisfactorily proved to me, has been the Punic mover in the unlawful proceedings of your Government against British subjects.

" 'As you have refused me a personal interview I inclose you the demands which I consider it my duty to make upon your Government, with which I demand a compliance at or before 4 o'clock p.m. to-morrow, Saturday; otherwise I shall be obliged to take immediate coercive steps to obtain these measures for my countrymen.

" ' I have the honor to be, your Majesty's most obedient, humble servant,

" ' GEORGE PAULET,
" 'Captain.

" 'His Majesty KAMEHAMEHA III.

" ' Demands made by the Right Honorable Lord George Paulet, captain, royal navy, commanding H.B.M's. ship Carysfort, upon the King of the Sandwich Islands.

" 'First. The immediate removal, by public advertisement, written in the native and English languages, and signed by the governor of this island and F. W. Thompson, of the attachment placed upon Mr. Charlton's property, the restoration of the land taken by Government for its own use, and really appertaining to Mr. Charlton; and reparation or the heavy loss to which Mr. Charlton's representatives have been

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exposed by the oppressive and unjust proceedings of the Sandwich Islands Government.

" 'Second. The immediate acknowledgment of the right of Mr. Simpson to perform the functions delegated to him by Mr. Charlton, namely, those of Her Britannic Majesty's acting consul, until Her Majesty's pleasure be known upon the reasonableness of your objections to him. The acknowledgment of that right and the reparation for the insult offered to Her Majesty, through her acting representative, to be made by a public reception of his commission and the saluting the British flag with twenty-one guns, which number will be returned by Her Britannic Majesty's ship under my command.

" 'Third. A guaranty that no British subject shall in future be subjected to imprisonment in fetters, unless he is accused of a crime which, by the laws of England, would be considered felony.

" 'Fourth. The compliance with a written promise given by King Kamehameha to Capt. Jones, of Her Britannic Majesty's ship Curocoa, that a new and fair trial would be granted in a case brought by Henry Skinner, which promise has been evaded.

" 'Fifth. The immediate adoption of firm steps to arrange the matters in dispute between British subjects and natives of the country, or others residing here, by referring these cases to juries, one-half of whom shall be British subjects, approved by the consul, and all of whom shall declare on oath their freedom from prejudgment upon or interest in the cases brought before them.

" 'Sixth. A direct communication between His Majesty, Kamehameha, and Her Britannic Majesty's acting consul for the immediate settlement of all cases of grievances and complaint on the part of British subjects against the Sandwich Island Government.

" 'Dated on board Her Britannic Majesty's ship Carysfort, at Oahu, this 17th day of February, 1843.

" 'GEORGE PAULET,
"' Captain'

"Capt. Long, of the U.S.S. Boston, then in port, was informed, by letter, at midnight, of the anticipated attack of the British commander. In the morning the Carysfort was cleared for action, springs put on her cables, and her battery brought to bear upon the town. The English families embarked for security on board a brig in the outer roads. The Americans and other foreigners, having but short notice, placed their funds and papers on board the Boston and other vessels, intending to retreat to them with their families in case of actual hostilities. The town was in a state of great excitement. The dispositions of the chiefs were uncertain, and it was feared that the rabble, taking advantage of the confusion, might pillage the place. Excited by the gross injustice of the demands, the first impulse of the King and his council, in which they were sustained by the indignant feeling of the entire foreign population excepting the few who sided with Simpson, were for energetic measures. Arms were procured and bodies of men began to assemble.

"The common natives, unconscious of the fatal effects of disciplined gunnery, ardently desired to fight the ship. Some supposed they might overpower her crew by numbers in boarding. But peaceful councils at last prevailed. It is in such emergencies that the real influence of the missionaries becomes apparent. The natural desire of chiefs and foreigners was to resist at all hazards; but the entire indoctrination of the mission, animated by the peaceful principles of the gospel, had been of that nature that depends more upon the sword of the

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spirit than the arm of flesh. Desirous of avoiding the unhappy consequences of strife and bloodshed, and relying, through providence, on the justice of the nation's cause, and the magnanimity of the Queen of Great Britain, they counseled peace. Shortly before the hour of commencing hostilities had arrived, the King dispatched a letter to the Carysport, informing Lord George Paulet that he yielded to his demands, under protest, and had appointed Sir George Simpson and William Richards as his commissioners to the court of Great Britain to settle the pending difficulties.

"His Majesty appointed February 20 at 11 o'clock a. m., to receive Lord George and the vice-consul. On the same day that the King notified Lord of his acquiescence to his demands, in conjunction with the premier he protested against his acts in these words:

" 'We, Kamehameha III, King of all the Sandwich Islands, and Kekauluohi, premier thereof, in accordance with the laws of nations and the rights of all aggrieved sovereigns and individuals, do hereby enter our solemn act of protest before God, the world, and before the Government of Her Most Gracious Majesty Victoria, Queen of the United Kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland:

" 'Against the Right Hon. Lord George Paulet, captain of Her British Majesty's ship Carysfort, now lying in the harbor of Honolulu, for all losses and damages which may accrue to us and to the citizens of other countries residing under our dominion and sovereignty, in consequence of the unjust demands made upon us this day by the said Right Hon. Lord George Paulet, enforced by a threat of coercive measures and an attack upon our town of Honolulu in case of noncompliance with the same within a period of nineteen hours, thereby interfering with our laws, endangering the good order of society, and requiring of us what no power has a right to exact of another with whom they are on terms of peace and amity.

" 'And we do solemnly protest and declare that we, the sovereign authority of these islands, are injured, grieved, abused, and damaged by this act of the said Right Hon. Lord George Paulet, and we hereby enter our solemn appeal unto the Government of Her Most Gracious Majesty, represented by him, for redress, for justification, and for repayment of all said losses, damages, and payments which may in consequence accrue unto us, or unto the citizens of other countries living under our jurisdiction.'

" 'On the 20th the King and premier visited the Carysfort and were received with royal honors. This courtesy, however, was but a prelude to a further series of demands rendered necessary to accomplish Simpson's aim, by the unexpected compliance of the King with the first. These were brought forward at an interview on the following day. The total amount demanded in money was $117,330.89. The character of these claims, and the object of the parties, may be gathered from a brief notice of the first brought forward. This was in favor of a Mr. Skinner, a connection of Mr. Charlton's. Indemnification to the amount of $3,000 was demanded for him on the alleged ground of having lost the interest and profits on $10,000 unemployed for four months, which he had reserved to purchase the property of Mr. Charlton, if sold on execution. The arrival of the Carysfoot had stopped the sale, and he had lost the opportunity of thus employing his funds.' (pp. 161, 162, and 163.)

" '24th.—A meeting having been arranged for 10 o'clock a. m., the King requested me to visit Lord George and say to him that he could bear this course no longer; he would give up and let them do as they

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pleaded, etc. I accordingly met Lord George and Simpson in the street, coming to the meeting; said I had a message from the King, that he was sick. I went with them to the consular office, where I was left alone with Simpson. I said, the King feels himself oppressed, broken down, ruined, and, to use his own expression, a dead man; that he had been up all night and was sick; that he had determined to give up; that if he, Simpson, persisted in his present course ruin would follow; that the King could not undo by his own act the action of the courts and enforce these claims without time to modify the laws. I begged him to desist and give time to modify the laws and act with consistency. He would allow juries to be composed of half English in case their interests were concerned.

" 'The Dominis case had been disposed of according to the King's written promise to Capt. Jones. Moreover, since that time, the parties had settled by amicable arbitration. That to require all the late decisions of the legally organized courts to be set aside by the act of the King would be illegal and oppressive on the part of Mr. Simpson, and decidedly oppressive on the part of the King, and would justly involve him both with Americans and French, etc. Simpson replied that the English had been treated harshly, and consequently the Government must suffer. His course could not be altered.

" 'Went with Lord George and Simpson to the council; acted as spokesman. Reiterated the above, and added the King was determined to hold out no longer; do what you like, take the islands, but do not force him to acts of injustice; it would be cruel in the extreme, better take all. Lord George replied that his demands were not unjust; he acted on the best information and testimony. I said, I know that you think so but I assure you that such is not the opinion of the Government. The King remarked that he did not think that his Government had done wrong. I said, we must be heard; your information is incorrect; we appeal to Great Britain; take the islands, we will yet have justice. Lord George replied that he did not come to take the islands. I said, you had better do it than pursue these subjects further in this manner. He or Simpson said that they could only act on a request of the King, and it must be in writing. Said I, let all proceedings be stopped; let the Government have time to reflect, and I think they will come to the conclusion that it is better for you to take the Government of the islands than to go any further. But we must have time; you drive the King to distraction, and I fear that he will cede the islands to France, as he has been invited to do. Simpson said he would not allow much delay. Lord George said, two or three days and no more. Simpson said, to-morrow noon, and if it was not done, he should expect the Dominis case to be tried on Saturday. I observed that the time was too short; Monday then at the furthest. We went into certain explanations as to manner of doing the thing, and I wrote down in pencil the following:

" 'In consequence of the difficulties in which the Sandwich Islands are involved, and the impossibility of complying with the demands made by Her Britannic Majesty's representative in the form in which they are presented, we cede [the Government of] our islands to Lord George Paulet, etc., for the time being, subject to any arrangements that may have been entered into with the Government of Great Britain, and until intelligence shall have been received, and in case no arrangement shall have been made previous to date, subject to the decision of Her Majesty's Government on conference with the ministers of the Sandwich Islands Government, after a full report of our affairs shall have

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been represented to Great Britain; and in case the ministers are rejected by Her Britannic Majesty, then subject to any arrangements which may be entered into.

" 'Simpson took the paper and walked in the veranda with Lord George, and, returning, said that would do; he would make a copy with very few verbal alterations.

" 'It was arranged that the chiefs should have an opportunity to consider these things, and an answer to be given to-morrow noon. Lord George and Simpson left. King and Auhea sat with astonishment and misery. Discussed awhile in council, when I left them in order to take some refreshment. When I returned I found them anxious to gain further information. The subject of ceding to France and the United States was a ray of hope which seemed to gleam across their dark path, but they foresaw that under such circumstances they would still have this fury—Simpson—to deal with until the French took possession, and he would doubtless involve them in more trouble, and their cause become too bad to admit of justification. France is still acting a hostile part towards them. Charlton and Simpson are their enemies, but England is their friend.

" 'To England they look up with the most filial affections. France is picking a quarrel with them now, and complaints are now in existence which will make more trouble. If the claims of Simpson are allowed the laws will suffer and the nation be weakened so much that France will leave them nothing. England can defend them from France, and to cede to France would be to say England had no right here, which is to the Government more than doubtful, reckoning right as the nations do. This might be considered an act of treachery.

" 'May be that their independence is secured already. If so, a forcible possession on the part of either would annul it. A cession would not if made with provisos.

" 'In the evening I went for Lord George, who, together with Simpson and Dr. Rooke, came. Regulated a few points respecting the course he should pursue in case he took possession. Informed them that we should take every possible step to justify the Government and get back the islands, and he demanded a pledge that such exertions be not considered an act of hostility to them.

" 'It was agreed that a decision should be made by 12 o'clock on the 25th. Lord George went away. Every possible view of the case was taken up by the council, and the result seemed to be to give up the islands on the terms proposed.

" '25th. The King sent for me before breakfast. Wished to know what I thought of the old proposition of ceding to France and the United States. I said I feared it would involve the Government in great trouble. The French admiral would soon be here and take possession, which would excite hostility between Catholics and Protestants; meanwhile Simpson would continue his course of conduct, and the difficulties would become inextricable. Give yourself into the arms of Great Britain, trust to the generosity of that great and good nation, you may have the benefit of the intervention of France for the adjustment of difficulties and the security of your independence. Let them take possession, and then you can represent your case in full. Lord George called. I informed him that the matter was nearly decided. One of the propositions that came from me was waived, viz, that a commission be appointed to adjust the claims of British subjects.

" 'Dudoit called and many others. Every argument used to induce the King to cede to France and the United States. Sat down to put

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the documents into form. The King proposed to make a speech. I said they could make that out among themselves, which they did. Deed of cession being ready, the chiefs came in and it was read. Sorrow and distress marked every countenance. I was asked to pray. During prayer sighs suppressed were often heard. I committed the case to God, imploring His blessing on the step about to be taken as the only peaceful alternative for the nation, etc. When I rose not an individual left his knees for a full minute, and then I saw that tears had come to their relief. They sat in silence for a moment when the King arose, and with a firm step seized a pen and subscribed his name. "Let it go," said he, "if I get help I get it, if not, let it go; I can do no more." The premier then added her signature.' (Extract from a journal kept by Mr. Judd, who was minister of the King to conduct negotiations with Lord George Paulet, pp. 164, 165, and 166.)

"Having decided upon a provisional cession of his dominions to Great Britain, the King announced the event to his subjects in a touching proclamation:

" ' Where are you, chiefs, people, and commons from my ancestors, and people from foreign lands?

" ' Hear ye! I make known to you that I am in perplexity by reason of difficulties into which I have been brought without cause; therefore, I have given away the life of our land, hear ye! But my rule over you, my people, and your privileges, will continue, for I have hope that the life of the land will be restored when my conduct is justified.

" 'Done at Honolulu, Oahu, this 25th day of February, 1843.

"KAMEHAMEHA III.
"KEKAULUOKI'

"On the 28th of November, the Hawaiian commissioners obtained from the governments of France and England a joint declaration to the effect that—

" 'Her Majesty the Queen of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and His Majesty the King of the French, taking into consideration the existence in the Sandwich Islands of a government capable of providing for the regularity of its relations with foreign nations, have thought it right to engage reciprocally to consider the Sandwich Islands as an independent state, and never to take possession, neither directly nor under the title of protectorate, nor under any other form, of any part of the territory of which they are composed.

" 'The undersigned, Her Majesty's principal secretary of state for foreign affairs, and the ambassador extraordinary of His Majesty the King of the French at the court of London, being furnished with the necessary powers, hereby declare in consequence that their said majesties take reciprocally that engagement.

" 'In witness whereof the undersigned have signed the present declaration, and have affixed thereto the seal of their arms.

"' Done in duplicate, at London, the 28th day of November, in the year of our Lord 1843.

" 'ABERDEEN. [L.S.]
" 'ST. AULAIRE. [L.S.],

"This solemn engagement on the part of these two powers was the flnal act by which the Kingdom of Hawaii was admitted within the pale of eivilized nations."

"No measure tends more to consolidate and render a nation prosperous

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and respectable than a sound and judicious code of laws. The chiefs were early aware of their deficiency, and as soon as their new legislative forms came into operation proposed to execute the task; under any circumstances a difficult one; but in those of their Kingdom doubly so from the mixed population, foreign and native, that they were called to govern. The first volume of statute laws was issued in 1846.

"The departments are subdivided into numerous bureaus, comprising the duties enumerated under their several heads. By this system the business of government and its machinery have become methodized on a simple and not expensive scale, for although the subdivisions are numerous, yet one clerk suffices for many. The judiciary act and the criminal code, on the new basis, are not yet completed. As in every other step forward which the Hawaiian nation has taken, unwarrantable abuse and unreasonable cavil have been showered upon it for this, chiefly upon the specious pretense that the system was too cumbersome and altogether beyond its growth. An impartial examination will doubtless detect points which can be amended with benefit; this is to be expected, and the intention of the Legislature is rather experimentative than final, to feel their way as it were to a code simple and effective. But to do this experience must be acquired in legislation and the practical operation of laws. In the transition of the nation, with its rapid growth from foreign sources, it has been found that there has been felt a want rather than an overplus of system. The machinery of government, being of a liberal and constitutional character, provides in itself for checks on excess and remedies for evils. If 'let alone' by foreign powers, there is ground for the belief that Hawaiian legislation will in no whit in character be behind that of numerous new countries, offshoots of the old, now budding into existence on the shores of the Pacific.

"The executive government was constructed as follows:

" 'His Majesty King Kamehameha III.

" ' Cabinet council created October 29, 1845.—His highness, Keoni Ana,* premier and minister of the interior; R.C. Wyllie, minister foreign affairs; G. P. Judd, minister of finance; William Richards, minister of instruction; John Ricord, attorney-general.

" ' Nobles.—M. Kehauonohi; A.Keliiahonui, chamberlain; Keoni Ana, premier; Alapai; A. Paki, judge of supreme court; Konia; I. Kaeo, judge of supreme court; Iona, judge of supreme court; Paulo Kanoa; Namauu; M. Kekuanaoa, governor of Oahu; W. P. Leleiohoku, governor of Hawaii; Ruta; Keohokalole; C. Kanaina, judge of supreme court; Ioane li, guardian of young chiefs; Iona Piikoi; Beniki Namakeha; K. Kapaakea; James Young Kanehoa,† governor of Maui.'

" The governers are honorary members of the privy council. "Besides the 4 cabinet officers of foreign birth, there are 5 Americans and 4 Englishmen, naturalized subjects, commissioned as judges in foreign cases, collectors, director of Government press, heads of bureaus, etc. In addition to these are a number of clerks transiently employed, and officers connected with the several departments, who depend upon fees for their recompense. " In no one respect have the Government shown more laudable zeal than in educating the young chiefs, who, by birth, are destined to fill important posts. For the purpose of bestowing upon them a solid and

* Son of Mr. Young, Kamehameha's favorite.

† Son of Kamehameha's favorite, Mr. Young, of the Elenora, who landed in 1790 and died in 1835 at the advanced age of 93 years, highly respected by all classes.

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practical education in the English language, embracing not only the usual studies pursued in the better class of seminaries in the United States, but to engraft in their minds the habits, thoughts, moral and domestic education which children of their age and circumstances receive in civilized countries, in 1839 they were taken from their native parents and out of the sphere of mere Hawaiian influences and incorporated into a boarding school, under the charge of Mr. and Mrs. Cooke, teachers of the American mission. During the seven years the school has been established their progress has been rapid, and they are now versed in the common branches of an English education, besides being practically acquainted with the tastes, household economy, and habits of refined domestic life. The annual expense of the school is now about $5,000. The number of scholars 15.

" 'Moses Kaikioewa, son of Kekuanaoa and Kinau, born July 20. 1829, expectant governor of Kauai.

" 'Lota Kamehameha, son of Kekuanaoa and Kinau, born December 11, 1830; expectant governor of Maui.

" 'Alexander Liholiho, son of Kehuanaoa and Kinau, born February 9,1834, heir apparant, by adoption, of the King.

" 'Victoria Kamamalu, daughter of Kehuanaoa and Kinau, born November 1, 1838, premier by birth.

" 'William C. Lunalilo, son of Kanaina and Kehauluohi, born January 1, 1835.

" 'Bernice Pauahi, daughter of Paki and Konia, born December 19, 1831.

" 'Jane Loeau, daughter of Kalaniulumokee and Liliha, born 1828.

" 'Elizabeth Kekaniau, daughter of Laanui, born September 11,1834.

" 'Emma Rooke, daughter of Fanny Young,* born January 2, 1830.

" 'Peter Young Kaeo, son of Kaeo and Lahilahi,* born March 4,1830.

" 'James Kaliokalani, son of Paakea and Keohokalole, born May 29, 1835.

" 'David Kalakaua, son of Paakea and Keohokalole, born November 16, 1836.

" 'Lydia Makaeha, daughter of Paakea and Keohokalole, born September 2, 1838.

" 'Mary Paaaina.

" 'Kinau Pitt, son of W. Pitt Kalaimokee.'

"The rapid progress of the Hawaiian group in commercial importance is best illustrated by their commercial statistics both before the organization of their present Government and since, when under improved auspices their value has more rapidly developed. The facilities which they afforded the American vessels engaged in the lucrative Northwest fur trade, to which was soon added the equally profitable one of sandal wood, gave them such good repute that previous to 1820 the hardy whale fishers resorted to them for recruits and men. As early as 1823, from 40 to 60 whale ships, mostly American, were to be seen in the harbor of Honolulu at one time.

"From January, 1836, to December 31, 1841, 358 vessels belonging to the United States, of which four fifths were whalers, touched at Honolulu; an average of 71³/₅ annually, besides 17 men-of-war. Of English vessels during the same period there were 82 and 9 men-of-war. Those of France and other nations numbered not over 20. The average annual imports for those years were to the value of $365,854, one-half of which were American goods, one-quarter Chinese and Californian,

* Daughters of John Young.

S. Doc. 231, pt 6----33

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and the remainder from England, Mexico, Chile, and other sources.

"Four newspapers in the Hawaiian tongue have been sustained by the missionaries. The first, Lama Hawaii, was commenced in 1833. The present Ka Elele, besides much religious matter, gives a summary of general news, publishes Government notices, and affords scope for the literary efforts of the natives themselves, some of whom manifest respectable powers of thought and composition.

"It is computed that 70,000 of the population have learned to read and 65,444,000 printed pages have been issued from the mission press, embracing, among other works, two complete editions, of 10,000 each, of the Holy Scriptures, three of the New Testament, amounting to 30,000 copies, Worcesters Sacred Geography, Universal Geography, Geographical Questions, Scripture Chronology and History, Animals of the Earth, with a chart. History of Beasts, Hawaiian History, Church History, Mathematics, embracing Geometry, Trigonometry, Mensuration, Surveying and Navigation, Colburn's Algebra, Anatomy, Wayland's Moral Philosophy, Colburn's Intellectual Arithmetic, Tract on Astronomy, Maps of Universal Geography, and Bunyan's Pilgrim's Progress.

"The works published have been altogether of a devotional or educational class. More interest would have been awakened could some others of a less grave and more historic character have been included."

"A moral sentiment, founded more upon a classification of certain actions, either as evil or as good, and their attendant punishments or rewards than upon any definite ideas of sin and virtue considered in their relations to moral purity and the love of the Father, pervades the nation. With the more enlightened something superior to this prevails. Consequently, as in older Christianized communities, a man enjoys respect in proportion to his moral qualifications. Vice is condemned and virtue applauded. Many, of course, are to be found more fond of a good name than of the means necessary for its attainment. Publicly they are one being, privately another.

"The very fact of the necessity of the deception shows a great advancement in moral sentiment since the days of Liholiho, and instead of being considered a reproach to the missionaries should be hailed as a favorable symptom of their labors, the dawn of further improvement. In humanity, care for the sick and aged, their domestic relations, honesty, temperance, and systematic industry there has been great advancement. From a warlike, treacherous, and cruel people they have become mild, tractable, and desirous of knowledge. The intelligent observer will find much in their present character to gratify him and more to surprise when he contrasts them with what they were but a score of years since. But he who goes among them, his imagination picturing a nation changed from brutal savages, by the spirit of God, to guileless Christians, worshiping Jehovah in all the innocence and strength of a first love, their family altars emblems of purity and happiness, their congregations simple and sincere, and their dispositions and deportment refined to the high standard of Christian excellence in his own country, will be sadly disappointed.

"It is still difficult to make the natives understand the nature of truth. They have been so accustomed, from their earliest years, to habits of deception, that with very many, perhaps the majority, it may be doubted whether any other sensation arises from the detection of a falsehood than mortification at being discovered. In no other point

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are they more obtuse, but this moral bluntness is gradually wearing away. Licentiousness is a chief vice of the nation; not that they are much worse in this respect than nations generally residing within the tropics, but it continues to be their most prominent trait. A few years ago, in its protean forms, it was common to all, and as undisguised as the light of day. Now it hides its head, and seeks a new garment to conceal its foul markings. The following table of crime for Oahu will serve to show the proportion of other offenses to those of sensuality. It is taken from the Kuma Hawaii, of January 16,1839, a native paper, but the period embraced in the report is not given. And it should be recollected that but a small proportion of the latter offenses are ever detected or exposed. A number of foreigners are embraced in the list, chiefly for riot, mutiny, and desertion.

Offenses

Manslaughter	4
Theft	48
Riot	32
False witness	48
Desertion	30
Mutiny	15
Seduction	18
Lewdness	81
Adultery	246
Total	522

"Another table of purely native cases for Honolulu, taken from the records of the 'inferior court' from January 1, 1846, to December 4, of the same year, gives the following striking result:

Offense.	Men.	Women.	Total.
Adultery, fornication	126	127	253
Theft	43	3	46
Gambling	35	3	38
Desecration of Sabbath	20	8	38
Reviling language	12	2	14
Heathenish practices	3	1	4
Assault and battery	7	1	8
Drunkenness	6	....	6
Furious riding	6	....	6
Rape	2	....	2
Interference with police	3	....	3
Street walking	....	4	4
Slander	1	....	1
Passing false coin	1	....	1
Desertion of husband	....	3	3
Total	275	152	427

"The above table shows a conviction of 427 cases out of a population of about 9,000. To these should be added 121 others, tried before the police court, making in all rather more than 600 cases for 1846. Of the 121, 38 were for licentiousness and 43 for stealing. But few occur for fighting, the Hawaiians being a very peaceable people. A great deal of petty thieving exists, particularly towards foreigners to steal from whom is not viewed so disreputable as from themselves. The standard of morality, it will be seen, is low, particularly among the men; but

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crimes are rare. There have been but five executions for three murders for ten years.

"It is incontrovertible that there yet exists in the nation a large body of people who are equally disposed to religious rites, or to acts of a different character, as may be most accordant to the taste of those whom they wish to gratify. Another generation must arise, with better homes and more civil and religious advantages, before the habits of the old are sufficiently eradicated. While evidence for the more favorable view of missionary labor, to a partial investigator, appears conclusive, ample grounds for the opposite opinion exists. The truth lies in neither extreme. The friends of humanity have just cause to be grateful that so much has been accomplished, and should labor earnestly that the remaining dark spots may be wholly effaced."

"The government of the Kingdom is essentially Christian. Founded upon missionary teaching, it derives its principles and objects from gospel ethics. Under its influence, the despotism of the chiefs over life and property has been abolished and the nation invited to lay hold of its rights in both. Laws favorable to virtue, industry, and increase of population have been enacted. Families having 3 children of their own are freed from taxation; those having more are rewarded by gifts of lands. The natives are encouraged to secure allodial titles by a remission of all taxes on such for twenty years. Taxation is lightened and made stimulative to honest industry. The present laws are equitable and protective. Justice is fairly administered and the soundest principles of classical and modern law have become the professed guides of the courts.

"Commerce has brought among the nation many foreigners, in every way an advantage to the morals and enterprise of the natives. Scattered throughout the group they provide them, almost at the very doors of their huts, with ample supplies of foreign goods of all descriptions at fair prices, receiving in return the avails of native labor. They have furnished them with cattle and the vegetable products of other countries, and introduced the arts, trades, and professions of civilized life. The examples and encouragements of civilized households are thus brought to their very thresholds. They have given a value to the time of the native by creating a demand for his labor, and have equally bestowed a value to his hitherto unproductive lands by practically developing the hidden wealth of the soil.

"The most indifferent industry is sure of ample reward. Vice, as in other lands, has no apology for an existence here on the plea of a superabundance of labor in the honest branches of livelihood. Not a man need be a thief from necessity, nor a woman unchaste from want. Lands everywhere lie groaning in wild luxuriance, crying out for hands to till them. The handicraft of women, and even the services of children are in constant demand. Commerce has raised the remuneration of the former and the wages of the laborers to the highest rate of stimulative reward.

"The policy of the Government is essentially protective to the Hawaiian race, to the intent to fully solve the question of their capability of civilization. The white advisers of the King, having this end practically in view, fail to meet the more enlarged views and desires of white residents, who look upon the final extermination or loss of the native race and dynasty as their destiny, and consequently desire to see the fullest encouragement offered for the ingress and permanent settlement of a foreign population and capital. While

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these would urge the Government on with a rapidity commensurate with Anglo-Saxon spirit and intelligence, the native race by their slowness of apprehension and fears for their security in case the full torrent of civilized emigration and enterprise is let in unrestrained upon them, hold them back. On the one hand the Government is as unable fully to satisfy the cravings of the whites to advance, as it is to bring the native mind to a clear appreciation and faithful carrying out of the measures best adapted to benefit it and render it more capable of assimilating with the superior intelligence of Anglo-Saxon intellect. They steadily endeavor to preserve the Hawaiian race; to christianize and civilize them; and to this end they invite a limited cooperation of foreign aid, enough to innoculate the nation with courage and enterprise, without deluging it in a torrent which in their present condition they would inevitably fail to bear up against. In this way a just middle course is adopted, which it would seem from past experience tends to build up a mixed Hawaiian and foreign race, civilized, moral, and industrious, and capable of taking an elevated position in the ranks of minor nations."

XVII. Also the following extracts from the honolulu directory and historical sketch of the hawaiian or sandwich islands, by c. c. bennett, including a chronological table of notable events connected with hawaiian history.

"1736. Kamehameha I born at Kokoiki, Kohala.

"1740. The King of Oahu, on the passage to Molokai, sees a ship.

"1768. Kaahumanu born.

"1775. Kaahumanu becomes the wife of Kamehameha I.

"1779. January 17 Capt. Cook anchored in the bay of Kealakekua, Hawaii.

"February 14 Capt. Cook was slain at Kaawaloa, Hawaii.

"1782. April, Kalaniopuu died, leaving his Kingdom (western Hawaii), to Kiwalao, who was his own son.

"July, the battle named Mokuahae, i. e., the fight of Kamehameha with Kiwalao and his party at Keomo, Hawaii, Kamehameha triumphed, Kiwalao was slain, and Keoua became King of Kau and Puna.

"Keawemauhili reigns as King at Hilo, Hawaii.

"Keaulumoku composed the mele Haui Ka Lani, or a prophecy of the overthrow of Hawaii by Kamehameha.

"1790 first American ship (Eleanor, Capt. Metcalf), visited the islands.

"Keona was taken prisoner by Kamehameha at Koapapaa, Hamakua, Hawaii, and Kamehameha thus became sole King of the whole island.

"John Young and Isaac Davis became attached to Kamehameha.

"1791. In this year the battle of Nuuanu was fought, in which Kalanikupule, son of Kahekili, King of Maui and Oahu, was slain, and thus Maui, Molokai, Lanai, and Oahu fell into the hands of Kamehameha.

"1792. March 3, Capt. Vancouver first visited the islands, and left cattle, sheep, etc.

"The Daedalus, store ship, visited Waimea, Oahu; a massacre.

"1793. March 12, Vancouver anchored at Lahaina.

"1794. December, first discovery of Honolulu Harbor. Entered by Jackal and Prince Leboo, American.

"Kekuanaoa born.

"1795. January 12, last visit of Vancouver.

" Daedalus visits Niihau; massacre. January 1, murder of captains.

"1797. Liholiho (Kamehameha II) was born.

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"1801. The fleet of canoes called Peleleu arrived at Kawaihae.

"1802. The Peleleu arrived at Labaina.

"1803. The Peleleu arrived at Oahu.

"1804. The great pestilence called a ahulau okuu.

"1812. The stone wall of Kiholo was built.

"1814. March, Kauikeaouli (Kamehameha III) was born.

"1817. The fort at Honolulu finished.

"1819. May 8, Kamehameha I died.

"October, Liholiho breaks kapu on the night of kukahi.

"1820. January, a battle on account of breaking kapu, at Kuamoo on Hawaii.

"March 30, first missionaries arrived at Kailua.

"April 18, missionaries first arrived at Honolulu.

"July, Messrs. Whitney and Ruggles sailed for Kauai."

"First whaler (Mary, Capt. Allen) enters Honolulu Harbor.

"1821. First house of Christian worship built in Honolulu.

"1822. January 7, printing first commenced at the islands. It is said that King Liholiho was allowed to pull the first sheet.

"1823. April 27, the second company of missionaries arrived.

"November 27, Liholiho, his Queen, and attendants sailed for England, leaving the Kingdom in the care of Kaahumanu.

"1824, July 8, Kamamalu, wife of Libolibo, died in London.

"July 13, Libolibo died in London.

"August, Kapiolani descended into the volcano of Kilauea.

"1825, May 4, Boki and his companions return from England with the remains of the King and Queen in the English frigate Blonde.

"1827, October, Kinau and Kekuanaoa were married.

"1828, March 30, the third company of missionaries arrived.

"July 3, first meetinghouse at Honolulu dedicated.

"December 2, Boki and his company sailed away from the islands and were lost.

"1830, December 11, His Majesty Kamehameha V was born.

"1831, June 7, the fourth company of missionaries arrived.

"September, the high school at Lahaina was commenced.

"1832, May 17, the fifth company of missionaries arrived.

"June 5, Kaahumanu died.

"June, Kinau was appointed premier (kuhina nui).

"The Oahu Charity School was commenced.

"1833, March, Kamehameha III assumes the reins of government, and Kinau becomes his minister (Kuhina Nui).

"May 1, the sixth company of missionaries arrived.

"The Bethel Church built'at Honolulu.

"1834, February 9, Kamehameha IV (Alexander Liholiha) was born.

"February 14, first newspaper printed at the Hawaiian Islands, called the Lama Hawaii, at Lahainaluna.

"The newspaper Kumu Hawaii commenced at Honolulu.

"1835, June 6, the seventh company of missionaries arrived.

"First Hawaiian Almanac printed.

"1836, January 2, the queen dowager, Emma, was born.

"The female seminary at Wailuku, Maui, commenced.

"The first weekly newspaper in English commenced.

"The high school of Mr. Lyman commenced at Hilo.

"December, Nahienaena died.

"1837, February 4, Kamehameha III and Kalama were married.

"April 9, the eighth company of missionaries arrived.

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"The business of laying out public streets in Honolulu was commenced.

"November 7, remarkable rise and overflow of tide throughout the islands.

"1838, August, the chiefs commence the study of political economy with Mr. Richards.

"November 1, Victoria Kamamalu was born.

"April 4, Kinau died.

"1839. April 5, Kekauluohi became premier (Kuhina Nui.)

"May 10, the printing of the first edition of the Hawaiian bible finished.

"July 9, the French man-of-war L'Artemise (Capt. Laplace) arrived.

"Kaikioewa died.

"1840. The school for the young chiefs commenced at Honolulu— Mr. and Mrs. Cook teachers.

"January, Hoapili, governor of Naui, died.

"The stone meeting-house at Kawaiahao, Honolulu, commenced.

"August 3, Mr. Bingham and family returned to the United States.

"October 8, Kamehameha III gives the first written constitution to the people of the Hawaiian Islands.

"October 20, Kamanawa and his servant were publicly executed for crime.

"September. The United States exploring expedition arrived.

"1841, May. Kapiolani died.

"May 21. The ninth company of missionaries arrived.

"The school for missionaries' children at Punahou (now Oahu College) commenced.

"1842. January, Hoapili Wahine (Kalakaua) died.

"July 8, Haalilio sailed as commissioner to the courts of France, England, and the United States.

"July 21, the meetinghouse at Kawaihal finished.

"September 21, the tenth company of missionaries arrived.

"1843. The United States consent to the independence of the Hawaiian Islands.

"February 25, Lord George Paulet seized the Hawaiian Islands and raised the English flag.

"July 31, the sovereignty of the islands was restored by Admiral Thomas, of the English navy.

"September, Baitimeus Puaaiki died.

"1844. The Government of Belgium consents to the independence of the Hawaiian Islands.

"November 28, the governments of England and France recognize the independence of the Hawaiian Islands.

"July 15, the eleventh company of missionaries arrived.

"Silk exported from the islands—197 pounds.

"Haalilio died on his return voyage to the islands.

"1845. April 2, representatives first chosen from the common people under the constitution of October, 1840.

"Mr. Richards, the interpreter of Haalilio, returned with his remains.

"Kekauluohi died.

"First export of coffee—248 pounds.

"John Young (Keoni Ana) is appointed premier (kuhina nui).

"1846. February 11, commissioners appointed to settle land claims.

"March 20, Mr. Whitney died at Lahainaluna.

"1847. Mr. Richards died.

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"Governor Kuakini died.

"First appearance of Mormons at Honolulu, en route for California.

"1848. Leleiohoku (William Pitt) died.

"Moses Kaikoewa died.

"Kaiminaauao died.

"The twelfth company of missionaries arrived.

"The measles (mai puupuu ula) prevailed, and was very fatal.

"1849. The fort seized at Honolulu by Admiral Tromelin, of the French navy.

"Beef first exported from the islands—158 barrels.

"Keliiahonui died.

"1850. James Young Kanehoa died. Kaoanaeha died.

"1851. The Hawaiian Missionary Society was formed.

"Kekauonohi died.

"June, the court house at Honolulu built.

"First whale oil and bone transshipped.

"1852. April 2, Kaliokalani died.

"First export of fungus.

"1853. The smallpox (mai puupuu liilii) swept over the islands.

"1854. The fort at Lahaina demolished by order of the Government.

"December 15, Kamehameha III (Kauikeaouli) died, and Kamehameha IV became King.

"1855. Paki died.

"Mr. Hitchcock, of Molokai, died.

"Flour exported—463 barrels.

"1856. Juue 2, Kamehameha IV was united in marriage with Emma Rooke.

"Isaac Davis was married to Ruta Keelikolani.

"1857, the fort at Honolulu was demolished by order of the Government.

"Konia (widow of Paki) died.

"John Young (Keoni Ana), the premier, died.

"Victoria Kamamalu appointed Kuhina Nui.

"May 28, William L. Lee, chief justice of the supreme court, died, aged, 36.

"David Malo, native Hawaiian historian, died.

"Honeybees first introduced, by the R. H. Agricultural Society.

"Oahu prison built.

"1858, May 20, birth of the Prince of Hawaii.

"Rice first systematically cultivated near Honolulu.

"Sailors' Home established.

"1859, July, Rev. L. Smith's premises burnt.

"April 20, Jona Piikoi died, aged 50.

"April 26, laying of corner stone, Odd Fellows' Hall.

"January 7, dedication of Odd Fellows' Hall.

"February, eruption of volcano on Mauna Loa, running down to Wainanalii.

"The civil code published.

"Gaslight first introduced into Honolulu.

"September 9, William Pitt Kinau, son of Leleiohoku and R. Keelikolani, died at Kohala, Hawaii, aged 17.

"1860, May 5, arrival of Japanese embassy en route to the United States.

"New custom-house built, Honolulu.

"Queen's hospital built.

"Honolulu flour mill and foundry burned.

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"Steamer Kilauea arrived.

"Prince L. Kamehameha (Kamehameha V) sailed for California.

"September 23, Rev. Dr. E. Armstrong, minister of public instruction, died.

"Passage of the 'law to mitigate,' etc.

"1862. April, Palmyra Island, in latitude 5° 50' N., longitude 161° 53' W., taken possession of by Capt. Z. Bent, for Kamehameha IV and his successors, and subsequently declared by royal proclamation to be a part of the Hawaiian domain.

"August 27, death of the Prince of Hawaii, aged 4 years, 3 mouths and 7 days.

"The funeral took place September 7.

"Lahainaluna Seminary burned and was rebuilt the same year.

"October 11, Reformed Catholic Church mission arrived.

"1863. November 30, His Majesty Kamehameha IV died, aged 29 years, 9 months, and 21 days, and Prince Kamehameha ascended the throne as Kamehameha V.

"1864. May 5, convention of delegates to amend the constitution called by the King.

"July 7, convention opened.

"August 13, convention dissolved and constitution abrogated.

"August 20, new constitution granted by the King.

"L. Haalelea died.

"1865. October 19, E. C. Wyllie, minister of foreign relations, died, aged 67.

"Queen Emma visited the United States and Europe.

"January 27, arrival of the steamer Ajax from California.

"1865. May 29, H.R.H. Princess V. Kamamalu died, aged 27 years 6 months and 29 days.

"July 20, J. Dudoit, formerly French consul, murdered.

"October 22, return of Queen Emma.

"1867. March 12, G. M. Robertson, first associate justice of the supreme court, died, aged 47.

"1868. November 4, His Highness Mataio Kekuanaoa, father of the late King and his present Majesty, died, aged 75 years.

"1869. July 21, arrival of H.R.H. Alfred Ernest, Duke of Edinburg, in command of H. B. M.'s ship Galatea.

"August 2, light-house at the entrance of Honolulu Harbor permanently lighted.

XVIII. Deed of cession.

"The deed of cession reads as follows:

" ' In consequence of the difficulties of complying with the demands in the manner in which they are made by Her Britannic Majesty's representative upon us, in reference to the claims of British subjects, we do hereby cede the group of islands known as the Hawaiian (or Sandwich) Islands unto the Right Honorable Lord George Paulet, captain of Her Britannic Majesty's ship of war Carysfort, representing Her Majesty Victoria, Queen of Great Britain and Ireland, from this date and the time being; the said cession being made with the reservation that it is subject to any arrangement that may have been entered into by the representatives appointed by us to treat with the Government of Her Britannic Majesty; and in the event that no agreement has been

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executed previous to the date hereof, subject to the decision of Her Britannic Majesty's Government, on conference with the said representatives appointed by us; or, in the event of our representatives not being accessible or not having been acknowledged, subject to the decision which Her Britannic Majesty may pronounce on the receipt of full information from us and from the Right Honorable Lord George Paulet.

" 'In confirmation of the above we hereby affix our names and seals this twenty-fifth day of February, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and forty-three, at Honolulu, Oahu, Sandwich Islands.

" 'Signed in the presence of G. P. Judd, recorder and translator for the Government.

" 'Kamehameha III.

" 'Kekauluohi.

XIX . ARTICLE 78, CONSTITUTION OF 1852.

" 'Every male subject of His Majesty, whether native or naturalized, and every denizen of the Kingdom, who shall have paid his taxes, who shall have attained the age of 20 years, and who shall have resided in the Kingdom for one year immediately preceding the time of election, shall be entitled to one vote for the representative or representatives of the district in which he may have resided three months next preceding the day of election; provided, that no insane person, nor any person who shall at any time have been convicted of any infamous crime within this Kingdom, unless he shall have been pardoned by the King, and by the terms of such pardon been restored to all the rights of a subject, shall be allowed to vote.'

CONSTITUTION OF 1864.

" ' Constitution granted by His Majesty Kamehameha V, by the grace of God, King of the Hawaiian Islands, on the twentieth day of August, A.D. 1864.

" 'Article 1. God hath endowed all men with certain inalienable rights; among which are life, liberty, and right of acquiring, possessing, and protecting property, and of pursuing and obtaining safety and happiness.

" 'Article 2. All men are free to worship God according to the dictates of their own conscience; but this sacred privilege hereby secured shall not be so construed as to justify acts of licentiousness or practices inconsistent with the peace or safety of the Kingdom.

" 'Article 3. All men may freely speak, write, and publish their sentiments on all subjects, being responsible for the abuse of that right, and no law shall be enacted to restrain the liberty of speech, or of the press, except such laws as may be necessary for the protection of His Majesty the King and the royal family.

" 'Article 4. All men shall have the right, in an orderly and peaceable manner, to assemble, without arms, to consult upon the common good and to petition the King or Legislative Assembly for redress of grievances.

" 'Article 5. The privilege of the writ of habeas corpus belongs to all men, and shall not be suspended, unless by the King, when in cases of rebellion or invasion the public safety shall require its suspension.

" 'Article 6. No person shall be subject to punishment for any

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offense, except on due and legal conviction thereof in a court having jurisdiction of the case.

" 'Article 7. No person shall be held to answer for any crime or offence (except in cases of impeachment, or for offences within the jurisdiction of a police or district justice, or in summary proceedings for contempt) unless upon indictment, fully and plainly describing such crime or offence, and he shall have the right to meet the witnesses who are produced against him face to face; to produce witnesses and proofs in his own favor; and by himself or his counsel, at his election, to examine the witnesses produced by himself, and cross-examine those produced against him, and to be fully heard in his defence. In all cases in which the right of trial by jury has been heretofore used it shall be held inviolable forever, except in actions of debt or assumpsit in which the amount claimed is less than fifty dollars.

" 'Article 8. No person shall be required to answer again for an offence of which he has been duly convicted or of which he has been duly acquitted upon a good and sufficient indictment.

" 'Article 9. No person shall be compelled, in any criminal case, to be a witness against himself, nor be deprived of life, liberty, or property without due process of law.

" 'Article 10. No person shall sit as a judge or juror in any case in which his relative is interested, either as plaintiff or defendant, or in the issue of which the said judge or juror may have, either directly or through a relative, any pecuniary interest.

" 'Article 11. Involuntary servitude, except for crime, is forever prohibited in this Kingdom; whenever a slave shall enter Hawaiian territory he shall be free.

" 'Article 12. Every person has the right to be secure from all unreasonable searches and seizures of his person, his house, his papers, and effects; and no warrants shall issue, but on probable cause supported by oath or affirmation and describing the place to be searched and the persons or things to be seized.

" 'Article 13. The King conducts his Government for the common good, and not for the profit, honor, or private interest of any one man, family, or class of men among his subjects.

" 'Article 14. Each member of society has a right to be protected by it in the enjoyment of his life, liberty, and property, according to law; and, therefore, he shall be obliged to contribute his proportional share to the expense of this protection, and to give his personal services or an equivalent when necessary; but no part of the property of any individual shall be taken from him, or applied to public uses, without his own consent or the enactment of the Legislative Assembly, except the same shall be necessary for the military operation of the Kingdom in time of war or insurrection; and whenever the public exigencies may require that the property of any individual should be appropriated to public use he shall receive a reasonable compensation therefor.

" 'Article 15. No subsidy, duty, or tax of any description shall be established or levied without the consent of the legislative assembly; nor shall any money be drawn from the public treasury without such consent, except when between the sessions of the legislative assembly the emergencies of war, invasion, rebellion, pestilence, or other public disaster shall arise, and then not without the concurrence of all the cabinet and a majority of the whole privy council; and the minister of finance shall render a detailed account of such expenditure to the legislative assembly.

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" 'Article 16. No retrospective laws shall ever be enacted.

" 'Article 17. The military shall always be subject to the laws of the land; and no soldier shall, in time of peace, be quartered in any house without the consent of the owner; nor in time of war but in a manner to be prescribed by the Legislature.

" 'Article 18. Every elector shall be privileged from arrest on election days, during his attendance at election, and in going to and returning therefrom, except in cases of treason, felony, or breach of the peace.

" 'Article 19. No elector shall be obliged to perform military duty on the day of election as to prevent his voting, except in time of war or public danger.

" 'Article 20. The supreme power of the Kingdom in its exercise is divided into the executive, legislative, and judicial; these shall always be preserved distinct, and no judge of a court of record shall ever be a member of the legislative assembly.

" 'Article 21. The Government of this Kingdom is that of a constitutional monarchy, under His Majesty Kamehameha V, his heirs and successors.

" 'Article 22. The crown is hereby permanently confirmed to His Majesty Kamehameha V, and to the heirs of his body lawfully begotten, and to their lawful descendants in a direct line; failing whom, the crown shall descend to Her Royal Highness the Princess Victoria Kamamalu Kaahumanu, and the heirs of her body lawfully begotten, and their lawful descendants in a direct line. The succession shall be to the senior male child, and to the heirs of his body; failing a male child, the succession shall be to the senior female child and to the heirs of her body. In case there is no heir as above provided, then the successor shall be the person whom the sovereign shall appoint, with the consent of the nobles, and publicly proclaim as such during the King's life; but should there be no such appointment and proclamation and the throne should become vacant, then the cabinet council, immediately after the occurring of such vacancy, shall cause a meeting of the legislative assembly, who shall elect by ballot some native Alii of the Kingdom as successor to the throne; and the successor so elected shall become a new Stirps for a royal family, and the succession from the sovereign thus elected shall be regulated by the same law as the present royal family of Hawaii.

" 'Article 23. It shall not be lawful for any member of the royal family of Hawaii, who may by law succeed to the throne, to contract marriage without the consent of the reigning sovereign. Every marriage so contracted shall be void, and the person so contracting a marriage may, by the proclamation of the reigning sovereign, be declared to have forfeited his or her right to the throne, and, after such proclamation, the right of succession shall vest in the next heir, as though such offender were dead.

" 'Article 24. His Majesty Kamehameha V will, and his successors upon coming to the throne shall, take the following oath: I solemnly swear in the presence of Almighty God to maintain the constitution of the Kingdom whole and inviolate, and to govern in conformity therewith.

" 'Article 25. No person shall ever sit upon the throne who has been convicted of any infamous crime, or who is insane, or an idiot.

" 'Article 26. The King is the commander-in-chief of the army and navy, and of all other military forces of the Kingdom, by sea and land; and has full power by himself, or by any officer or officers he may

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appoint, to train and govern such forces as he may judge best for the defense and safety of the Kingdom. But he shall never proclaim without the consent of the legislative assembly.

" 'Article 27. The King, by and with the advice of his privy council, has the power to grant reprieves and pardon, after conviction, for all offenses, except in cases of impeachment.

" 'Article 28. The King, by and with the advice of his privy council, convenes the legislative assembly at the seat of Government, or at a different place if that should become dangerous from an enemy, or any dangerous disorder; and in case of disagreement between His Majesty and the legislative assembly he adjourns, prorogues, or dissolves it, but not beyond the next ordinary session under any great emergency he may convene the legislative assembly to extraordinary sessions.

" 'Article 29. The King has the power to make treaties. Treaties involving changes in the tariff or in any law of the Kingdom shall be referred for approval to the legislative assembly. The King appoints public ministers, who shall be commissioned, accredited, and instructed agreeably to the usuage and law of nations.

" 'Article 30. It is the King's prerogative to receive and acknowledge public ministers, to inform the legislative assembly by royal message, from time to time, of the state of the Kingdom, and to recommend to its consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient.

" 'Article 31. The person of the King is inviolable and sacred. His ministers are responsible. To the King belongs the executive power. All laws that have passed the legislative assembly shall require His Majesty's signature in order to their validity.

" 'Article 32. Whenever, upon the decease of the reigning sovereign, the heir shall be less than eighteen years of age, the royal power shall be exercised by a regent or council of regency, as hereinafter provided.

" 'Article 33. It shall lawful for the King at any time when he may be about to absent himself from the Kingdom to appoint a regent, or council of regency, who shall administer the Government in his name; and likewise the King may, by his last will and testament, appoint a regent, or council of regency, to administer the Government during the minority of any heir to the throne, and should a sovereign decease, leaving a minor heir, and having made no last will and testament, the cabinet council, at the time of such decease, shall be a council of regency until the legislative assembly, which shall be called immediately, may be assembled, and the legislative assembly immediately that it is assembled shall proceed to choose, by ballot, a regent, or council of regency, who shall administer the Government in the name of the King, and exercise all the powers which are constitutionally vested in the King until he shall have attained the age of eighteen years, which age is declared to be the legal majority of such sovereigns.

" 'Article 34. The King is sovereign of all the chiefs and of all the people; the Kingdom is his.

" 'Article 35. All titles of honor, orders, and other distinctions emanate from the King.

" 'Article 36. The King coins money and regulates the currency by law.

" 'Article 37. The King, in case of invasion or rebellion, can place the whole Kingdom, or any part of it, under martial law.

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" 'Article 38. The national ensign shall not be changed except by act of the Legislature.

" 'Article 39. The King's private lands and other property are inviolable.

" 'Article 40. The King can not be sued or held to account in any court or tribunal of the realm.

" 'Article 41. There shall continue to be a council of state for advising the King in all matters for the good of the State wherein he may require its advice, and for assisting him in administering the executive affairs of the Government in such manner as he may direct; which council shall be called the King's private council of state, and the members thereof shall be appointed by the King, to hold office during His Majesty's pleasure.

" 'Article 42. The King's cabinet shall consist of a minister of foreign affairs, the minister of the interior, the minister of finance, and the attorney general of the Kingdom, and these shall be His Majesty's special advisers in the executive affairs of the Kingdom; and they shall be ex officio members of His Majesty's privy council of state. They shall be appointed and commissioned by the King, and hold office during His Majesty's pleasure, subject to impeachment. No act of the King shall have any effect unless it be countersigned by a minister, who, by that signature, makes himself responsible.

" 'Article 43. Each member of the King's cabinet shall keep an office at the seat of Government, and shall be accountable for the conduct of his deputies or clerks. The ministry holds seats ex officio as nobles in the legislative assembly.

" 'Article 44. The minister of finance shall present to the legislative assembly, in the name of the Government, on the first day of the meeting of the Legislature, the financial budget in the Hawaiian and English languages.

" 'Article 45. The Legislative power of the three estates of this kingdom is vested in the King and the legislative assembly; which assembly shall consist of the nobles, appointed by the King, and of the representatives of the people, sitting together.

" 'Article 46. The legislative body shall assemble biennially in the month of April, and at such other time as the King may judge necessary, for the purpose of seeking the welfare of the nation. This body shall be styled the Legislature of the Hawaiian Kingdom.

" 'Article 47. Every member of the legislative assembly shall take the following oath: I most solemnly swear, in the presence of Almighty God, that I will faithfully support the constitution of the Hawaiian Kingdom and conscientiously and impartially discharge my duties as a member of this assembly.

" 'Article 48. The Legislature has full power and authority to amend the constitution as hereinafter provided, and from time to time to make all manner of wholesome laws not repugnant to the provisions of the constitution.

" 'Article 49. The King shall signify his approval of any bill or resolution which shall have passed the legislative assembly by signing the same previous to the final rising of the Legislature. But if he shall object to the passing of such bill or resolution he will return to the legislative assembly, who shall enter the fact of such return on its journal, and such bill or resolution shall not be brought forward thereafter during the same session.

" 'Article 50. The legislative assembly shall be the judge of the qualifications of its own members, and a majority shall constitute a

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quorum to do business; but a smaller number may adjourn from day to day, and compel the attendance of absent members in such manner and under such penalties as the assembly may provide.

" 'Article 51. The legislative assembly shall choose its own officers and determine the rules of its own proceedings.

" 'Article 52. The legislative assembly shall have authority to punish by imprisonment, not exceeding thirty days, every person not a member who shall be guilty of disrespect to the assembly by any disorderly or contemptuous behavior in its presence, or who, during the time of its sitting, shall make any false report of its proceedings or insulting comments upon the same, or who shall threaten harm to the body or estate of any of its members for anything said or done in the assembly, or who shall assault any of them therefor, or who shall assault or arrest any witness or other person ordered to attend the assembly in his way going or returning or who shall rescue any person arrested by order of the assembly.

" 'Article 53. The legislative assembly may punish its own members for disorderly behavior.

" 'Article 54. The legislative assembly shall keep a journal of its proceedings, and the yeas and nays of its members, or any question, shall, at the desire of one-fifth of those present, be entered on the journal.

" 'Article 55. The members of the legislative assembly shall, in all cases except treason, felony, or breach of the peace, be privileged from arrest during their attendance at the sessions of the Legislature and in going to and returning from the same; and they shall not be held to answer for any speech or debate held in the assembly in any other court or place whatsoever.

" 'Article 50. The representatives shall receive for their services a compensation to be ascertained by law and paid out of the public treasury, but no increase of compensation shall take effect during the year in which it shall have been made; and no law shall be passed increasing the compensation of said representatives beyond the sum of two hundred and fifty dollars for each session.

" 'Article 57. The King appoints the nobles, who shall hold their appointments during life, subject to the provisions of article 53, but their number shall not exceed twenty.

" 'Article 58. No person shall be appointed a noble who shall not have attained the age of twenty-one years and resided in the Kingdom five years.

" 'Article 59. The nobles shall be a court, with full and sole authority to hear and determine all impeachments made by the representatives, as the grand inquest of the Kingdom, against any officers of the Kingdom for misconduct or maladministration in their offices; but, previous to the trial of every impeachment, the nobles shall respectively be sworn truly and impartially to determine the charge in question, according to evidence and the law. Their judgment, however, shall not extend further than to removal from office and disqualification to hold or enjoy any place of honor, trust, or profit under this Government; but the party so convicted shall be, nevertheless, liable to indictment, trial, judgment, and punishment according to the laws of the land. No minister shall sit as a noble on the trial of any impeachment.

" 'Article 60. The representation of the people shall be based upon the principle of equality, and shall be regulated and apportioned by the Legislature according to the population, to be ascertained, from time to time, by the official census. The representatives shall not be

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less in number than twenty-four nor more than forty, who shall be elected biennually.

" 'Article 61. No person shall be eligible for a representative of the people who is insane or an idiot; nor unless he be a male subject of the Kingdom; who shall have arrived at a full age of twenty-one years, who shall know how to read and write, who shall understand accounts, and shall have been domiciled in the Kingdom for at least three years, the last of which shall be the year immediately preceding his election, and who shall own real estate within the Kingdom of a clear value over and above all incumbrances of at least five hundred dollars; or who shall have an annual income of at least two hundred and fifty dollars derived from any property or some lawful employment.

" 'Article 62. Every male subject of the Kingdom who shall have paid his taxes, who shall have attained the age of twenty years, and shall have been domiciled in the Kingdom for one year immediately preceding the election, and shall be possessed of real property in this Kingdom to the value over and above all incumbrances of one hundred and fifty dollars, or of a leasehold property on which the rent is twenty-five dollars per year, or of an income of not less than seventy-five dollars per year, derived from any property or some lawful employment, and shall know how to read and write, if born since the year 1840, and shall have caused his name to be entered on the list of voters of his district as may be provided by law, shall be entitled to one vote for the representative or representatives of that district: Provided, however, That no insane or idiotic person, nor any person who shall have been convicted of any infamous crime within this Kingdom, unless he shall have been pardoned by the King, and by the terms of such pardon have been restored to all the rights of a subject, shall be allowed to vote.

" 'Article 63. The property qualifications of the representatives of the people and of the electors may be increased by law.

" 'Article 64. The judicial power of the Kingdom shall be vested in one supreme court, and in such inferior courts as the Legislature may, from time to time, establish.

" 'Article 65. The supreme court shall consist of a chief justice and not less than two associate justices, any of who may hold the court. The justices of the supreme court shall hold their offices during good behavior, subject to removal upon impeachment, and shall, at stated times, receive for their services a compensation which shall not be diminished during their continuance in office: Provided, however, That any judge of the supreme court or any other court of record may be removed from office, on a resolution passed by two-thirds of the legislative assembly, for good cause shown to the satisfaction of the King. The judge against whom the legislative assembly may be about to proceed shall receive notice thereof, accompanied by a copy of the causes alleged for his removal, at least ten days before the day on which the legislative assembly shall act thereon. He shall be heard before the legislative assembly.

" 'Article 66. The judicial power shall be divided among the supreme court and the several inferior courts of the Kingdom in such manner as the Legislature may from time to time prescribe, and the tenure of office in the inferior courts of the Kingdom shall be such as may be defined by the law creating them.

" 'Article 67. The judicial power shall extend to all cases in law and equity arising under the constitution and laws of this Kingdom, and treaties made, or which shall be made under their authority, to all

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cases affecting public ministers and councils and to all cases of admiralty and maritime jurisdiction.

" 'Article 68. The chief justice of the supreme court shall be the chancellor of the Kingdom; he shall be ex officio president of the nobles in all cases of impeachment, unless when impeached himself, and exercise such jurisdiction in equity or other cases as the law may confer upon him, his decisions being subject, however, to the revision of the supreme court on appeal. Should the chief justice ever be impeached some person specially commissioned by the King shall be president of the court of impeachment during such trial.

" 'Article 69. The decisions of the supreme court, when made by a majority of the justices thereof, shall be final and conclusive upon all parties.

" 'Article 70. The King, his cabinet, and the legislative assembly shall have authority to require the opinions of the justices of the supreme court upon important questions of law and upon solemn occasions.

" 'Article. 71. The King appoints the justices of the supreme court and all other judges of courts of record; their salaries are fixed by law.

" 'Article 72. No judge or magistrate can sit alone on an appeal or new trial in any case on which he may have given a previous judgment.

" 'Article 73. No person shall ever hold any office of honor, trust, or profit under the Government of the Hawaiian Islands who shall, in due course of law, have been convicted of theft, bribery, perjury, forgery, embezzlement, or other high crime or misdemeanor, unless he shall have been pardoned by the King and restored to his civil rights, and by the express terms of his pardon declared to be appointable to offices of trust, honor, and profit.

" 'Article 74. No officer of this Government shall hold any office or receive any salary from any other Government or power whatever.

" 'Article 75. The Legislature votes the appropriations biennially, after due consideration of the revenue and expenditures for the two preceding years and the estimates of the revenue and expenditures of the two succeeding years, which shall be submitted to them by the minister of finance.

" 'Article 76. The enacting style in making and passing all acts and laws shall be, "Be it enacted by the King and the legislative assembly of the Hawaiian Islands in the Legislature of the Kingdom assembled."

" 'Article 77. To avoid improper influences which may result from intermixing in one and the same act such things as have no proper relation to each other every law shall embrace but one object, and that shall be expressed in its title.

" 'Article 78. All laws in force in this Kingdom shall continue and remain in full effect until altered or repealed by the Legislature, such parts only excepted as are repugnant to this constitution. All laws heretofore enacted, or that may hereafter be enacted, which are contrary to this constitution shall be null and void.

" 'Article 79. This constitution shall be in force from the twentieth day of August, in the year one thousand eight hundred and sixty-four, but that there may be no failure of justice or inconvenience to the Kingdom from any change, all officers of this Kingdom, at the time this constitution shall take effect, shall have, hold, and exercise all the power to them granted until other persons shall be appointed in their stead.

" 'Article 80. Any amendment or amendments to this constitution

S. Doc. 231, pt 6----34

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may be proposed in the legislative assembly, and if the same shall be agreed to by a majority of the members thereof, such proposed amendment or amendments shall be entered on its journal, with the yeas and nays taken thereon, and referred to the next Legislature; which proposed amendment or amendments shall be published for three months, previous to the next election of representatives; and if in the next Legislature such proposed amendment or amendments shall be agreed to by two-thirds of all the members of the legislative assembly, and be approved by the King, such amendment or amendments shall become part of the constitution of this country.

" 'Kamehameha R.' "

(Pp. 20, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, and 33.)

Joint resolution of the Hawaiian Legislature of 1856.

" 'Resolved, That whereas it is desirable to codify our existing laws, His Royal Highness Prince Kamehameha, the honorable W. L. Lee, chief justice, and the honorable George M. Robertson, associate judge of the supreme court, are appointed a committee to prepare a complete civil code, adding notes with reference to important decisions of court under the laws, wherever they may think necessary, and to report the same for the sanction of the Legislature of 1858, with an appropriate index for facility of reference' " (p. 39).

Comment on legislative provision for publication of Hawaiian law reports.

" 'It may not be inappropriate in this connection to state that so highly esteemed are some of the dicta of our Hawaiian courts abroad that their decisions have in more than one instance been quoted in some of the higher courts of the United States. This is no small honor to be attained by a nation which, one generation only ago, had no law but the "word of the chief' " (p. 40).

XX. List showing that a very small proportion of the officers in charge of the conduct of the government were native hawaiians, the larger proportion being americans.

"The court, Government officers, etc.

" The court.—His Majesty Kamehameha V, born December 11, 1830. Ascended the throne November 30, 1803. Son of Kinau and grandson of Kamehameha I.

"Her Majesty Queen Dowager Kalama, relict of His Majesty Kauikeaouli, Kamehameha III.

"Her Majesty Queen Dowager Emma, relict of His Majesty Alexander Liholiho, Kamehameha IV.

" Privy council of state.—His Majesty the King. Their excellencies the ministers; the governors of Oahu, Kauai, and Maui. Her excellency the governess of Hawaii. His honor the chancellor of the Kingdom. "H. A. Kahanu, S. N. Castle, R. G. Davis, A. Fornander, C. Kauaina, C. R. Bishop, P. Y. Kaeo, P. S. Kalama, W. Hillebrand, W. C. Lunalilo, T. S. Staley, J. W. Makalena, W. P. Kamakau, G. Rhodes, J. Mott Smith, T. C. Heuck; secretary, D. Kalakaua.

" The cabinet.—His Majesty the King; minister of foreign relations, his excellency C. de Varigny; minister of the interior, his excellency

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F. W. Hutchison; minister of finance, his excellency C. C. Harris; attorney-general, Hon. S. H. Phillips.

" Bureau of public instruction.—President, Hon. W. P. Kamakau; members, C. C. Harris, C. de Varigny, F. W. Hutchison, and Bishop Staley; inspector-general of schools, A. Fornander; secretary, W. J. Smith.

" Bureau immigration.—President, minister of the interior; members, C. R. Bishop, C. C. Harris, D. Kalakaua, W. Hillebrand.

" Supreme court.—Chief justice, E. H. Allen; first associate justice, Hon. A. S. Hartwell; second associate justice, Hon. H. A. Widemann; clerk, L. McCully, esq.; assistant clerk, W. Humphreys, esq.

" Circuit judges.—First circuit, Oahu, Hon. W. P. Kamakau; second circuit, Maui, Hon. A. J. Lawrence; third circuit, Hawaii, Hons. D. K. Naiapaakai, C. F. Hart, and R. A. Lyman; fourth circuit, Kauai, Hon. D. McBryde.

" Board of health.—President, minister of the interior; members, W. Hillebrand, M. D.; Godfrey Rhodes, W. P. Kamakau, T. C. Heuck; port physician, A. C. Buffum.

" Government officers.—Jailer, Oahu prison, Capt. J. H. Brown; collector-general of customs, W. F. Allen, esq.; postmaster-general, A. P. Brickwood, esq.; registrar of conveyances, Thomas Brown, esq.; superintendent waterworks, Capt. Thomas Long; superintendent public works, Robert Sterling, esq.; harbor master of Honolulu, Capt. John Meek; pilots in Honolulu, Capts. A. Mclntyre and C. S. Chadwick" (p. 75).

XXI. And the following statement of admiral belknap, from the boston herald of january 31, 1893.

To the Editor of the Herald:

The revolution in the Hawaiian Islands, resulting in the deposition of the Queen and the establishment of a provisional government, is an event not unexpected to diplomatic, naval, and consular officers who have had any acquaintance or familiarity with the course of affairs in that island Kingdom for the past twenty years.

To the people of the United States the present situation is of momentous interest and of vital importance. Indeed, it would seem that nature had established that group to be ultimately occupied as an outpost, as it were, of the great Republic on its western border, and that the time had now come for the fulfillment of such design.

A glance at a chart of the Pacific will indicate to the most casual observer the great importance and inestimable value of those islands as a strategic point and commercial center. Situated in mid-north Pacific, the group looks out on every hand toward grand opportunities of trade, political aggrandizement, and polyglot intercourse.

To the north and northwest it beckons to the teeming populations of China, Japan, Korea, and Russian coast of Asia; to the north and northeast it calls to Alaska and British Columbia; to the east it bows to the imperial domain of the western United States, holding out its confiding hands for closer clasp and more binding tie; to the southeast it nods to Mexico, Central America, Colombia, Bolivia, Peru, and Chile; to the south aud southwest it salutes the growing influence and tropic opportunities of Australia, New Zealand, and the numerous island groups constituting Polynesia.

Its chief commercial point, Honolulu, is already a port of call for our lines of steamships to Japan and Polynesia, and for the British lines

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to New Zealand and Australia from Vancouver. That port also stands directly in the track of the commerce that will flow through the Nicaragua Canal when that great commercial need is completed. Indeed, in that coming day the enchanting coral, reef-locked harbor of Honolulu will hardly suffice to take in the ships that will put in there.

The interests in the group are mainly American, or substantially connected commercially with the United States. In the palmy days of the whale fishery the ports of Honolulu and Lahaina used to be packed at certain seasons of the year with the ships of that great and adventurous industry.

The advent of our missionaries at the islands in 1820, and the excellent work they did there, won the hearts of the natives and increased American influence. The treaty of reciprocity made with King Kalakaua in 1875 welded in closest bonds the ties of friendship and trade, and gave to the group its present wealth and prosperity.

The group now seeks annexation to the United States; the consummation of such wish would inure to the benefit of both peoples, commercially and politically. Annex the islands, constitute them a territory, and reciprocal trade will double within ten years. Let the islanders feel that they are once and forever under the folds of the American flag, as part and parcel of the great Republic, and a development will take place in the group that will at once surprise its people and the world.

Not to take the fruit within our grasp and annex the group now begging us to take it in would be folly indeed—a mistake of the gravest character, both for the statesmen of the day and for the men among us of high commercial aims and great enterprises.

Our statesmen should act in this matter in the spirit and resolve that secured to us the vast Louisiana purchase, the annexation of Texas, and the acquisition of California. The administration that secures to the United States the " coign of vantage" in the possession of those beautiful islands will score a great measure of beneficent achievement to the credit side of its account.

But in the path of annexation England will throw down the gauntlet of protest and obstruction. To that end she will bend all the powers of her diplomacy; all the cunning of her foreign-office procedures; all the energy, unwearied effort, and unvarying constancy that has ever made her secretly hostile in her diplomatic methods and commercial policies to the welfare, growth, and advancement of the United States.

She wants to gather the group under her own control; she would like to Egyptianize that vital point in the Pacific; she burns to establish a Pacific Bermuda off our Western coast, to hold the same relation toward the ports of Esquimalt and Victoria on Vancouver Island that Bermuda bears toward Halifax, all strongly fortified, connected by cable with Downing street, and stored with munitions of war.

Let the British lion once get its paw upon the group and Honolulu would soon become one of the most important strongholds of Great Britain's power. With her fortified port of Esquimalt dominating the entrance to Puget Sound, constituting an ever-standing menace to our domain in that region, she wants to supplement such commanding advantage by another stronghold at Hawaii, where, within six days' easy steaming from San Francisco, she could immediately threaten that port with one of her fleets in the event of the sudden outbreak of war.

Great Britain will undoubtedly propose a joint arrangement for the government of the islands, but we want none of that—no entangling alliances. We have had enough of such business at Samoa.

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No; we want no joint protectorate, no occupation there by any European power, no Pacific Egypt. We need the group as part and parcel of the United States, and should take what is offered us, even at the hazard of war. Westward the star of empire takes its way. Let the Monroe doctrine stay not its hand until it holds Hawaii securely within its grasp. In this matter the undersigned speaks from personal knowledge, gained through official visits to the islands in 1874 and 1882, and could readily pursue the subject further and more into detail, but for the present forbears.

George E. Belknap.
Brookline, January 30, 1893.

TESTIMONY BEFORE THE COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS, UNDER THE FOLLOWING RESOLUTION OF THE SENATE OF DECEMBER 20, 1893:

Resolved, That the Committee on Foreign Relations shall inquire and report whether any, and, if so, what irregularities have occurred in the diplomatic or other intercourse between the United States and Hawaii in relation to the recent political revolution in Hawaii, and to this end said committee is authorized to send for persons and papers and to administer oaths to witnesses.

FIRST DAY.

Washington, D.C., December 27, 1893.

The subcommittee met pursuant to notice.

Present: The Chairman (Senator Morgan), and Senators Gray, Sherman and Frye.

Absent: Senator Butler.

SWORN STATEMENT OF REV. OLIVER P. EMERSON.

The Chairman. Mr. Emerson, state your age?

Mr. Emerson. I am 48. Born in 1845.

The Chairman. Where were you born?

Mr. Emerson. I was born on the island of Maui, one of the Sandwich islands.

Senator Sherman. You are of American descent?

Mr. Emerson. My father and mother were New Hampshire people.

The Chairman. HOW long had your father and mother resided in Hawaii before your birth?

Mr. Emerson. From 1832 to 1845.

The Chairman. What was your father's vocation?

Mr. Emerson. My father was a missionary. When I was born he was a missionary. He was a teacher then at the Government school —-no, it was not a Government school; it was a missionary school. I am not sure about that. It was the only college where the natives went. It was at Subinaluero, Maui. My father was stationed at Waialua, Oahu. It is thirty miles from the city.

Senator Gray. Is that the principal island?

Mr. Emerson. It is the island on which Honolulu is situated; it is the best port and the seat of the Government.

Senator Gray. What is your vocation?

Mr. Emerson. I am the Secretary of the Hawaiian Board of Missions.

The Chairman. Are you a minister of the gospel, also?

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Mr. Emerson. Yes; I was ordained in 1871. I was settled in the ministry first here, and was called in January, 1889, to take this position.

The Chairman. Do you speak the Hawaiian tongue?

Mr. Emerson. I do. I preach in it and think in it as well as in English, so far as the limitations of the language are not concerned.

The Chairman. Is your father living?

Mr. Emerson. NO; he died in 1867.

The Chairman. Have you relatives living in Hawaii?

Mr. Emerson. I have three brothers living in the city of Honolulu.

The Chairman. Was your father ever connected with the Government of Hawaii?

Mr. Emerson. No. He was for a while road supervisor of the district, because there was no one else to take the position, and also acted as surveyor of the district, which he surveyed, plotted, and divided to give the natives land to plant. He was several years doing that.

The Chairman. Have you ever had any connection with the Hawaiian Government?

Mr. Emerson. I have not.

The Chairman. Has either of your brothers been connected with the Hawaiian Government?

Mr. Emerson. My brother, Dr. Emerson, was connected with the board of health; Joseph Emerson with the survey. He was a civil engineer. My brother, Samuel Emerson, was one of the postmasters of the district where his home was.

The Chairman. You have spoken of having been in the missionary school. Where did you complete your education?

Mr. Emerson. I entered the sophomore class of Williams College, and took my three years' course in the theological seminary of Andover.

The Chairman. Were your brothers educated in Hawaii?

Mr. Emerson. We were educated in the preliminary Oahu College, at Punahou, and then my brothers came on to this country to be educated.

The Chairman. Were you in Hawaii during the month of January, 1893?

Mr. Emerson. Yes; I was in Honolulu.

The Chairman. Were you residing in Honolulu at that time?

Mr. Emerson. Yes, my home was in the city.

The Chairman. How long had you resided there?

Mr. Emerson. Since January 23, 1889—since my connection with the secretaryship of the Hawaiian Board of Missions.

The Chairman. When did you first become aware of the existence of revolutionary purposes amongst the people of any of the cities of Hawaii or of Honolulu? By Hawaii I mean the entire group of islands, the whole country.

Mr. Emerson. I think the whole thing culminated the last week of the Legislature. The first significant utterance I know of was a remark made by a gentleman after the passage of the lottery bill. He said: "Rather than have that lottery bill pass and become a law of the land I would be willing to take up my musket and fight."

The Chairman. That was the last week of what?

Mr. Emerson. That was the last week of the Hawaiian Legislature.

The Chairman. When was that?

Mr. Emerson. Saturday, the 11th of January, was the last day of the session.

The Chairman. Was the Legislature prorogued?

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Mr. Emerson. It was prorogued at noon.

The Chairman. That was the first intimation you had that there was a revolutionary intent existing in the minds of any persons there?

Mr. Emerson. I should say that was the first clear intimation; but there was a constant feeling in the air—talk during those days when the Queen and Legislature were coming out more and more in support of the opium, the distillery and the lottery bills.

The Chairman. How many days was this before the 14th of January that you heard this remark made?

Mr. Emerson. I think it was two or three days. I can not recall exactly; but it was during that week. It was while the lottery bill was being considered—I think it was either Thursday or Friday that that bill was signed by the Queen.

The Chairman. Did you hear any other persons make use of expressions of a similar character before the time that the outbreak occurred?

Mr. Emerson. A great many times I talked the matter over with my brother, the surveyor. I heard him speak with a good deal of vehemence against the Queen, feeling that the time might come, before long, when there ought to be a change. And in fact this talk had been the talk since 1887—not a very common talk.

Senator Gray. Not a very common talk?

Mr. Emerson. Not a very common talk, although among some perhaps it was more common than among others. I had not made up my mind that there should be a change, so long as the Queen lived, until Saturday.

Senator Frye. The 14th of January?

Mr. Emerson. The 14th of January.

The Chairman. Did you contemplate, and did you know that others contemplated, that at the death of the Queen there would be an effort made to establish a new form of government in Hawaii?

Mr. Emerson. Nothing that had crystallized into shape, nothing that I knew of that had crystallized into a plan.

Senator Frye. I would like to know, if the committee have no objection, what determined Mr. Emerson to change his mind and conclude that the Queen ought to be deposed, he having been a royalist up to the 14th of January.

The Chairman. Let me ask first whether Mr. Emerson was in sentiment a royalist up to the 14th of January.

Mr. Emerson. I will say that, from the beginning of the reign of the Queen until the very last—I would not say the last week, but toward those last days—until the Queen's Legislature and the powers of the court seemed to go the wrong way, I was a supporter of the Queen, honestly so, and spoke in favor of her, not believing that she was a moral woman, but, perhaps, as a ruler not so bad as some might think. But during those last days I saw more and more clearly, until Saturday, when it was plain to me that the change must come.

The Chairman. During that period of which you speak, were you in favor of a monarchy in Hawaii, or were you desirous of having a republic established?

Mr. Emerson. I think I felt a good deal as Judge Judd said, so long as our Hawaiian chiefs lived, that is, those who were really of the line, and they continued to reign—so long as they behaved themselves, I felt that I was a royalist, a loyal man to the Government; yes, sir.

Senator Gray. Because you thought it best for all interests?

Mr. Emerson. We did not see how we could----

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The Chairman. Improve the matter?

Mr. Emerson. Improve the situation. The matter of annexation to this country was not plain; the matter of establishing a republic seemed to be a questionable thing.

Senator Gray. If you were a sincere royalist, as you say, it was because you believed the best interests of the islands would be subserved by that form of government?

Mr. Emerson. Yes, I did so believe to the last.

Senator Frye. On or about January 14 you changed your opinion as to the propriety of continuing the Queen in power?

Mr. Emerson. I think it was associated first with the action of the House of Representatives, when there was a departure of some of the gentlemen, some of the white men who were members of the Legislature, to their homes—when there was a minority of those who were for reform measures, for good government, and there was a majority— claimed to be a majority—of those who were for spoils—for lottery, opium, and so on.

Senator Gray. If those who favored reform measures had remained would there have been a majority that way?

Mr. Emerson. Yes; there would have been a majority. I do not think the lottery bill could have been carried through. I saw how things were working. This Legislature was bribed, evidently it was bribed. It was the common talk of the natives that it was being bribed, and the Queen began to disclose her thorough sympathy with that party. The passage of the distillery bill and the opium bill, which are destructive bills, would have killed off the natives. Then there was the passage of the lottery bill, and afterwards the discharge of the good cabinet, the Wilcox-Jones cabinet, and the putting in a most irresponsible cabinet. Then there was the proclamation, or an attempt to put into execution a new constitution.

Senator Sherman. State what was the nature of that proposed change.

Mr. Emerson. You mean of the constitution?

Senator Sherman. Yes.

Mr. Emerson. The constitution, it is said, was destroyed by the Queen, and some have said that the constitution was one that would disfranchise the white men. Those who were not married to native women would have had the vote taken from them. It was a constitution that would have taken away the ballot from me. It would have taken from the people the power to elect the nobles and put it into the hands of the Queen. By the restricted ballot we were enabled, so far at least as the Legislature is concerned, to elect men of character who stood out against these measures of corruption.

Senator Gray. By a restricted ballot?

Mr. Emerson. Yes; by a restricted ballot.

The Chairman. You spoke of the Wilcox-Jones cabinet. What was the successor cabinet called ?

Mr. Emerson. The Parker-Cornwell cabinet—Colburn and Peterson. I believe it was Peterson—Cornwell or Peterson—who made the cabinet. They were the ones who made the cabinet.

The Chairman. Who was premier in tlie last cabinet?

Mr. Emerson. Wilcox was the one previously to that—I do not know—I think it was Cornwell. I am not sure whether it was Cornwell or Peterson.

Senator Frye. What was the distillery bill of which you spoke?

Mr. Emerson. As I understood it the idea was that there would be

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great opportunity for making rum, making alcoholic drinks there from sugar-cane juice and other products, that it might be a means of revenue or wealth to the islands—enlarge the business.

Senator Frye. Encourage the opening of saloons?

Mr. Emerson. It would have probably supplied cheaper drinks to the saloons.

Senator Frye. What was the opium bill?

Mr. Emerson. It was a bill that legalized the sale of opium. I do not know just the nature of the bill, but it was one that made it legal to sell opium.

Senator Frye. Have you been troubled there from the use of opium?

Mr. Emerson. We have had a good deal of trouble. It has been smuggled into the country. There have been opium rings, and some of the men connected with the Government were connected with the rings, no doubt. There is no doubt that the chief marshal of the Kingdom was.

Senator Frye. Whom do you mean; Wilson?

Mr. Emerson. Wilson. There is no doubt about that. It is common talk—was common. You can hear it out on the street from every other person almost.

Senator Gray. Hear what?

Mr. Emerson. That Wilson was connected with the opium ring, and that he was hand and glove in with Capt. Whalen, who was captain of a yacht.

Senator Frye. A yacht used for smuggling?

Mr. Emerson. Yes. And there were also men who had come there as smugglers and whom Mr. Wilson had handled gently. He had pounced upon Chinamen to keep up a show of maintaining the law— some little Chinamen; but the great sinners were let go.

Senator Frye. Did those bills all pass that Legislature?

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

Senator Frye. By what majority?

Mr. Emerson. I am not sure of the majority.

Senator Frye. But they did pass, and the Qaeen approved them.

Mr. Emerson. The Queen signed them.

Senator Sherman. In that week?

Mr. Emerson. That week, as I remember.

Senator Frye. And they were approved?

Mr. Emerson. And they were approved. Protests were sent in by leading ladies of the city who had tried to stand between the Queen and temptation. We recognized her as our Queen, and we tried to stand between her and temptation. And I would like to say here that a good deal of what has been said of how the Queen was received is true. She was received in our houses. She was on the throne, and we thought we must do so, to try to keep her from evil. I went with native pastors to tell her we would support her, remember her in our prayers, and try to help her. Again and again that was done, not as a proof of her character, but to get as good a Queen as we could in the country.

Senator Gray. How did the Queen receive you?

Mr. Emerson. As she is very capable of receiving—in the most courteous and kindly way. And she also reciprocated our sentiments in a spirit not only enlightened but in seeming sympathy with us, as she did the ladies who waited upon her. And the very next move she made was to sign the lottery bill.

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The Chairman. Was the Queen a communicant in any of the churches?

Mr. Emerson. I think she was not a communicant in any church; she went around to different churches.

Senator Gray. Was she an avowed Christian?

Mr. Emerson. I think not an avowed Christian.

The Chairman. Do you mean that she adhered to the pagan ideas?

Mr. Emerson. She received Kahunas, sorcerers, in the palace.

Senator Gray. Do you know that of your own knowledge?

Mr. Emerson. I know it as well as I do my own existence.

Senator Gray. Do you know it of your own knowledge?

Mr. Emerson. I never saw the Kahunas there; I know the man who was at her right hand sent out a proclamation for the restoration of the Kahunas. I know that man, for I have talked with him, and charged him with his wickedness.

The Chairman. Now, I want to get at this cabinet business; I speak of the Cornwell-Peterson cabinet, the last one. How long was that in existence before the revolution occurred?

Mr. Emerson. I cannot be perfectly sure. I think the old cabinet was voted out Friday, and that cabinet was appointed the same day.

Senator Frye. The Friday before the revolution?

Mr. Emerson. Yes. The Chairman. Did any of the ministers of the Wilcox-Jones cabinet join the Queen in signing any of these bills—the opium bill, the distillery bill, or the lottery bill?

Mr. Emerson. I cannot say yes or no; but my opinion is that they stood out against it.

The Chairman. You do not know whether the later cabinet, the Cornwell Peterson cabinet, signed those measures with the Queen?

Mr. Emerson. The later cabinet, as I understood, did support her.

Senator Gray. The cabinet that was appointed on Friday?

Mr. Emerson. Yes, sir; I think it was Friday.

Senator Sherman. The cabinet that was appointed on the 13th?

The Chairman. I understand we have a constitution of Hawaii, and I understand it is required by the constitution of Hawaii that in order that a bill may become a law after it has passed the Legislature, it is necessary that it be signed by one member of the cabinet along with the Queen? Is that the fact?

Mr. Emerson. I can not say as to that.

The Chairman. You do not know.

Mr. Emerson. No.

The Chairman. Before going to more particular inquiries as to your knowledge of the incidents of the revolution, I would like to ask you something about the state of the education amongst the native population in Hawaii—I mean now all the islands.

Senator Frye. Do you mean the Kanakas?

The Chairman. Yes.

Mr. Emerson. We have a very good system of public schools. They are taught most of them by white men or women, some coming from California and some farther east. All these teachers are not teachers such as would be classed as supporting the highest moral and religious principles, but a good many of them are fine men and women.

Senator Gray. Do you mean that they are all white men and women?

Mr. Emerson. Most of them.

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Senator Gray. What do you mean by "supporting the highest moral principles"?

Mr. Emerson. I mean in certain cases charges have been brought against some. I know charges to have been brought against a teacher, and so soon as he was found guilty of immorality he was removed.

Senator Gray. White men?

Mr. Emerson. Yes. I know of schools that are taught by a graduate of our female seminaries.

The Chairman. I have seen it stated that every person in Hawaii and all these islands, who is above eight years of age, can read and write. Are you prepared to sustain that statement from your own observation?

Mr. Emerson. I believe I would have to look a long while to find a single person who is over twelve years of age who can not read or write—among the natives; not the Portugese.

Senator Gray. Among the natives of the Sandwich Islands.

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. As a rule, in your pastoral intercourse among them, have you found the native Hawaiians to be an intelligent, thoughtful people? I am asking now with regard to the native population, the Kanakas.

Mr. Emerson. I have been greatly grieved to find—speaking of my relations to them religiously—a growing increase, it seems to me, of a superstitious sentiment, and that sentiment would argue a rather low state of religious life in the churches, which I am sorry to acknowledge is the case.

The Chairman. Now, asking more particularly of practical affairs, everyday life, do you find the native Hawaiians intelligent people, susceptible to instruction; are they thoughtful or are they otherwise?

Mr. Emerson. Well, sir, they are Polynesians, and as Polynesians, bright and intelligent as they may be, they have certain marked defects in their character.

Senator Sherman. How as to honesty and integrity in their dealings?

Mr. Emerson. There are some pretty bad characters among them.

The Chairman. As a genaral rule, taking the native classes as a mass?

Mr. Emerson. If I could institute a comparison, it seems to me that they stand a good deal on a par with the negro, although my sympathies are with them, perhaps, and my kindness is with them more than with the negro. I feel that they are very loveable, happy, and in many ways bright, interesting people.

Mr. Chairman. Kind-hearted and benevolent?

Mr. Emerson. Kind-hearted and benevolent to a fault. But they are improvident; they are averse to labor; and if I were going to mention one thing which those Hawaiians need taken away from them, I would say that they need less government affairs and more interest in business affairs, in industry. If the brighter young men instead of itching to get into the legislature, to pose as statesmen or as speechmakers, would be more interested in getting to work and getting homes, building up homes, it would be vastly better for that people. That seems to me one of the great faults with them.

Senator Sherman. They are fond of office?

Mr. Emerson. Yes, they are fond of office. They get two dollars and fifty cents a day as legislators; they think that a good deal.

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Senator Gray. But you think they need to be led by a superior class?

Mr. Emerson. I think they need to be led by a superior class, and inevitably they will be.

The Chairman. Are they a people who are easy to be controlled, easy to be led, or are they rebellious?

Mr. Emerson. No; they are easily led, and, being easily led, they are easily made suspicious; that is, there has been an attempt during the Kalakaua reign, after he went to the throne, to create race prejudice, and he did it after he got on the throne, although the white man was his best friend. It was so during the late revolution, since the dethronement of the Queen and before that, during the meeting of the late Legislature. There has been a constant attempt on the part of such men as Bush and Wilcox and others to stir up race feeling, and the natives in the city of Honolulu have been influenced in that way. They go with a rush, as it were, with this current, led by this bad literature, and the churches and Christian life have suffered from it.

The Chairman. You are speaking of the city of Honolulu. Does that occur throughout the islands?

Mr. Emerson. Yes; wherever the henchmen of the Queen are, wherever there are persons subservient to her ideas, to ideas which have been inculcated into them by the city of Honolulu. Those men by their speeches have been enabled to lead the people. One of the strongest elements working against them are the Kahunas.

Senator Gray. What are they?

Mr. Emerson. The sorcerers.

Senator Sherman. The heathen?

Mr. Emerson. They are the people who practice fetichism upon the superstitions of the people.

The Chairman. Native Hawaiians?

Mr. Emerson. Native Hawaiians. In 1868 Kamehameha V granted licenses to these medicine men to practice according as they knew the art, according as they professed to know the art.

The Chairman. What is the art?

Mr. Emerson. The natives are adepts in massage, with fetichism in the background.

Senator Gray. Kamehameha V granted licenses according to their proficiency in the art of medicine, not the art of sorcery?

Mr. Emerson. No; he granted licenses to them as professed sorcerers; he granted licenses to the Kahunas.

Senator Gray. Did he grant licenses except when the applicant exhibited some proficiency in the art of medicine?

Mr. Emerson. He granted a license to any man—I do not say to any man; but licenses were given to those who claimed to be proficient, medicine men who were called Kahunas. There is a minimum use of drugs that these men associate with their practice, and a large—a minimum of knowledge I should say; I do not know much about their use of medicine—and a large appeal to superstition. For instance, I know of one man who had----

Senator Gray. What I want to know is, whether Kamehameha granted licenses to those men on account of their knowledge of sorcery alone or on account of some professed knowledge of medicine?

Mr. Emerson. He granted licenses to them as men professing to have knowledge of the art of healing.

The Chairman. Are the Hawaiians—I speak generally of the native population—located in their separate homes?

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Mr. Emerson. They are more in the country than in the city. In the city there is more mixing up of home life. In the city of Honolulu it is very unfortunate; there is a good deal of that.

Senator Gray. Of what?

Mr. Emerson. Mixing up of home life.

The Chairman. Speaking of the country. Have the Hawaiian families habitations in which they reside as families?

Senator Sherman. That is, separate homes.

The Chairman. Yes, separate homes.

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. Are those homes as a rule comfortable?

Mr. Emerson. Not according to Anglo-Saxon ideas. Some of them are. For instance, in my tours through the islands I have stopped sometimes at the native man's house, the judge's house. That man gets a larger salary, and, of course, he can keep a better house, and he has some knowledge of cookery. But the vast majority of the natives' homes I would not like to state them to be comfortable.

The Chairman. Are they constructed of wood?

Mr. Emerson. Mostly frame houses.

The Chairman. As a rule, do the natives build them themselves?

Mr. Emerson. I think as a rule they do, perhaps those who are able to put up simple buildings such as they use.

The Chairman. Do they have fields, gardens, and orchards about them?

Mr. Emerson. Very rarely. Now and then you will find a native man who has a garden near his house. But I will say this, that generally the native has to have a field where he can raise his rice, his taro, his potatoes; his home may be on a hill or down by the seashore. If the seashore, he is a fisherman, and his yard is a barren place.

The Chairman. The habitations are arranged to suit the particular calling in which the family is engaged?

Mr. Emerson. Some of them have thatched houses.

The Chairman. In their domestic relations have you found them to be affectionate toward each other—peaceful?

Mr. Emerson. I think it may be stated that they are affectionate and generally peaceful.

The Chairman. What is the tone of morality that prevails in the households, the family establishments throughout these islands?

Mr. Emerson. Altogether there is too much of immorality—lack of chastity among the females.

The Chairman. Would you say that this is the general rule, or only the exception?

Mr. Emerson. I fear that I have to say it is the general rule.

The Chairman. That the women are unchaste?

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

Senator Gray. Are they monogamists?

Mr. Emerson. That is the law. But women will have two husbands sometimes, and a man sometimes two wives. But I will say this, that there is an element----

The Chairman. You do not say that those polygamous relations are tolerated by law?

Mr. Emerson. No; we have a Christian law.

The Chairman. And these are transgressions of it?

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

Senator Gray. Monogamists are tolerated by law.

The Chairman. Yes.

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Mr. Emerson. I would like to say there is in the islands, I believe, an element which we are striving to raise up, a goodly remnant of the men and women who are mostly chaste. They are the girls in our seminaries and the young men in our boarding schools.

The Chairman. You spoke, a moment ago, of some difference between the missionary schools and the Government schools. Has the Government over there taken charge of the secular education?

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. Complete charge?

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. Have the missionary schools ceased to be held?

Mr. Emerson. Oh, no; we have three girls' schools and two boys' schools besides the Kamehameha School.

Senator Sherman. Are they sustained by public or private contributions.

Mr. Emerson. Private contributions.

The Chairman. Those you have just spoken of?

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. DO you have a public school system beside?

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. Is that sustained by taxation of the people at large?

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. What sort of system is it; a good one?

Mr. Emerson. I think there was an attempt to model it on our American system.

The Chairman. What was the result of the attempt?

Mr. Emerson. I think it has been a great success in that country.

Senator Gray. How long has the system been in existence there?

Mr. Emerson. The missionaries started to teach so soon as they went there. But I understand that Richard Armstrong was the first president of the board of education. I am not sure when he became president of the board of education.

Senator Gray. How long ago, about?

Mr. Emerson. I should say in the neighborhood of forty years or more.

Senator Gray. That is in addition to the general school system?

Mr. Emerson. That was the public-school system.

Senator Sherman. I would like to have you tell where you were on the 14th day of January.

Mr. Emerson. That was Saturday?

Senator Sherman. Yes.

Mr. Emerson. I went to the prorogation of the legislature.

Senator Sherman. The legislature was dissolved that day?

Mr. Emerson. Dissolved that day.

Senator Sherman. When was the first meeting of those who threatened to overthrow the Queen; when did that occur?

Mr. Emerson. AS I understand, that occurred on that Saturday afternoon.

Senator Sherman. Were you present?

Mr. Emerson. I was not.

Senator Sherman. Did you take any part in that?

Mr. Emerson. I did not.

Senator Sherman. Of whom was that composed—what class of citizens?

Mr. Emerson. I think of those who were the merchants and the

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planters of the town. It was composed of the men who were, perhaps, most largely interested in good government.

Senator Sherman. To what extent did the native population participate in that meeting?

Mr. Emerson. To no extent whatever, as I understood it.

Senator Sherman. Was that meeting held in the evening?

Mr. Emerson. In the afternoon.

Senator Sherman. Was any resolution passed at that meeting?

Mr. Emerson. Really, I know very little of what was done, except as I have read the newspaper accounts. As I understand it, they appointed a committee of safety.

The Chairman. That is hearsay. Of course, we can get nearer to it than that.

Senator Sherman. Have we the proceedings of that meeting; have they been published?

Senator Gray. Yes.

Senator Sherman. The proceedings of that first meeting?

The Chairman. Yes.

Senator Gray. When the resolutions were passed.

Senator Sherman. What occurred on Sunday in connection with this movement, do you remember, the day following the 15th?

Mr. Emerson. All I know is this: My brothers were interviewed. They are laymen, and they were asked to state what arms they had. My brother had two rifles, and he offered to loan one to another gentleman. And they had plenty of ammunition. This was my brother Joseph, who was with me in the house. My other brother, Dr. Emerson, mentioned that he had arms, too. And it was understood that a gentleman, a friend of ours, was making out a list of those who could rally at any time. It would seem in that city we got rather used to this sort of thing. It was worked before, in 1887; it was worked in 1889, and it was by the rallying of citizens in 1889 that the rebellion was put down. It was by the rallying of the citizens in 1887 that Kalakaua was made to accept the constitution, and it could be done again.

Senator Sherman. What was done that Sunday?

Mr. Emerson. A list was gotten.

Senator Sherman. What occurred on Monday, the 16th?

Mr. Emerson. I will say that during all this time there was intense feeling. We felt it in the church and felt it on the street, although the natives were quiet. You could always tell there was a good deal of feeling among white men, too. Monday morning I went down to my office. I remember being so excited. Perhaps this fact may bear a little on the situation. We have a room there where we sell Bibles and other books. My clerk was sitting there, and two other native men, and Mr. Hall came in.

Senator Gray. Do you mean missionary men?

Mr. Emerson. Not missionary men; they were native Hawaiians.

Senator Gray. Aborigines?

Mr. Emerson. Aborigines. I think there were two, my clerk, and the aborigines. I think I remember the name of one, and the other— I know his face perfectly. I do not know what his alliances were, whether he was a Queen man or not. But I will say this—the word was called out—"We are entirely through with this Queen; we will have nothing more to do with this Queen." I made the remark in the office in the presence of these natives, and I was sustained by the

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white men and the natives and Mr. Hall. Such was my feeling at that time that I had no more allegiance for this Queen.

Senator Sherman. That was the 16th?

Mr. Emerson. Yes, sir.

Senator Sherman. What day were the troops ordered there? Give the history of the event.

Mr. Emerson. Then I went home to dinner, and in the afternoon I attended the mass meeting. Things culminated at the mass meeting.

Senator Sherman. That was on the 16th?

Mr. Emerson. The 16th.

The Chairman. Where was that meeting held?

Mr. Emerson. In the skating rink.

The Chairman. How many persons were present?

Mr. Emerson. From a thousand to fifteen hundred. Fifteen hundred, maybe. I sat front and could not say exactly. There were considerably over a thousand.

The Chairman. Any Kanakas there?

Mr. Emerson. My clerk came and sat with me.

The Chairman. Any others?

Mr. Emerson. I did hear of others being there. I believe there were some half-whites there. But it was a meeting mostly of white men, white citizens. There was most intense feeling.

The Chairman. Who presided?

Mr. Emerson. Mr. William Wilder. There was most intense feeling. Mr. Wilder opened the meeting and made a statement of why they were there. In brief, he introduced the speakers. I know Mr. Thurston was a speaker, and also a German who spoke, and there was an Englishman who spoke. There were a great many Portuguese there. I am not sure that there was a speech made in Portuguese.

The Chairman. Do you recollect what Mr. Wilder said in opening that meeting? Do you think you can recall it so that you can state it to the committee?

Mr. Emerson. No, I can not.

Senator Sherman. And how soon after that were the troops landed from the Boston?

Mr. Emerson. While this meeting was being held in the skating rink there was also a rally of the people who were the supporters of the palace, the Queen, in the palace square. I do not know how many were there.

The Chairman. You were not present there?

Mr. Emerson. I was not present, although my friend, Mr. Hooes, was with me. He was a chaplain in the United States Navy. And my brother was with me. They left me to go down the street to the Palace Square, to see what was going on. I think they said some five hundred or more were there, and that there was a good deal of feeling. And so strong was the feeling that the speakers did not dare excite the populace, but felt that the time had come for them to restrain their utterances, and their utterances were quite mild afterwards—they were apologetic.

Senator Sherman. They were for the Queen?

Mr. Emerson. Yes. And the feeling during all those days was that the Queen and the Queen's government had lost its grip on the situation. During the meeting held in that skating rink I did not see any man with any arms whatever. I saw no sidearms, and they were within a block and a half of the barracks. But they did not dare----

Senator Gray. What did that meeting do other than declare against

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certain acts of the Government? Did it declare openly in opposition to the Queen?

Mr. Emerson. So openly that when Mr. Baldwin said, "Let us go by the constitutional methods," they cried out, "No, no." And as I remember it the statement was made, "We have no more use for the Queen," or words to that effect.

Senator Gray. Who made that statement?

Mr. Emerson. I could not tell you.

Senator Gray. Were resolutions passed other than those denouncing certain acts of the Government which the meeting disapproved?

Mr. Emerson. As I understand it the committee was empowered to go forward and act.

Senator Sherman. Follow that. How soon after that meeting closed was it that the troops were landed from the Boston?

Mr. Emerson. My first knowledge of the landing of the troops from the Boston was when I went down the street.

Senator Sherman. The same day?

Mr. Emerson. The same day; oh, yes, sir. It was after that meeting. I went to my home, and my brother and I went to Rev. Mr. Bishop's home. We knew there must be a good deal of feeling around. I said, "How about to-night; are they not going to patrol?" Mr. Bishop said, "The United States marines have been landed, so that there will be quiet observed."

Senator Sherman. Were the marines landed before the close of the meeting?

Mr. Emerson. No.

Senator Sherman. They were not?

Mr. Emerson. Oh, no; an hour or two afterwards.

Senator Gray. Did you see any of the marines there?

Mr. Emerson. I did not.

Senator Gray. Then how did you know they were landed.

Mr. Emerson. I was told by Mr. Bishop.

Senator Sherman. At what hour was the meeting held?

Mr. Emerson. I think it was after 2 o'clock that we met.

Senator Sherman. Were there, so far as you know, any organized armed forces on either side at the time, during the holding of this meeting?

Mr. Emerson. I know of none. I know of no armed forces that were in sight.

Senator Sherman. Did you know or hear of any that were in existence ready to fight during the time the meeting was going on? You say there was a meeting of both sides.

Mr. Emerson. I had no knowledge of any forces that were at that time anywhere in sight, although that night—I will not say that night —I had the feeling that there were men in the city not only by the score, but certainly over a hundred.

Senator Sherman. You say that the day before they made a list of their strength.

Mr. Emerson. Hundreds who would have risen had there been an emergency.

Senator Sherman. But you saw no armed troops in the streets?

Mr. Emerson. No; my brother was ready at any time to take his gun and go.

The Chairman. At the time of the holding of the meeting of these citizens, both at the skating rink and at the palace grounds, the Queen had her army?

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Mr. Emerson. Yes. The barracks were a block and a half away.

The Chairman. How many were in that army?

Mr. Emerson. She was granted payment for only 60 or 70.

The Chairman. In addition to that was there a police force?

Mr. Emerson. There was a police force. I do not know how large, but I have heard say there were 80 in the station house.

The Chairman. Were both of these forces, the civil and military forces, under the command of the same person?

Mr. Emerson. No.

The Chairman. Under the command of different persons?

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. Who commanded the military force?

Mr. Emerson. Capt. Nowlein. I am not sure about that.

The Chairman. Who commanded the civil force, the police force?

Mr. Emerson. As I understand, Mr. Wilson, the marshal, was at the head of the police.

The Chairman. Did they occupy the same quarters or different?

Mr. Emerson. They were nearly a mile apart.

The Chairman. You saw nothing of the police force as a body or the military force as a body at either of these meetings?

Mr. Emerson. No.

The Chairman. Did you see them on the street that evening in military array?

Mr. Emerson. No. There was a remarkable----

The Chairman. There was then no exhibition of military force, nor exhibition of police force?

Senator Gray. Let Mr. Emerson finish his sentence.

Mr. Emerson. There was a great hush about the streets.

Senator Gray. You were going to say remarkable.

Mr. Emerson. There was an unusual aspect in the condition of things.

Senator Gray. You were going to say remarkably quiet?

Mr. Emerson. There was a particularly peculiar hush; yes.

The Chairman. During that afternoon or evening you saw no military or police force in bodies under their appropriate officer?

Mr. Emerson. No.

The Chairman. No display of that kind?

Mr. Emerson. No.

The Chairman. After the troops came in from the ship—the marines came in from the Boston, where did they go?

Mr. Emerson. This, of course, I got from reports.

The Chairman. You need not speak of anything but what you yourself know.

Mr. Emerson. I know this much—that company went up to Mr. Atherton's house. One went to the consul's; I saw them there. One went to the minister's residence.

Senator Gray. Did they stay there?

Mr. Emerson. Some twenty-five or so stayed with the consul.

Senator Gray. All night?

Mr. Emerson. Yes. And another company, as I understand it, stayed at the minister's residence. I saw tents pitched there for them.

Senator Gray. Did you see men in them?

Mr. Emerson. Yes. And at Mr. Atherton's there was no place for them to stay; there being no place, they were removed.

Senator Gray. That evening?

Mr. Emerson. That evening; yes.

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Senator Sherman. Who is Mr. Atherton.

Mr. Emerson. He is one of our leading financiers, a wealthy man.

Senator Sherman. He is not an officer of the Government?

Mr. Emerson. No.

The Chairman. A gentleman from Hawaii, Mr. Carter, sent me a blue print of the city of Honolulu, at least parts of it. I want you to look over that and see if the locations of the different houses correspond with your knowledge of the facts (exhibiting diagram).

Mr Emerson (examining). This is about the same as the diagram that I made out for myself; a smaller one.

The Chairman. Are you prepared to say whether that is a correct drawing of the place?

Mr. Emerson [indicating on the diagram]. There is Mr. Atherton's house. There is the skating rink. That is the place where the mass meeting was held. There are the barracks around the corner. This was all open there,the Queen's military barracks. This is the palace, where the Queen was, the Government building, and that is the opera house, and this Arion Hall.

Senator Gray. In this Government house beside are the chambers of the Government officers?

Mr. Emerson. In fact, the treasury. All the archives are there.

Senator Sherman. Where did our soldiers stand—there [indicating] or here [indicating].

Mr. Emerson. No; here [indicating]. The United States marines— I did not see them stand in arms, as stated. I remember going there. I saw no marines, no guns trained on the palace.

Senator Sherman. Behind that building? [Indicating.]

Mr. Emerson. Yes; here [indicating] is the yard where they had the tent.

Senator Sherman. That is the opera house? [Indicating.]

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. Where did those marines land?

Mr. Emerson. AS I understand, they landed down on the wharf, about there [indicating].

Senator Gray. Not by the custom-house?

Mr. Emerson. No; they landed down here [indicating].

Senator Sherman. King street seems to be the leading street?

Mr. Emerson. Yes. Merchant street—I think they usually landed about there; it may be they landed there [indicating].

Senator Sherman. On what street did they go toward the palace?

Mr. Emerson. I did not see them go up. But here [indicating] is the consulate. Probably they would go right up this street here [indicating] and up there [indicating]; or a squad might go up Nuuanu street to the legation; another squad to the consulate; another squad up Merchant street to Mr. Atherton's, and then back again to Arion Hall. There [indicating] is the police station, within a block, just across the street, where Mr. Smith's committee of safety met—right under the nose of the police station.

The Chairman. Show me the building on which the flag of the United States was raised.

Mr. Emerson. Iolani Palace.

The Chairman. When was it first raised?

Mr. Emerson. I think it was about two weeks after the landing of the marines that I saw it.

The Chairman. Two weeks after the landing of the marines?

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. Before the flag was raised at all?

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Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. Where were the troops at the time that flag was raised?

Mr. Emerson. They were quartered right here at Camp Boston.

The Chairman. Where was the minister of the United States residing at the time that flag was raised over the Aliolani Hall?

Mr. Emerson. Right there [indicating].

The Chairman. Is that the palace usually occupied by the Queen?

Mr. Emerson. The court has been at lolani Palace.

Senator Sherman. Is the Queen's home within the bounds of the city

Mr. Emerson. Yes; the home is right there [indicating].

Senator Gray. Not the palace, but the Queen's home.

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

Senator Sherman. I supposed it was out some distance.

Mr. Emerson. NO.

The Chairman. Mark where the Queen's home is.

Mr. Emerson. Right there [marking].

The Chairman. You say you did not see the United States flag until two weeks after the landing of the marines?

Mr. Emerson. That or ten days. I can not say how long; but it was considerably later.

The Chairman. Were these troops that you saw quartered in this open park accompanied with a flag?

Mr. Emerson. I think the flag of the United States was with each squad. Camp Boston was there [indicating].

Senator Gray. Was that where they were Friday night?

Mr. Emerson. Not Friday night.

Senator Gray. Monday night?

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. Was this flag raised over Aliolani Hall?

Mr. Emerson. Not until two weeks after.

The Chairman. And they made their camp there?

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. And in the meantime the Queen had retired to her private home?

Mr. Emerson. Yes. She retired Wednesday. The home has always been kept open.

The Chairman. Were you present when the flag was raised there?

Mr. Emerson. No.

The Chairman. Of course you know nothing about the orders on which it was done?

Mr. Emerson. No.

The Chairman. Are you pretty certain it was as much as two weeks after the landing of the marines before that flag was raised on Aliolani Hall.

Senator Sherman. He said seven or ten days.

Mr. Emerson. I said in the neighborhood of ten days.

The Chairman. If there had been a flag raised on these buildings prior to that time, would you have seen it?

Mr. Emerson. I certainly would have seen it. There was a flag on the consulate and a great many flags in the street; on private houses they had American flags flying; but over the Government buildings I did not see it until some time afterwards.

The Chairman. Was any Hawaiian flag flying at any time?

Mr. Emerson. I think the flag on the Government building was raised and kept up, the two together.

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The Chairman. You think the two together?

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. Are you certain of that?

Mr. Emerson. I am sure of that—so sure that it was a matter of talk.

Senator Sherman. That Hawaii and the United States were in partnership?

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

Senator Gray. DO you mean the flags were on the same staff?

Mr. Emerson. I think not on the same staff. I am not sure about that. I think on different staffs.

The Chairman. YOU spoke of the Government building. That is different from lolani Palace?

Mr. Emerson. I do not know whether they had two staffs there or not. But on the Government building I saw the two flags waving together.

The Chairman. What time was the flag raised on the Government building?

Mr. Emerson. I think the same time it was raised on lolani Palace.

The Chairman. You do not remember to have seen the flag of the United States on the Government building until you saw it on lolani Palace.

Mr. Emerson. No. I am not sure of two flags on lolani Palace.

The Chairman. You saw on the Government building two, on lolani Palace only one?

Mr. Emerson. I am not sure about that.

Senator Gray. What was the opium bill of which you spoke awhile ago, the one which was passed by the Legislature, and which was so objectionable to some of the good people of Honolulu.

Mr. Emerson. I can speak only in general terms of it; it was a bill regulating the sale of opium.

Senator Gray. Did you ever read it?

Mr. Emerson. I think I have read it; I am not sure; I have seen it in the papers, the bills as they are published from time to time.

Senator Gray. Can you recollect what the provisions of it were?

Mr. Emerson. No.

Senator Gray. You say that prior to the passage of that bill there had been a bitter complaint about what was called the existence of an opium ring, that smuggled opium into the islands?

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

Senator Gray. Was the importation absolutely prohibited—I mean prior to the passage of the bill?

Mr. Emerson. I can not say just what the law was in regard to that; but as I understand it there was—my impression is it was to be used in certain ways as a drug.

Senator Gray. I want to know if you know.

Mr. Emerson. I would rather say I do not know.

Senator Gray. YOU say you do not know whether you read that bill or not. Do you know whether the bill that passed provided for the licensing of the sale of opium under Government regulation?

Mr. Emerson. According to my recollection that was the nature of the bill—Government regulation of the sale.

Senator Gray. What was the lottery bill?

Mr. Emerson. I was in the Legislature when that bill was passed.

The Chairman. Were you a member of the Legislature?

Mr. Emerson. No; I beg pardon, I was attending.

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Senator Gray. In the chamber?

Mr. Emerson. I was in the chamber and saw the vote taken and beard the bill read. I can not state just the nature of the bill; but it was a bill that granted a franchise to a certain number of persons to establish a lottery in that country.

Senator Gray. For what purpose; did it state?

Mr. Emerson. As I understood it it was for their own----

Senator Gray. To raise revenue?

Mr. Emerson. Five hundred thousand dollars was offered the Government and an annuity. Then there was a rider put on by Mr. Thurston and Mr. Smith, the last thing before it passed, to the effect that $125,000—that there must be a certain putting down of that money, a deposit made to the extent of $125,000, before this body could operate. The idea was to stave off any attempt to do the thing unless the Louisiana lottery would take hold. They did not want the Louisiana lottery, and it would not be there unless the Louisiana lottery would take hold, and the question was whether the Louisiana lottery would take hold.

Senator Gray. And they wanted a deposit of actual money?

Mr. Emerson. Yes. The feeling was to hamper the bill as much as possible.

Senator Gray. That rider was put on by the enemies of the bill?

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

Senator Sherman. Does gambling prevail among the natives of Hawaii?

Mr. Emerson. I am sorry to say that it does to a large extent. The natives are led into it by Chinamen and by—I will say chiefly by Chinamen.

Senator Gray. Participated in by whites at all?

Mr. Emerson. I think the whites have their own way of gambling. I do not think they go to these little stalls and buy checks and gamble. It is the Chinese chefa game.

Senator Gray. The Chinese have a distinct system of gambling of of their own?

Mr. Emerson. That is the system that appeals to the natives.

Senator Gray. Is there any gambling among the whites?

Mr. Emerson. I suppose there is considerable. There is a certain class of whites which was associated with the Kalakauan throne.

Senator Gray. I have been very much interested in the account you gave of the native population, of their disposition and habits and education. You say it would be very difficult, as I understood you, to find a person over 12 years of age who could not read and write?

Mr. Emerson. I think it would be very difficult among the natives.

Senator Gray. Do you think those people capable of self-government as we understand it here?

Mr. Emerson. I can not answer that categorically; I must qualify it by saying this: The Hawaiians are in the hands of two parties; one party makes for righteousness and the other for spoils.

Senator Gray. Do you think they are themselves capable of originating or maintaining popular self-government?

Mr. Emerson. I think with their environment they can not do it.

Senator Sherman. I believe we have statistics here among the papers showing the increase among the Portuguese and the decline of the Hawaiians.

Senator Frye. Yes.

The Chairman. The Portuguese go there by importation.

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Mr. Emerson. I think the agent went to the Azores and negotiated for certain laborers. They come from the islands.

Senator Sherman. Are they not a good deal mixed; is there not a mixture of Portugese and other Indian blood?

Mr. Emerson. In some there is a mixture. I do not just know the situation in the Madeira or the group of the Azores Islands.

Senator Gray. Are they not classed as such?

Mr. Emerson. We class them as European.

The Chairman. In coming to Hawaii, do they bring their families?

Mr. Emerson. Many of them do.

The Chairman. And establish homes?

Mr. Emerson. Some of them are most industrious and thrifty.

The Chairman. In establishing homes?

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. They represent a good industrious element?

Mr. Emerson. We think it is a great gain.

The Chairman. Are they difficult to control?

Mr. Emerson. We do not think so.

The Chairman. I mean in their general demeanor in the community?

Mr. Emerson. I do not think so. They are a peaceful people.

Senator Gray. Do they maintain their language or speak the Hawaiian?

Mr. Emerson. They speak Portuguese.

The Chairman. Are they members of any church?

Mr. Emerson. They are mostly Roman Catholics; but most of them are prejudiced' against the Jesuits. And my experience has been in the mission work that they are not very bigoted or under the control of the priests. They have no priests of their nationality there. There was no preaching in Portuguese until we introduced a preacher, and then they introduced one.

The Chairman. Do the Portuguese build Catholic churches?

Mr. Emerson. No. I do not think they have separate churches. We have two among the Portuguese.

Senator Gray. Missions among the Portuguese?

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

Senator Gray. To convert them from Romanism?

Mr. Emerson. No. There was the nucleus of a protestant element. We have a school in our mission in Honolulu. We have a gentleman and three ladies who have worked with him, and they have a day and night school, a kindergarten, and a good many children of Roman Catholic Portuguese go there to attend our schools. Our intention is to give them a biblical Christianity; it is not proselyting. One family after another has come over to express their adherence.

Senator Gray. Does the Catholic mission have churches?

Mr. Emerson. It has its cathedral and out stations and its priests.

The Chairman. When these Portuguese arrive do they go on the sugar plantations in the country or stop in the town?

Mr. Emerson. Those who come as contract laborers have to go on the sugar plantation. I do not think many are brought now as contract laborers.

The Chairman. So that you regard them as a peaceful element of society?

Mr. Emerson. I will answer in this way: My two brothers are conducting a Sabbath school in connection with this mission, and they have more interest in the Portuguese work than in the Hawaiian work

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because they seem to think they have something to build up. And what they say has much truth in it. One of the elements of the islands is the element represented by the Portuguese people.

The Chairman. Are the Portuguese entitled to vote under the constitution?

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. Being Europeans!

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. They are entitled to that privilege in Hawaii without changing their nationality, without renouncing their allegiance to the foreign government?

Mr. Emerson. I think all Europeans, Germans and all, who are domiciled in the land under certain conditions. I can not tell you the conditions that permit them to vote. While considering themselves American citizens, some of the white men have voted. They vote and act as citizens of that land.

The Chairman. Petaining their citizenship in their native land, they are permitted to vote in Hawaii under the constitution of 1887?

Mr. Emerson. AS I understand it. I do not know just what relations the Portuguese Government permits.

The Chairman. When the Japanese come to Hawaii do they bring their families?

Mr. Emerson. I am sorry to say that the Japanese come there rather too promiscuously. Some of them are married men; but they tire of one wife and take another.

The Chairman. The Japanese, if I understand you correctly, are introduced into Hawaii by an agreement between the two governments?

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. Do the overseers, controllers of these Japanese, come along from Japan?

Mr. Emerson. There is an agent, a Mr. Irwin, who ships them from Japan. Of course, there are interpreters, men who go there to bring them over; just how, I could not say.

The Chairman. Mr. Irwin is the agent of the Hawaiian Government?

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. And he resides in Japan?

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. And he sends out these Japanese to Hawaii?

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. They come under a contract between the two governments?

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. Do they establish homes when they get there?

Mr. Emerson. The Japanese are rather apt to be migratory. Now and then a bright, intelligent Japanese man will get a store. There are certain young men in Honolulu who are establishing stores in the city, and also the members of the legation. Rarely you will find one who is married; they are young men. Their prospects in the island are good, but most of the laborers return.

The Chairman. They come under a contract to return, do they not?

Mr. Emerson. I believe they do. I suppose there is a contract to return.

The Chairman. The Chinese who come to Hawaii, are they brought

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under an arrangement with the Government of China or do they come of their own accord?

Mr. Emerson. In regard to these Government contracts, my knowledge is that as to the immigration of the Chinese they are limited, as in the case of the Japanese. As I understand it, there is a limitation upon their coming.

The Chairman. DO you mean that a certain number may come within a year?

Mr. Emerson. I can not say just what it is.

The Chairman. When the Chinese arrive there, do they bring their families with them?

Mr. Emerson. I know this, the Chinamen are sending to China often for wives. My cook said, "Mr. Emerson, if you will lend me $200 I can get a wife."

The Chairman. In what kind of service are the Chinese employed in Hawaii?

Mr. Emerson. The chief service is to their own people, rice planters.

Senator Sherman. And sugar planters ?

Mr. Emerson. There are not so many working the sugar plantations. Then there are cooks in the cities.

Senator Gray. Domestic servants?

Mr. Emerson. Domestic servants.

The Chairman. Have the Chinamen ownership over the lands where they raise rice?

Mr. Emerson. I think it is mostly rented land.

The Chairman. But they have farming establishments?

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. And they are engaged mainly in the raising of rice?

Mr. Emerson. The Chinaman, I think, is quite an item in Hawaii, so far as his labors are concerned. There are quite a number of children (descendants of Chinamen are numerous); they are given to marrying native wives, native women.

The Chairman. How is the native population, the Kanakas, related to these different people—the Portuguese, Japanese, and Chinese? Are they friendly?

Mr. Emerson. Friendly with anybody. A Chinaman can ingratiate himself into the native's house. He will say, "You put up a building, and I will give you a certain rent." The Chinaman will run a store and pay the rent, and the native will live off it. The Chinaman will go into the country and say, "I will take your patch off your hand and plant the patch;" and the Hawaiian rents to the Chinaman, and he makes money off it. It is a very great misfortune that the Hawaiian is being worked out of his independence by this race. He needs protection.

The Chairman. Do the native Kanaka women intermarry with the Japanese, Chinese, and Portuguese?

Mr. Emerson. I do not think the Japanese and Portuguese do. I think there are quite a number of Portuguese women there; there are certainly more Portuguese women than Chinese women. The Chinese are most apt to marry the natives.

The Chairman. The native woman has no fastidiousness with regard to marriage—she will marry a Japanese, a Chinese, or a Portuguese?

Mr. Emerson. I think not, if she get a chance to marry a Chinese or Portuguese.

Senator Gray. Does she ever marry a white man?

Mr. Emerson. When they can not get white husbands.

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Senator Gray. Is there the same antipathy between the white race and the Hawaiian in Hawaii as between the white and the negro in this country?

Mr. Emerson. I think not. The Hawaiian is to be amalgamated and a new race is to be formed there.

Senator Sherman. Some of the royal family married Englishmen— some of the highest families of Hawaii.

Mr. Emerson. Yes. Queen Emma's father was an Englishman, married to a native princess. Bernice Pauahi married Mr. Bishop, a banker. Likelike, who is dead, married Mr. Cleghorn. Mr. Dominis married the present Queen.

Senator Sherman. He was an Englishman?

Mr. Emerson. I do not know.

Senator Sherman. He was not an Hawaiian?

Mr. Emerson. No; he was a foreigner. There is a little too much mingling between the natives and the foreigners.

Senator Frye. Did not our secretary of legation marry a native?

Mr. Emerson. You mean the secretary of legation, Hastings? No; he married a pure white.

The Chairman. Then, I understand you, it is the belief or expectation that the population in Hawaii will change, so that the Kanaka will disappear ultimately and there will be an intermingling of the native element there of the various nationalities that come from other countries.

Mr. Emerson. Yes; he will disappear, and will take on a little different personality.

The Chairman. Disappear from the pure native?

Mr. Emerson. I think it will ultimately work that way. Of course, for many years to come there will be pure-blooded natives.

The Chairman. I will ask if it is your opinion that the native population of Hawaii, the Kanakas, in view of the facts you have stated, are liable to become so powerful in government as to be able to control the other nationalities that have come into those islands, or have they lost the power to rule them?

Mr. Emerson. I consider that they have lost that control already, and in my opinion they can never regain it.

The Chairman. From your acquaintance with the white element there, European or American, is there a disposition on the part of the white man to sustain whatever is good and virtuous in the native character, or is there a disposition to trample it under foot—crush it out?

Mr. Emerson. There are two classes out there quite distinctly marked. My plea is for the native Hawaiian; we must see to it that he get out of the hands of the man who would make gain of him and use him as his cat's-paw, and let him be governed by those who will work for his best interests, and help him to be all the man he can become.

The Chairman. Suppose such a thing as a Kanakan government, beginning with the Queen and going through all the different offices of the monarchy, where the right of voting would be confined to the natives, and where the right to make laws and execute them would be with them, do you believe that that native population has a political strength and power sufficient to enable it to control those islands under those conditions?

Mr. Emerson. No. There are certainly 36,000 Asiatics that they could not control—36,000 adult male Asiatics. Ten thousand Hawaiians could not control them.

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The Chairman. Would they be received kindly by the white population in the islands?

Mr. Emerson. No, because of the fact that the natives themselves are in two camps, so to speak. There is an element there, making for righteousness and an element making for heathenism.

The Chairman. Is the latter spreading?

Mr. Emerson. Spreading? It is like an ulcer eating right into the vitals. And the court was the center of that influence.

The Chairman. The influence that tends to depravity?

Mr. Emerson. That tends to depravity. Not only Kalakaua with his opium franchises, but the Queen herself with her opium bill. And the best natives in the Legislature felt that she was willing to sell the lives of her people.

Senator Gray. Do you think there are two elements among the white people?

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

Senator Gray. One bends toward gain and the other is for virtue?

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. Which is the better element?

Mr. Emerson. I believe the element that makes for righteousness is represented by the Provisional Government; although I will say that every government gathers around it people who are worthy and some who are not worthy. But I believe the most worthy elements are there. I will say this: I can take up my annual report and read names, and you will hardly find a name on that list that has contributed to the missionary work----

The Chairman. You are speaking of the religious part of the subject?

Mr. Emerson. That indirectly shows the character of the man.

The Chairman. I am not speaking of that; I am speaking more particularly of the political aspect of the question. My questions are directed to that proposition. I understand that much the larger portion of the wealth of Hawaii is owned by white men, Europeans, Americans, and natives who are white, and that that class of people, if I understand you correctly, is in favor of making the Kanakas, the native population, all that can be made of them by moral, religious, and educational training?

Mr. Emerson. I think I can give you an instance. W. O. Smith is the attorney-general, one of the leading men in the Government. His brother has given $12,000 to establish a girl's school—impoverished himself—and his only sister is chief of that school. They had to dismiss the principal. They are giving their lives to the Hawaiians.

The Chairman. There were five Kamehamehas, representing in succession the political government of Hawaii.

Mr. Emerson. There was one, Lunalilo, who was connected with the Kamehameha dynasty. He makes the sixth.

The Chairman. There were five Kamehamehas and Lunalilo, who was of the royal descent?

Mr. Emerson. Not direct royal descent, but collateral.

The Chairman. From another family, and they constitute the six succeeding monarchs in Hawaii?

Mr. Emerson. Yes. And Kalakaua was the last.

The Chairman. And with Lunalilo expired the royal blood?

Mr. Emerson. Yes. And one remains, who is a drunkard, Kumerankea. He can never come to the throne.

The Chairman. During the reign of the Kamehamehas, commencing

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with the second or third, according to my recollection af the chronology, the King began introducing the missionaries into his cabinet, his council?

Mr. Emerson. Kamehameha III.

The Chairman. Yes, one of them remained there a long while as chief of a department of the Government.

Mr. Emerson. Yes, they resigned their missionary relations.

The Chairman. They gave up their missionary relations and became chiefs of the Government?

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. During all the time of the existence of these monarchs, these Kings, was there any want of confidence between the monarch and the white element? When I speak of the white element, I mean those who are in favor of good government and religion. Was there any conflict between these Kamehamehas, or Lunalilo, and the white missionaries, and those persons who where associated with them?

Mr. Emerson. I think there was no conflict except on moral points. The missionaries were their most stanch supporters—loyal subjects.

The Chairman. I want to know whether there was harmony of action between the Hawaiians and Kamehamehas and Lunalilo during their respective reigns.

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. Then it was later that the controversy arose between the Crown and the missionary or white element?

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. It arose then, as I understand it, during the reign of Kalakaua?

Mr. Emerson. Kamehameha V proclaimed a more autocratic constitution. He was criticised. We felt that he was somewhat of a heathen. In 1868 he granted these licenses to the native sorcerers. We felt that he was a man of great force of will. We felt that he was rather introducing heathen elements. Although he was not squarely, flatly against the missionaries, yet they were not so much in sympathy wtih him as they were with Kamehameha III and Kamehameha IV.

The Chairman. Kamehameha V gave the new constitution?

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. When Kalakaua was put on the throne, was there any change?

Mr. Emerson. No.

The Chairman. It was when Kalakaua was chosen king that the constitution of 1864 was changed?

Mr. Emerson. The coup d'etat of Kamehameha V was in 1864, and that constitution continued until 1887.

The Chairman. The point I was trying to get at is this, whether the first political disturbance between the white element and the monarchy was during the reign of Kalakaua.

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. And from that time to this it has been more or less turbulent?

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. And this present revolution is the fruit or result of political movements that took place in the beginning of the reign of Kalakaua?

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. And not before?

Mr. Emerson. I think not before. In 1854 I believe there was talk

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of a change of government. That was because of certain difficulties that the King had with foreign relations, not internal relations, as I understand it.

The Chairman. During all this period of time has there been, within your knowledge or belief, according to your understanding, a party of white people existing in Hawaii for the purpose of annexing Hawaii to the United States?

Mr. Emerson. I think there has been, during the latter part of the reign of Kalakaua. I think there were people who looked to ultimate annexation.

The Chairman. Was that because of designs on their part to overthrow the Government and force annexation, or because they were despairing of the power of the native element to rule?

Mr. Emerson. I think the feeling was this: " Just so long as the present Government continues, let us be loyal to that." I think that was the feeling of these men who finally achieved the revolution.

The Chairman. They had been anticipating the fall of the dynasty?

Mr. Emerson. Yes. Some felt that Kalakaua ought to be the last. That was the feeling of a great many.

The Chairman. Anticipating the fall of the Hawaiian dynasty—the monarchy?

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. And that led to the expectation—an earnest one— and hope that the result would be that the Hawaiian Islands would be annexed to the United States?

Mr. Emerson. Coupled with that anticipation of the downfall of the dynasty, was the wasting away of the Hawaiian people, ceasing to be the dominant people.

The Chairman. That is what you have been looking to all the time?

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

Senator Gray. You think there was a distinct party there called the annexation party, or that the policy of annexation was approved by some people?

Mr. Emerson. I do not know of a distinct party that was crystalized, but there was that talk.

The Chairman. What was the sentiment that you gathered from your association with the people over there, in the event that the Hawaiian monarchy is to perish; whether those people would prefer to place themselves within the protection of the United States or Great Britain, or Germany, or France, or Japan, or any other place?

Mr. Emerson. So far as I have talked with my friends (and they put a good many questions to me in regard to this matter), I feel that they prize above all other things annexation to this country, that is, under the situation, seeing that they can not carry things themselves. The Hawaiian would prefer to have the prominence which he has lost. But that he can never regain, and my sentiment is, and so far as I have talked with them I have so expressed it, that they should get as near to the United States as they can, saying, " You will then have as fully as you can your rights of suffrage."

Senator Gray. Prior to that emeute of Saturday, when trouble commenced, was a majority of the people of Hawaii opposing the Queen and in favor of annexing Hawaii to the United States?

Mr. Emerson. Oh, no.

The Chairman. You mean all the people?

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Senator Gray. All the people. Was a majority of the people opposing the Queen, and in favor of annexation to the United States? You say, "Oh, no."

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. Suppose it had been left to the vote of the Kanakas?

Mr. Emerson. If it had been left to the vote of those thirteen thousand, I think the natives, seeing their Queen there, would have felt like supporting her.

Senator Gray. What would the majority of those voters have done at the time?

Mr. Emerson. I think the majority would have voted in favor of a continuance of the Queen's Government.

The Chairman. Do you include the Portuguese in that?

Mr. Emerson. No; they are opposed to the Queen and in favor of the Provisional Government.

The Chairman. That is one element. And the Germans?

Mr. Emerson. The Germans, one portion, the intelligent portion— I should say that the vast majority of the Europeans were in favor of a change of the government and annexation to the United States Government, leaving out a few English. A few English prefer English institutions. Leaving out that party—the English minister, Minister Woodhouse, has marriage relations with the late court.

Senator Gray. If the power in that country resided in those who had the right to vote, and that I take for granted—you understand what I mean----

Mr. Emerson. I can say that here were 8,000 native votes

Senator Gray. I am willing to hear you when you shall have answered my question. Understand me first. The political power there under the existing state of things was vested with those 13,000 people who voted?

Mr. Emerson. Under the law.

Senator Gray. Was not that necessarily so?

Mr. Emerson. Yes, just so far as the vote would go.

Senator Gray. Those who were elected to the Legislature were elected by the voting population?

Mr. Emerson. I grant that, so far as the vote would go.

Senator Gray. I ask you whether or not a majority of those 13,000 legal voters was for or against this revolution?

Mr. Emerson. A majority was against the revolution, I have no doubt.

The Chairman. That majority would comprise how many Hawaiian voters, how many native Kanakas?

Mr. Emerson. I think there are about 8,000 native voters.

The Chairman. Would you count them solidly against annexation?

Mr. Emerson. No. Let me make this statement, which I think a fair statement to make right here. The people there are instruments in the hands of these two parties. In the island of Kauai, for example, the native mind is influenced by the stronger mind, and the Queen does not have so much power.

The Chairman. The native is influenced by his employer?

Mr. Emerson. Yes. They do not care so much; they do not feel the interest.

The Chairman. You think there would be a decided majority of what we call the Kanaka element against annexation?

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

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The Chairman. And be in favor of retaining their Queen?

Mr. Emerson. I will not say that now.

The Chairman. And would have voted in favor of retaining the royal government?

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. Now that the royal government has disappeared, how do you think the native voters would cast their votes on the subject of annexation?

Mr. Emerson. I believe they would vote for it, in favor of it.

The Chairman. The Queen having disappeared?

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. Now we come to the Portuguese. They comprise about how many voters?

Mr. Emerson. I can not give you figures. There are some 11,000 Portuguese in all, and there were some 1,500 or 2,000 Portuguese voters.

The Chairman. What would be the prevailing sentiment among the Portuguese as to a maintenance of the monarchy or the establishment of a republican form of government?

Mr. Emerson. It would be very hard to find a single Portuguese who would vote for monarchy.

The Chairman. You think it would be solidly against monarchy?

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. And then, monarchy having disappeared, how about annexation?

Mr. Emerson. In favor of annexation to this country.

The Chairman. Then, of the German, the French, and the English who are there: What would be the sentiment among the Europeans on the subject of maintaining the monarchy or some other form of government?

Mr. Emerson. A vast majority of the Americans, a vast majority of the Germans, and a goodly portion of the English and Scotch

The Chairman. Would be in favor of having some other form of government than monarchy?

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. And do you include in your opinion annexation?

Mr. Emerson. Yes; closer relations to this country.

The Chairman. Then it would be that the opponents of a change in government would consist of a majority of the Kanakas and a minority of these other nationalities?

Mr. Emerson. Yes; that is, those who support the monarchy.

The Chairman. But the Queen out of the way, monarchy destroyed, and it being impossible to restore it, your opinion would be, if I understand it correctly, that a majority of all together, the Kanakas, the European white people, the Americans, and the Portuguese, would be in favor of annexation to the United States rather than to any other country?

Mr. Emerson. I believe the vast majority would be. But let me say this—the adventurers out there would be in favor of the establishment of a republic.

The Chairman. An independent republic.

Mr. Emerson. Yes. Mr. Wilcox, who is an adventurer out there, would operate in that direction.

The Chairman. You mean in the direction of an independent republic?

Mr. Emerson. Yes; where they would have a chance to get office,

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a chance they would not have if Hawaii were annexed to the United States. The Chairman. You think a republic is quite possible.

Mr. Emerson. Yes. We want to eliminate politics out of that country, with such a polyglot people as we have.

Senator Gray. You do not have a republic there now?

Mr. Emerson. I presume we shall have a republic if you do not admit us.

The Chairman. You have been over the islands a good deal?

Mr. Emerson. I have been from end to end over the islands three times.

The Chairman. You know the face of the country?

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. What do you say as to the capacity of the Hawaiian Islands to maintain a population as great as they have now, upon their native productions?

Mr. Emerson. Do you mean white population?

The Chairman. The whole population. Will the islands sustain the population that you have there now on native productions?

Mr. Emerson. Certainly, five times as much.

The Chairman. It is a fertile country where it is arable?

Mr. Emerson. Yes. I believe it would sustain ten times as much.

Senator Gray. What is the population?

Mr. Emerson. It varies; Chinese and Japanese coming and going.

Senator Gray. I mean, about.

Mr. Emerson. Ninety thousand.

The Chairman. So that you think the islands could sustain a million of population?

Mr. Emerson. It would be better for that country if they cultivated coffee and the fruit industries, orange industries, instead of giving all up to sugar. We all feel that we want to have a variety of industries.

The Chairman. The cultivation that is going on in Hawaii is for export?

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. What you want is for domestic use?

Mr. Emerson. Yes, and for export. We want to have a larger variety of products for export.

Subscribed and sworn to.

O. P. Emerson.

The subcommittee adjourned to meet on Tuesday, January 2, 1894, at 10 o'clock a. m.

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SECOND DAY.

Washington, D. C, Tuesday, January 2, 1894.

The committee met pursuant to adjournment.

Present, the chairman (Senator Morgan) and Senators Gray and Frye.

Absent, Senators Butler and Sherman.

SWORN STATEMENT OF MR. PETER CUSHMAN JONES.

Senator Frye. Mr. Jones made a deposition in Honolulu, which deposition was sent to me. My idea is to read it to Mr. Jones and the committee, and if Mr. Jones make it a part of his testimony here it would save to the committee one or two hours of time.

The Chairman. There being no objection, that course can be taken.

Senator Gray. Is that deposition published in any of the documents that we have.

Senator Frye. No. It is a deposition that was given by Mr. Jones in Honolulu before he left there. It was given to be used in this investigation. It is as follows:

Hawaiian Islands,

Honolulu, Oahu, ss.:

P. C. Jones, being duly sworn, deposes and says that he was born in Boston, Mass., United States of America; that he came to Honolulu in the year 1857, and has resided here since that time; that he has large business interests here, and is at present engaged with his son in the business known as "The Hawaiian Safe Deposit and Investment Company;" that on the 8th day of November, A. D. 1892, he was commissioned by the then Queen Liliuokalani minister of finance, and retained that office until the 12th day of January, A. D. 1893, the cabinet to which he belonged being generally known as the Wilcox-Jones cabinet; that he is acquainted with James H. Blount and knows the time when that gentleman came to Honolulu as special commissioner; that soon after his arrival he called upon him and said in effect as follows: "As I was intimately acquainted with the Government during the last two months of the monarchy I may be able to give some information in regard to our affairs, and I shall be pleased to give my statement if you desire it"; that Mr. Blount thanked him, said he would be pleased to have it, and would let him know when he would be ready to grant him an interview; that a careful statement was prepared by this affiant on the 25th day of May, A. D. 1893, from which this affidavit is taken, reciting all the important events connected with the Government from the 8th day of November, A. D. 1892, up to the 16th day of March, A. D. 1893, that period including the events of January 17, of which this affiant was fully cognizant; that the said James H. Blount never asked for this interview and this affiant never had any opportunity of presenting the statement, although he is informed and believes that other persons suggested to Mr. Blount that he secure the statement.

Affiant further says that his knowledge of the revolution and the events immediately leading up thereto is as follows: When it was known about town that the Queen was to proclaim a constitution great

S. Doc. 231, pt 6------36

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excitement was created about the whole city, and all were ready to take measures to prevent it. This seemed to be the public feeling with men as they met and discussed the matter on the street corners. About 3 o'clock on Saturday afternoon, January 14, an informal meeting was held at the office of W. O. Smith, on Fort street, to consider the situation, and a committee of safety, consisting of thirteen men representing different trades and professions, was appointed. On Monday, January 16, the mass meeting was held at the armory at 2 o'clock. Mr. E. C. Macfarlane and others arranged for a similar meeting at the same hour at Palace Square, hoping to draw away the crowd from the other. I attended the meeting at the armory but took no active part. I observed the men present, and as I was chairman of the mass meeting held in 1887 I can say that not only was the audience larger at the January 10 meeting but seemed to be more determined and resolved. I was at home on Monday afternoon at 5 o'clock, when one of our residents rode into my yard and said that the troops from the U. S. S. Boston had just landed to protect life and property, and though there had been no outbreak yet there was great excitement in the city, and it was a great relief to me and my family to know that we had the protection of the only warship in port, as I anticipated trouble, and I believe the presence of sailors and marines on shore was all that prevented riot and possibly bloodshed.

On Tuesday morning, January 17, Mr. C. L. Carter called at my house before breakfast and informed me that after breakfast he would call upon me with Mr. Bolte, they having been appointed for that purpose, and invite me to take a place in the executive council of the Provisional Government which was to be formed that day. I was surprised to know that my name had been mentioned. I told Mr. Carter that I was not fitted for such a position, and that my experience for the last two months had made me heartily sick of politics; that it might look as if I was going in for revenge for having been put out of the last cabinet, and I could not see any reason why I should accept the position. I told him, however, that I would carefully consider the matter and give him an answer when he called later with Mr. Bolte. I placed the matter before my wife to get her opinion, and presented all the arguments I could think of against taking the position. Among other thing's, I said, "It is more than probable that the Queen's party will not submit without fighting, and the chances are that I will get shot." She said in reply, "If you do get shot I can give you up, for I feel it to be your duty to take part in this move. The country needs you at this time, and if you lose your life it will be in the discharge of your duty."

After breakfast Messrs. Carter and Bolte called and I agreed to accept the position of minister of finance provided Mr. S. B. Dole would consent to take the position of President. It was arranged that I should remain at my house and when needed would receive a telephone message and was to meet the others at the office of W. O. Smith. During the time between breakfast and noon I remained at home, feeling all the time that there was great danger to my life, and this feeling seemed to grow upon me during the day. On the way from W. O. Smith's office to the Government building I thought surely we would be shot down, for when the shot was fired just as we left Smith's office for the building it looked to us as if the shooting would be general. I had fears there also of an attack while the proclamation was being read, for it was reported that there was a force in the building under command of C. J. McCarthy, and I was not rid of these fears until I saw a sufficient number of our men in the building to afford us protection.

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I was wondering how others were, but my own thought was that we could not come out of it without loss of life, and my chances for getting shot were above the average on account of my relations with the Government only a few days before. I had no arms of any kind with me.

During the month I thought over the situation carefully and I was fully convinced that if ever it was necessary to take a decided stand for representative and responsible government it was at this time. While the Queen had professed to take back all she had said and done about a new constitution I felt it was only to gain time to make better preparations to carry out her designs, and while I fully realized the step we were taking was revolutionary I felt it was my duty as a man to do what I could to assist in putting down a form of government that was oppressive and corrupt, and I was conscious that I was doing my duty in accepting office under the Provisional Government. The telephone message came to me about 1 o'clock, and I went immediately to the appointed place. The proclamation was read and after we had all signed it we started for the Government building at 2:35 p. m. all in a body. Just as we came out of Smith's office a shot was fired up street near E. O. Hall & Sons' store and thus diverted the crowd, so when we arrived at the Government building there were only a few persons present. After the surrender of the building and the reading of the proclamation I at once took possession of the finance office which contained many of the Government records and the treasury vaults. It was a surprise to us to find that there was no force at the Government building to protect it when we arrived there.

As soon as we could, after getting possession of the building, the councils assembled and appointed Col. Soper the commander of the Provisional Government forces and attended to other matters that required prompt action. About 6 o'clock Capt. Wiltse, of the Boston, called upon us and said that we could not be recognized as a de facto Government until we had possession of the station house and barracks. We expected that resistance would be made at the station house, but soon after Wiltse's visit the deputy marshal called upon us with a request that we go to the station house and confer with the late cabinet. This we refused to do, but sent word back that if the old cabinet desired to meet us they could come to the building and would be guaranteed safe entrance and exit. Soon after two members came and had a conference, and later all four came and agreed to turn over the station house and barracks to the Provisional Government, which was done about 7 o'clock. It was a surprise to us to see how quickly and quietly they yielded, and it is an evidence of the rottenness of the monarchy which fell as soon as any resistance was made. And during the evening many of our best citizens who had taken no active part in this move called and gave their congratulations, assuring us of their support. Martial law was proclaimed and the city guarded by volunteers during the night. Many threats were made, and many rumors were in circulation every day that caused much anxiety and constant watching.

The strain was very great all these days, and so many threats were made we consulted with the advisory council and decided that to bring about a state of quiet we would ask the protection of the American minister, and suggested that the American flag be hoisted on the Government building, which he consented to do, and the flag was raised on the morning of February 1. The strain was at once removed, not only from the members of the council but of all good citizens of Honolulu, and in fact all over the islands. During my term of office there

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is one thing that impressed me very deeply and that was the unaniimity of feeling among the members of both the executive and advisory councils. I remained in office untill March 16, just two months, when I found that the strain was so great that I was fast breaking down under it, and I retired.

And further, with regard to the events and the causes which led up to the late revolution, this affiant says as follows: The causes which led to the late revolution in January last are of no recent origin, but date back to 1874 when Kalakaua secured the throne. Almost immediately after his accession to the throne he began to use his high position to gain more power, and this he continued to do until the revolution of 1887. The community was patient and long suffering and for years submitted to many annoyances before rising up and protecting its rights.

No King ever had better prospects for a peaceful and succesful reign than did Kalakaua, and if he had made a proper use of his rights and powers might have made his reign a prosperous one. He seemed to be wholly corrupt, and his influence was one which had its effect upon the mass of the native people. Not satisfied with the appointment of the House of Nobles, he interfered in the election of representatives by using liquor which was taken from the custom-house duty free and promising offices under his patronage. He dismissed more than one cabinet for nothing, and in some instances sent messages to their houses in the middle of the night asking for their resignations, while others whom he assured had his implicit confidence he discharged a few hours after. Kalakaua surrounded himself with men of bad character and gave himself up to habits unbecoming a King. He was always in debt and resorted to measures for raising money that were wholly dishonorable for any man, much more a King. The Legislature of 1890 paid up his debts and issued bonds to the amount of $95,000 to meet his obligations, pledging the income of the Crown lands at the rate of $20,000 a year to meet these bonds, but when his sister came to the throne she repudiated the pledge given by her brother, and now this debt has to be borne by the State, only $5,000 having been received on this account.

When he died the country had much hope for the better state of things from his sister Liliuokalani. When she ascended the throne most of the better class of our people associated with her and did all in our power to surround her with good influences, and many of our best women stood ready to help and encourage her in all good works; but it was soon evident that she was more ambitious for power than her brother, and she began to use means to place herself in power, and while she professed friendship for those good women she was scheming to get entire control of the Government. She evidently had not profited by the revolution of 1887 and thought herself to be sufficiently strong to get back that power taken from her brother in 1887. She was more cunning, more determined, and no coward as he had been. On my arrival at Honolulu in September, 1892, after a visit of a year in the United States, I found that the Widemann cabinet had been removed by a vote of want of confidence, and in more than a week no new cabinet had been made up that would be satisfactory to the Queen and Legislature.

The Queen, however, did finally appoint E. C. Macfarlane, Paul Neumann, S. Parker, and C. T. Gulick, and as two of those were members of the late Widemann cabinet and Macfarlane had betrayed the members of the Legislature, this cabinet was soon voted out, when the Queen, still persisting in having her own way, appointed a new cabinet with

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W. H. Cornwell at its head. This cabinet was turned but a few hours after it presented itself before the Legislature, and it became evident to the Queen that she must comply with the desires of the majority of the Legislature. A committee was appointed by the house to advise the Queen that they would support a cabinet made up by either one of three men who were named to her. After waiting for a week or more she sent for G. N. Wilcox, one of the three men mentioned, and asked him to form a ministry. He selected Mr. Cecil Brown, Mr. Mark Robinson, and myself as his colleagues, and the Queen expressed herself as being fully satisfied with his choice. I hesitated to accept the position, but I was urged to take the position by many of our citizens and by men who were opposed to me in politics, among them Mr. Widemann, who came to me to prevail upon me, saying I had made my money here and it was my duty to serve the country at this time.

The Queen sent for me on the evening of November 6 and asked me to take the position of minister of finance with Wilcox as premier, and as all of the gentlemen were men in whom I had special confidence I accepted. And it was understood that we should meet at the palace on the morning of the 7th to take the oath of office and receive our commissions. The Queen wanted to have her way here and appoint Mr. Brown as premier, but this we refused, as it was contrary to the decision of a majority of the Legislature, and we sent her word that Mr. Wilcox must be premier or we would decline to serve. This message was sent on the morning of the 7th, when we had assembled at Mr. Brown's office for the purpose of going to the palace. We soon received a message from the Queen by the chamberlain that she was not ready for us, and we learned that she had hopes of sending Mr. Parker back again and so delayed the matter. Mr. Brown and myself at first were inclined to send back word to the Queen that we declined to accept the positions, but at the earnest solicitation of many friends we withdrew our objections and concluded to accept if she would send for us. Supposing that she could not carry her point and appoint Mr. Parker, the Queen sent for us at noon, November 8, and gave us our commissions.

We went to the Legislature which had assembled to receive us and assumed at once the duties of our respective offices. We had frequent interviews with the Queen and assured her that it was our desire to confer fully with her upon all important matters and that we would do all in our power to make matters pleasant and agreeable for her. Soon after we had taken up our duties we prepared a paper setting forth our policy which we presented to the Legislature. Before doing this, however, we submitted and fully explained it to the Queen and had her assurance that it met her hearty approval and that we should have her support in carrying it out. The document contained the following points of policy:

(1) To promote closer relations with the United States to the end that the products of the Kingdom may be remunerative to those engaged in their cultivation and production.

(2) To assist in the passage of such laws as will relieve the present want of labor.

(3) To carry on all branches of the Government economically.

(4) To oppose any measure tending to legalize a lottery or license gambling.

(5) To oppose any measure that will interfere with or change the present monetary system of the Kingdom.

(6) To remove all employes of the Government who are incapable or not trustworthy.

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Early in December we presented to the Queen the nominations of W. A. Whiting and W. F. Frear as circuit judges under the new law that was to go into operation January 1, 1893. In this law the Queen appointed, by and with the advice and consent of the cabinet. We decided upon those gentlemen after conferring with the supreme court and a large number of the members of the bar. We heard nothing from the Queen for several days and finally waited upon her to sign the commissions. She informed us that it was her desire to appoint Antone Rosa, as she had received a petition from several natives in his favor. We told her we could not approve of a man of his habits, and after discussing the matter at length she said, "As there are four of you against one I will yield and will appoint Mr. Frear." We waited several days without hearing from her, when we wrote her a letter calling her attention to the fact that we had not received the commissions and reminded her of her promise to send them. Mr. Paul Neumann told several persons she showed him our letter and was angry about it. She told him she did not want to sign Frear's commission. He said that he replied to her, "Your Majesty, as a woman you have the right to change your mind, but as a Queen never." We learned that she frequently consulted with Messrs. Neumann, Ashford, and others outside of her cabinet.

On December 31, the very last day, she sent to us the commission of Mr. Whiting duly signed, but sent no word about Mr. Frear. We discussed the matter, and it was decided that I should go and see the Queen and tell her that unless she could see her way clear to sign Frear's commission we would decline to accept Whiting. I met her and delivered the message, telling her also that the cabinet was responsible to the country while she was not and while we held our portfolios we should endeavor to give her good advice. She was not pleased, but yielded very gracefully and signed Frear's commission, delivering the same to me at that time. It was very evident from the first that she was not in sympathy with us, although she was always pleasant and ladylike in all her interviews, and yet she annoyed us by delaying matters, keeping back bills that had passed the house, conferring more with others than with her cabinet. We felt satisfied that she was using her influence against us with the native members of the Legislature and this became more apparent from day to day. We had hardly been in office a week before we heard that a vote of want of confidence was to be brought up against us, and this was threatened every day.

Native members were constantly coming to us informing us of the state of things with the hope of obtaining money from us. Kanealii, representative from Maui, came to my house on two occasions and informed me that 22 votes had been secured against us and intimated that if I would buy the other three, of which he was one, the vote could be defeated. I refused to contribute one dollar for any such purpose and told him if he or his friends wanted money they had better vote against us. On January 4 Mr. Bush, representative from Oahu, brought in the long-expected resolution of want of confidence, but only 19 votes were secured and it failed to carry. After this it was hardly expected that they could secure a sufficient number of votes to remove us, although they kept constantly at it night and day. The Queen interested herself and labored earnestly among the native members to secure their votes, going down on her knees to Hoapili, noble from Hawaii, so, he said, to get him to vote us out. On the afternoon of January 11 the final passage of the infamous lottery bill came up and was carried by a vote of 23 to 20. It is a singular fact that the 23 who

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voted for this bill all voted against us the next day, which together with the votes of C. O. Berger and Cornwall put us out of office. It is a fact that the Queen signed the lottery bill, although she pledged herself to support us in opposing it.

At noon on January 12 the Queen gave a luau, native feast, and after recess in the afternoon another want of confidence resolution was brought in by Kapahu, representative from Hawaii, who was decked out in a yellow wreath of flowers. It was seconded by Kanoa, Noble from Kauai, who also wore the same kind of a wreath, and they were the only members who had such wreaths which were said to have been placed on them by the Queen. Representatives Kapahu, Pua, and Kanealii all voted for us on the 4th of January, but on this last vote they all went against us. On the morning of the 12th instant the Queen sent for C. O. Berger, who had not been in the Legislature for several days, and had declared that he would not go there again, and urged him to vote against us, promising him that Mr. Widemann, his father-in-law, should make up the new cabinet. He agreed to this and his vote gave her the necessary number, 25. Only three foreign members of the House voted against us, Messrs. Cornwell, Petersen, and Berger. Representative Kanealii afterwards admitted to Mr. Robinson, one of the cabinet, that he got $500 for his vote against us. We could have prevented this vote by the use of money, but we declined to resort to any such measure to retain our seats. We felt all the time we were in office we were between the devil and the deep sea, the Queen and the Legislature, and it was a great relief to us all when the result of the vote was announced.

My experience in office was a revelation. I saw that good bills could be defeated and bad bills passed by the use of money, and I have been led to the conclusion by my experience in the Legislature that the native Hawaiians are not capable of self-government. I feel quite satisfied that the Queen and her party did not expect on the 11th of January to secure sufficient votes to remove us from office, for on the evening of that day Mr. Henry Waterhouse called at my house and revealed a plot that had been planned and would have been executed if they had failed to carry the vote of want of confidence. I was informed that an anonymous letter, written by John F. Colburn, had been sent to me asking the cabinet to resign because the Queen hated us all. If we did not resign on receipt of his letter the plan was for the Queen to invite the cabinet to the palace as soon as the Legislature was prorogued and demand our resignations. If we declined to resign, as we certainly should have done, she was to place us under arrest in the palace and then proclaim a new constitution. This I reported to my colleagues the next morning, but at that time they could not credit the report. The anonymous letter came through the post-office, but did not reach me until the following Monday, January 16. The following is a copy of the letter:

January 11,1893.

Mr. P. C. Jones:

"It seems inconsistent with your principle to stay in office when you were kept there by open bribery on the part of certain Germans on Queen street. Money kept you in office, otherwise you would have been voted out; your colleague, Robinson, paid Akani and Aki $25 a piece before the voting, some days; he calls it a New Year's present; can you stomach that? We got the proof Bolte packed money in envelopes just before the vote came off and took it with him to the Government

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building. George Markham had a hand in giving it to the nobles, Pua and Hoopili, Representatives Kanealii and Kapahu. Can't you see these things; ain't you wide awake enough for it; can you teach the Sunday school class and feel that you are acting consistent? Baldwin makes open brags that they propose to keep you in office if it takes coin to do it. Can you stand that? I think when you read this and "attempt" to make inquiries you will find this to be true, and I know you are too honorable to stay in office with this cloud hanging over your official head. You better resign before it is made public. Peterson has all the facts and he proposes to shove things if you and your colleagues don't get out of office which you are holding by unfair means. That is bribery. If you don't get out of office and a new constitution is shoved on this country by the Queen you four men and your hypocritical supporters will be to blame for it, resorting to bribery to keep you in office. The Queen hates all four of you and you had better retire.

"My name is not necessary."

This letter was taken from the post-office by my son on Monday the 16th of January. He recognized the handwriting of John Colburn on the envelope, being familiar with it, as he had been in the employ of Lewers & Cooke for several years with Colburn. The letter itself was written by Miss Parmenter, a niece of Colburn's, and if it had come on the morning of the 12th, as I fully expected it would, my colleagues would have credited the rest of the story. Mr. Colburn denied all knowledge of a new constitution until Saturday, January 14, when he says it was sprung upon the cabinet, but his letter to me dated the llth clearly shows that he was aware of it. It is possible to get positive proof that this letter was dictated by Colburn, copied by his niece, and sent in an envelope addressed by him after he himself had written below "My name is not necessary."

On Friday, January 13, the new cabinet was announced, consisting of S. Parker, W. H. Cornwell, J. F. Colburn, and A. P. Peterson. The lottery and opium bills were both signed by the Queen and reported back to the Legislature on the same day, which was the last one of the session. On Saturday morning, about 9 o'clock, Mr. C. O. Berger went to several members of the reform party and was anxious to join with them and vote out the new cabinet, but this they declined to do. Mr. Berger had been disappointed, for the Queen had not kept her promise to him that his father-in-law should make the new cabinet, although she had invited Mr. Widemann to take the position of minister of finance with Parker, Peterson and Colburn. This he had declined to do, so Cornwell was substituted for him. It is rather remarkable that on Saturday Mr. Colburn should have gone to Judge Hartwell and Mr. Thurston and engaged their services to prevent the Queen from proclaiming the new constitution. When he saw the state of the people he became afraid and tried to retrace his steps, but it was too late.

There was never to my knowledge any belief or anticipation that the troops of the Boston would be landed for the purpose or would in anyway assist in the abrogation of the monarchy or the formation of the Provisional Government.

Peter C. Jones.

Subscribed and sworn to before me this 5th day of December, A. D. 1893.

[SEAL.] Alfred W. Carter,
Notary Public.

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AFFIDAVIT OF CHARLES M. COOKE.

Hawaiian Islands,

Honolulu, Oahu, ss:

C. M. Cooke, being duly sworn, deposes and says that he is one of the firm of Lewers & Cooke; that John F. Colburn was in the employ of the said firm for many years; that he is familiar with the handwriting of the said John F. Colburn; that the words "My name is not necessary" at the close of an anonymous letter addressed to Mr. P. C. Jones, dated January 11, 1893, are in the handwriting of the said John F. Colburn.

Chas. M. Cooke.

Subscribed and sworn to before me this 5th day of December, A. D. 1893.

[SEAL.] Alfred W. Carter,
Notary Public.

AFFIDAVIT OF E. A. JONES.

Hawaiian Islands,

Honolulu, Oahu, ss:

E. A. Jones, being duly sworn, deposes and says that on the 16th day of January, A. D. 1893, he took from the post-office an envelope addressed to his father, P. C. Jones, which contained an anonymous letter, dated January 11, 1893, signed, "My name is not necessary." That he has known John F. Colburn for many years, and was associated with him in business for many years; and that the handwriting by which the said envelope was addressed was that of John F. Colburn, as well as the words, "My name is not necessary" at the close of the said letter.

E.A. Jones

Subscribed and sworn to before me this 5th day of December, A. D. 1893.

[SEAL.] Alfred W. Carter,
Notary Public.

The Chairman. Did you save that anonymous letter ?

Mr. Jones. Yes. I have it with me. If you desire I will turn it over to you.

The Chairman. Have you a knowledge of the handwriting?

Mr. Jones. No. But my son and Mr. Cook, who are familiar with it, declare that they have. There is the original letter. [Producing paper.] Here is the second page of it. Perhaps I had better leave that. You can see where it says, "Name is not necessary," and it is in a different handwriting.

The Chairman. There is a memorandum that you have appended to this letter, it appears.

Mr. Jones. Omit that. I have recited that in my testimony. I just made a note of the time I received it.

Senator Gray. That is for your own information ?

Mr. Jones. Yes.

The Chairman. At what time was the bill signed relating to the distillation of spiritous liquors, which bill is mentioned there?

Mr. Jones. That bill was signed some days before that, I think.

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The Chairman. Signed by the cabinet of which you were a member?

Mr. Jones. I think that was. That had passed the House and was signed by the Queen, and was also approved by Minister Wilcox. That is my impression. You refer to the distillation of spirituous liquors?

The Chairman. Yes.

Mr. Jones. Yes, there was a bill of that nature passed; and I think that was approved by the cabinet. Of course, it had passed the House, and we were bound to recognize it.

The Chairman. That was a bill amending a statute that had been on the statute books for several years ?

Mr. Jones. Yes.

Senator Gray. Was that the distillation bill, so-called?

Mr. Jones. Yes; there was a distillation bill passed.

Senator Gray. It is the bill to which Mr. Emerson, the last witness, referred?

Senator Frye. Yes.

Senator Gray. And that was the bill that came to you in the regular course, and was approved by your cabinet?

Mr. Jones. Yes. I am not very positive about that; but that was a bill in the interest of commerce. We did not oppose anything that passed the House; anything that passed the House we had to accept.

Senator Gray. That was a bill that regulated the liquor traffic?

Mr. Jones. Yes; it was to encourage home manufacture. It was a bill that I took very little interest in.

The Chairman. I have a copy of the bill here. I wanted to ask Mr. Jones whether under the constitution of 1887 it was requisite, in order that an act of the Legislature should become a law, that it be signed by the Queen and one of her cabinet.

Mr. Jones. Yes; it was not valid until signed by one of the cabinet. The minister of the interior had to approve all bills; otherwise they were not valid.

The Chairman [exhibiting blue print heretofore used in the examination]. Look at that blue print and state whether you are familiar with it.

Mr. Jones. Yes; I am familiar with it—very familiar.

The Chairman. Is it a correct plat of the city of Honolulu and the buildings mentioned there?

Mr. Jones. Yes; and it is very accurate.

Senator Gray. I would like to premise the two or three questions that I desire to ask Mr. Jones with the statement that I have no criticism at all to make upon the desire that he and other good people of Honolulu evince for a change of Government in Hawaii; in fact, so far as I understand his statements, I am inclined to sympathize with the desire. I beg him to believe that I only wish to get at the facts and not his reasons for a desire to change the Government—the facts that relate to our attitude in the matter.

Mr. Jones. Yes.

Senator Gray. I am going to ask you in regard to this native population about which I, for one, have very little information. The subject is quite interesting to me. You have been in Hawaii how many years?

Mr. Jones. I have been there thirty-six years, and, outside of my business I have had a great deal to do with the natives. I have taken a great deal of interest in them.

Senator Gray. For that reason, what you say about them would be

-p571-

very interesting. In the first place, are they a people of fair intelligence?

Mr. Jones. Fair intelligence?

Senator Gray. Yes.

Mr. Jones. Yes; they are. And many of them are excellent mathematicians; they seem to take hold of mathematics.

Senator Gray. Are any of them teachers?

Mr. Jones. They are educating them in that direction. The Kamehameha schools, founded by Mrs. Bishop—she was the last of the Kamehameha family—are very liberally subsidized by her husband, who is now living. They are preparing a good many young men for teachers, and they are doing very well. There are two young men in New York now receiving higher education at some normal school— getting instruction to become teachers.

Senator Gray. I did not know that they were so far advanced as that. How long has education been general among the native population?

Mr. Jones. Oh, ever since their language was reduced to a written language by the early missionaries. I think it is almost impossible to find a Hawaiian who is not able at least to read and write. They have what we would call in this country a common-school education. They were educated in the Hawaiian language, and are now being taught very largely in the English language, it being their preference.

Senator Gray. Then, there has been quite a generation, as things go, who have been under the influence of the common-school education?

Mr. Jones. Oh, yes; more than a generation.

Senator Gray. Do they take much interest in the politics of the islands?

Mr. Jones. Yes; they do. They have taken a good deal of interest in politics, and they are very easily influenced for good or for evil.

Senator Gray. Are they an amiable people, generally?

Mr. Jones. Very amiable; yes.

Senator Gray. Are they treacherous; have they the characteristics of our North American Indians?

Mr. Jones. No; but they are untruthful—not what we would call treacherous; I would hardly call them treacherous; but sometimes they are untruthful.

Senator Gray. Have any large number of them accepted the Christian religion?

Mr. Jones. Yes; there are some of them very exemplary Christian men and women.

Senator Gray. How is it among the masses—are most of them educated in the ordinary tenets of Christianity?

Mr. Jones. Yes.

Senator Gray. As are the ordinary masses of the population in some of our States?

Mr. Jones. I would say that they would compare very favorably with the early Christians of Corinth, and those to whom Paul gave his instructions. I do not wish to convey the idea that the Hawaiians are a treacherous people by any means; but they do not hesitate to tell little taradiddles to cover up.

Senator Gray. That is the propensity of all inferior races?

Mr. Jones. The Hawaiians are called a good-natured people.

Senator Frye. Are they capable of self-government?

Mr. Jones. I should say not; although I should be willing to give

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the same privileges to them that I would ask for myself in the way of voting.

Senator Gray. What day did you go out of office?

Mr. Jones. I went out on the 12th of January.

Senator Gray. That was Wednesday?

Mr. Jones. That was Thursday.

The Chairman. Allow me to inquire right there, what was the form of the vote by which you were removed from office?

Mr. Jones. Mr. Kapahu, as I have said there, was the introducer of the resolution, the one who proposed that a vote of want of confidence be brought against the ministry.

The Chairman. In that form?

Mr. Jones. Yes; and he then went on to laud Mr. Wilcox, Mr. Robinson, and myself, and tell what good men we were—but brought in this vote of want of confidence. That was seconded by Kanoa. There was no discussion on it. There was a motion made to indefinitely postpone that motion. That was lost. Then it went back to the original motion, and the motion for want of confidence was carried by 25 votes.

The Chairman. Against how many?

Mr. Jones. I think there were 45 members of the house. That matter had been settled by the supreme court only a little while before. There are 24 representatives and 24 nobles. They all sit together in one house and vote together. There had been one or two vacancies, and the matter was submitted to the supreme court. The question was, how many votes constituted a majority of the vote of want of confidence. The court decided that a majority of the whole house—48 members and the 4 ministers. In that vote the 4 ministers could not vote, and that leaves 48 votes; and there must be 25 votes.

The Chairman. I want to get at whether that vote of want of confidence had any relation to any particular measure.

Mr. Jones. No.

The Chairman. It was a sweeping vote of want of confidence?

Mr. Jones. Yes.

Senator Gray. You say this was Thursday?

Mr. Jones. The 12th of January.

Senator Gray. That you went out of office?

Mr. Jones. Yes.

Senator Gray. And you had no public function to perform, no public duty again, until you became a member of the committee of safety ?

Mr. Jones. Minister of the executive council of the Provisional Government.

Senator Gray. Were you not a member of the committee of safety?

Mr. Jones. No, I was not.

The Chairman. The committee of safety was the advisory council.

Mr. Jones. Many of them afterward became members of the advisory council.

The Chairman. The advisory council is still a separate body from the committee of safety?

Mr. Jones. The committee of safety ceased to exist on the formation of the Government.

Senator Gray. You say you received a telephone message about 1 o'clock to go to some place, an appointed place. What day was that?

Mr. Jones. That was on Tuesday, the 17th.

Senator Gray. About 1 o'clock in the day?

Mr. Jones. Yes.

-p573-

Senator Gray. Where did you go then; where was the appointed place?

Mr. Jones. The appointed place was the office of W. O. Smith, where the committee of safety and those who had agreed to take part in the new Government assembled before going to the Government House.

Senator Gray. Whom did you find there?

Mr. Jones. I found all the members of the committee of safety, and Judge Dole, Capt. King, and W. O. Smith.

Senator Gray. Those with you constituted afterwards the executive council?

Mr. Jones. Yes.

Senator Gray. Who else were there?

Mr. Jones. I do not remember any others. I think no others were there.

Senator Gray. After you got there, what did you do?

Mr. Jones. We read over the proclamation.

Senator Gray. It had been prepared before you got there?

Mr. Jones. It had been prepared; yes, and signed. We all signed it, and then went to the Government House.

Senator Gray. Whom did you walk with; do you recollect?

Mr. Jones. I could not tell you now. It was a very exciting time, you know.

Senator Gray. Did the whole thirteen or fourteen march up in a body?

Mr. Jones. No; part of us went one street and part another. I can show you by the map.

Senator Gray. Show me where you met in Mr. Smith's office.

Mr. Jones. Smith's office is right in there. [Indicating on diagram.]

Senator Gray. Which street?

Mr. Jones. Fort street.

Senator Gray. Near what?

Mr. Jones. Near Merchant—very near Merchant street. The Government building is there [indicating]. Some of us went up Merchant street and came in here [indicating]; some went up Queen street and went into the Government building. I went by the way of Merchant street. I think I walked with Judge Dole.

Senator Gray. How many were with you and Judge Dole—immediately with you, right together?

Mr. Jones. But we were perhaps half the number. I could not say now. You see it was a very exciting time, and this shot had been fired right up by Hall's corner, on Fort street—just above us.

Senator Gray. What sort of shot was it?

Mr. Jones. It was a pistol shot. Here [indicating] is Hall's corner. We were here [indicating], and this shot was fired right here [indicating]. Senator Gray. Were there any crowds on Merchant street?

Mr. Jones. No.

Senator Gray. This shot drew the people over toward the place of shooting. That was after you had started, or before?

Mr. Jones. Just as we started. Just as we came out I saw the flash of the pistol.

Senator Gray. Was there any crowd around Mr. Smith's office when you came out?

Mr. Jones. No.

Senator Gray. Was there any up Queen street? Did you see up Queen street?

-p574-

Mr. Jones. No; Queen street is below Merchant street.

Senator Frye. Were any of you armed?

Mr. Jones. I was not. I think some of them had arms.

Senator Gray. Did you see any arms where you went that day?

Mr. Jones. In the Government building ?

Senator Gray. No; Mr. Smith's office.

Mr. Jones. No.

Senator Gray. You say that you went to the Government building. Did you and Mr. Dole arrive first? Did you find anybody at the Government building?

Mr. Jones. I think there were eight persons in the Government building when we got there. None of the ministers were there.

Senator Gray. What did you do when you got in?

Mr. Jones. Mr. Cooper immediately read the proclamation.

Senator Gray. Immediately?

Mr. Jones. Within two or three minutes of our assembling.

Senator Gray. Who was Mr. Cooper—one of the committee?

Mr. Jones. Mr. Cooper was one of the committee, and also one of the advisory council. He read the proclamation.

Senator Gray. His name is what?

Mr. Jones. H. E. Cooper.

Senator Gray. One of the committee of safety, you mean?

Mr. Jones. One of the committee of safety, and afterward he was one of the advisory council.

Senator Gray. Those who went up there, then—Mr. Dole, Mr. King, Mr. Smith, and yourself—were afterward the executive council and members of the committee?

Mr. Jones. And the advisory council, yes.

Senator Gray. How long did. it take to complete the reading of the proclamation?

Mr. Jones. I should say it took just about ten minutes, and in that time our forces, our men, were coming in from the armory. We were ahead of time.

Senator Gray. Was anybody there when the reading commenced outside? Let me ask, first, where was the proclamation read from?

Mr. Jones. From the steps of the Government building.

Senator Gray. What street?

Mr. Jones. Facing the palace or Palace Square. Here [indicating] is Palace Square, and it was read from that part [indicating].

Senator Gray. Facing the palace?

Mr. Jones. Yes.

Senator Gray. Who were in front of the steps when they commenced to read the proclamation—how many?

Mr. Jones. Very few. I do not think there were more than a half dozen persons.

Senator Gray. You spoke of "our men" coming up. How many had come up?

Mr. Jones. I should say there were fifty or sixty when we got through reading the proclamation.

Senator Gray. Were they organized as a military organization?

Mr. Jones. As they marched down the street there was very little time for organization.

Senator Gray. Were they in fact organized?

Mr. Jones. They marched down in squads.

Senator Frye. Armed?

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Mr. Jones. They had rifles; yes.

The Chairman. Under the command of officers?

Mr. Jones. Under the command of their different captains.

Senator Gray. How long after the close of the reading of the proclamation was it that they arrived?

Mr. Jones. Some of them arrived before the reading of the proclamation was finished.

Senator Gray. How many do you suppose?

Mr. Jones. Well, I should say 40 or 50.

Senator Gray. Before the reading had been finished?

Mr. Jones. Yes.

Senator Gray. And the balance were a little while afterwards?

Mr. Jones. Yes; they kept coming in.

Senator Gray. How many men in that organization, such as it was, were armed with rifles, and were there at the close or directly after the close of the reading of the proclamation?

Mr. Jones. Oh, a short time after, a half hour after, there must have been 150 or 200,1 should say.

Senator Frye. Armed?

Mr. Jones. Yes; all the men were armed at that time.

The Chairman. How did the information get out in the community that the proclamation was to be read there at that time?

Mr. Jones. It was spread abroad by the people all over the town Of course there was a good deal of excitement in the city that day, and people knew that something was going to be done in the way of dethroning the Queen, and they were watching for things; and this shot having been fired just as we started out, diverted a great many of the crowd up there to see what that was. It was very soon noised abroad, and the people came up.

Senator Gray. At the meeting the day before, at the Rifles' armory, of which you spoke, and which you attended, I believe?

Mr. Jones. Yes.

Senator Gray. The resolutions which were read there, and which we have, did not proclaim this intention of dethroning the Queen?

Mr. Jones. They did not in so many words, but everybody understood what they meant.

Senator Gray. You say the resolutions did not proclaim that intention?

Mr. Jones. No.

Senator Gray. If you know accurately, state it; if you can not be accurate, give your best judgment. At what time was the reading of the proclamation through—what hour in the day?

Mr. Jones. It was a quarter of 3. It was a peculiar thing. When I went into the finance office, just as the reading of the proclamation was finished, the clock had stopped at a quarter to 3.

Senator Gray. Had it stopped just as you went in?

Mr. Jones. It was stopped just at that time.

Senator Gray. It was not stopped just as you went in?

Mr. Jones. No—it had not been stopped more than a minute or two.

Senator Gray. How did you kuow that?

Mr. Jones. The clock had been going before that.

Senator Gray. But getting at the hour—I want to call your attention to it. It would not be much of a guide to look at a clock that had stopped, unless you saw it stop.

Mr. Jones. I know it from looking at my watch. We arrived there

-p576-

about twenty minutes of 3, and it took about ten minutes to read the proclamation.

Senator Gray. The clock stopped about a quarter of 3?

Mr. Jones. Yes; we did not intend to be there until 3, o'clock.

Senator Gray. After the proclamation had been read you went into the finance room. Who went with you?

Mr. Jones. I think I went in there to notify the register of accounts that I had taken a position as a member of the Provisional Government.

Senator Gray. YOU were one of the Provisional Government.

Mr. Jones. Yes; he recognized me.

Senator Gray. What did the Executive Council do? I suppose you got together as a body, you four men?

Mr. Jones. Yes; with the Advisory Council, got together and we appointed first Col. Soper as commander of the forces, and then proclaimed martial law. Then some attended to different things. Mr. Dole notified his clerk to prepare notices to the various consuls and diplomatic corps that we had taken possession of the Government, and were in possession of the Government House and archives.

Senator Gray. Do you recollect what time it was that notice was sent to Mr. Stevens?

Mr. Jones. I think it must have been about 4 o'clock.

Senator Gray. When did you get an answer from him?

Mr. Jones. I do not remember; it was very soon.

Senator Gray. Before dark?

Mr. Jones. I think it was just about dark.

Senator Gray. Now, you say, that it was about 6 o'clock that the captain of the Boston called upon you. When was that? You say in your deposition that "Capt. Wiltse called upon us and said that we could not be recognized as a de facto government until we had possession of the station house and barracks." When was that?

Mr. Jones. This same afternoon.

Senator Gray. After the proclamation had been read?

Mr. Jones. After the proclamation had been read, and I think it was before we heard from Mr. Stevens. Of course, it was a day of very great excitement, and the hours were not very firmly fixed in our minds.

Senator Gray. When did you get possession of the station house and barracks?

Mr. Jones. I should say about half-past 7—7 or half-past.

Senator Frye That same day?

Mr. Jones. That same evening; yes.

Senator Gray. Did you go to the station house?

Mr. Jones. We sent a squad down there and they delivered it over.

Senator Gray. Had you previously sent representatives to the Queen?

Mr. Jones. As I said a minute ago, the ministers sent for us to come to the station house. We refused to go, and assured them if they would come up and interview us we would talk over the situation.

Senator Gray. When was this?

Mr. Jones. This was a very few minutes after Capt. Wiltse had been in.

Senator Gray. Did the ministers come up?

Mr. Jones. They came up. First Mr. Cornwell and Colburn came. They went back and reported to their colleagues, and Peterson and Parker came up with them the second time. It was then that they agreed to turn everything over to us.

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Senator Gray. Was it then that the Queen abdicated—signed her abdication?

Mr. Jones. No. Mr. Parker said he did not want to have any bloodshed, and they were quite ready to deliver over everything to us. Then we sent down to the station house, and Mr. Wilson, the marshal, insisted on having an order from the Queen.

Senator Gray. How far away was the station house?

Mr. Jones. It was about five minutes walk from the Government building.

Senator Frye The station house is nothing but the police headquarters?

Mr. Jones. That is all—police headquarters.

Senator Gray. Where are the barracks?

Mr. Jones. There [indicating on the diagram] is the station house and there [indicating] is the government house, and that is about five minutes walk.

Senator Gray. Where are the barracks?

Mr. Jones. The barracks are over here [indicating].

Senator Gray. Did you have any communication from the barracks?

Mr. Jones. Not until later.

Senator Gray. How late was it that you had communication from the barracks ?

Mr. Jones. I think about 9 o'clock Capt. Nowlein---

Senator Gray. Was it as late as 9?

Mr. Jones. I think not; I think it was about 8 o'clock that he was there. It may have been a little later.

Senator Gray. Was that after you heard from the Queen—heard of her abdication?

Mr. Jones. Yes.

Senator Gray. Her abdication?

Mr. Jones. Yes.

Senator Gray. When was that abdication secured? I do not suppose she came into your presence and made known her abdication.

Mr. Jones. Oh, no.

Senator Gray. It was brought by her ministers?

Mr. Jones. She agreed to surrender, and she did it by being allowed to make a protest. She made a protest.

Senator Gray. About what time did you get that abdication and protest?

Mr. Jones. I should say that was a little before 8 o'clock, as I remember.

Senator Gray. And it was after 8 and toward 9 o'clock that you had the surrender of the barracks from Capt. Nowlein?

Mr. Jones. Very soon after. I do not remember; there were so many events that followed so closely upon one another.

Senator Gray. You said first 9 o'clock and then about 8.

Mr. Jones. I do not think 9 o'clock; nothing as late as 9.

Senator Gray. First you said 9 and then you said 8 was the time that the surrender of the barracks occurred. The Queen's abdication you said was about 8 o'clock, as you say now.

Mr. Jones. I think so.

Senator Gray. Do you recollect when you got your answer from Mr. Stevens?

Mr. Jones. I do not.

Senator Gray. Do you recollect getting it all?

Mr. Jones. Oh, yes.

S. Doc. 231, pt 6----37

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Senator Gray. Was it dark when you got it?

Mr Jones Yes, as I remember, it was dark.

Senator Gray. Were you all together when this officer came with these gentlemen who composed the Royal Government?

Mr. Jones. Yes.

Senator Gray. I wish you would try to recollect, if you can—if you can not of course you will say so—the coming in of that officer from Mr. Stevens; I mean, as to the time.

Mr. Jones. I would not attempt to do that, because I really do not remember.

Senator Gray. Of course, if you do not remember you would not attempt to say. This was on the 17th of January, Tuesday?

Mr. Jones. Yes.

Senator Gray. You say, "Many threats were made and many rumors were in circulation every day that caused much anxiety and constant watching. The strain was very great all these days, and so many threats were made we consulted with the advisory council and decided that to bring about a state of quiet we would ask the protection of the American minister, and suggested that the American flag be hoisted on the Government building, which we consented to do, and the flag was raised on the morning of February 1st." Now, when was it that you first consulted in regard to that request to have the American flag raised?

Mr. Jones. I think it was the last day of January, as I remember. We went up to see Mr. Stevens, up to his house, and to the executive council.

Senator Gray. How long before that had you talked it among yourselves?

Mr. Jones. Perhaps for a day or so.

Senator Gray. Who first told you that the troops had been landed from the Boston?

Mr. Jones. One of our German residents told us.

Senator Gray. What did he tell you?

Mr. Jones. He told us that they were landed to preserve life and property.

Senator Gray. That was the language he used, or was it your understanding?

Mr. Jones. No, I think that was his language—the request of the committee, and he probably repeated what he had heard down town.

Senator Gray. I only want your recollection. Do you recollect who it was that so informed you?

Mr. Jones. Yes. I can not call his name. Let me see. I know he is a clerk in F. A. Schaeffer & Co's. I can not call his name just now.

Senator Gray. You say you do not think those native Hawaiians are capable of self-government?

Mr. Jones. I do not think so.

Senator Gray. Do you think they necessarily have to be governed by a more intelligent class for their own as well as for your benefit?

Mr. Jones. I think so.

Senator Gray. You think that the intelligent and those having property interests will have to control the country for the good of those islands?

Mr. Jones. It seems to me so. That is my opinion, although I would give them the same rights that I ask for myself.

Senator Gray. But that is your opinion of what the best interests of the islands require?

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Mr. Jones. Yes.

Senator Gray. Is that the general opinion of those who are associated with you?

Mr. Jones. I think so. Mr. Lance is that gentleman's name. I should be very sorry to live there under native rule entirely, where we pay all the taxes.

Senator Gray. You went out of office on the 12th?

Mr. Jones. Twelfth of January; from the Queen's cabinet.

Senator Gray. Was there a new cabinet formed immediately?

Mr. Jones. Oh, yes.

Senator Gray. Who composed it?

Mr. Jones. Cornwell, Peterson, Parker, and Colburn.

The Chairman. Let me ask you just there. Under the constitution of Hawaii is it necessary before the new cabinet take office that it should be confirmed by the Legislature?

Mr. Jones. No. The Queen appoints, but the Legislature can vote them out. The Queen cannot discharge the new cabinet. What is known as the Cornwell cabinet was voted out.

Senator Gray. Are they voted out directly, or is a vote of want of confidence the process?

Mr. Jones. Yes.

Senator Gray. Then a vote of want of confidence means that the cabinet has ceased to hold office?

Mr. Jones. Yes. If they secure 25 votes, the cabinet must retire.

Senator Gray. Is that a majority?

Mr. Jones. That is a majority. On the 4th of January they brought in a vote of want of confidence in the Wilcox cabinet, and they secured only 19 votes. On the strength of that the minister went up to Hawaii with the Boston and was gone until it came back, on the very day that the Queen undertook to overthrow the Government by proclaiming the new constitution. We felt satisfied that she could not get the Wiicox cabinet out, and he thought there was no need of holding the Boston there any more; that there was no danger.

The Chairman. When did you first become aware of the fact that the Queen intended to abrogate the constitution of 1887?

Mr. Jones. On the evening of the 11th of January.

The Chairman. About what time?

Mr. Jones. It was about half past 6, just after dinner.

The Chairman. Who was your informant?

Mr. Jones. Mr. Henry Waterhouse.

The Chairman. What connection had he, if any, with the Government?

Mr. Jones. None whatever at that time.

The Chairman. Had he previously to that?

Mr. Jones. He had been a member of the Legislature; not that year.

The Chairman. He was a private citizen?

Mr. Jones. He was a private citizen. He got the information from Colburn's brother.

The Chairman. One of the men put into the ministry?

Mr. Jones. Yes.

The Chairman. Did you have any communication with any member of this cabinet upon that subject?

Mr. Jones. No.

The Chairman. None of them gave you any information as to the intention of the Queen to abrogate the constitution of 1887?

Mr. Jones. No.

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The Chairman. Was any statement made at either of these meetings of which you speak—the citizens' meeting on Saturday or the meeting of the new Provisional Government—to the effect that the Queen had abrogated or intended to abrogate the constitution of 1887?

Mr. Jones. Oh, yes; at the mass meeting it was stated.

The Chairman. By whom?

Mr. Jones. By the resolutions that were introduced.

The Chairman. Who gave information to the meeting of the fact of which those resolutions were predicated—that the Queen intended to abrogate or had abrogated the constitution of '87 ?

Mr. Jones. I think the committee of thirteen. You see, the mass meeting was held on Monday, the 16th; the attempt of the Queen to abrogate the constitution was on the 14th.

The Chairman. Saturday?

Mr. Jones. Saturday.

The Chairman. It was about that point of time that I wish to make inquiry. How did the people become possessed of the fact that the Queen had abrogated or intended to abrogate that constitution?

Mr. Jones. Why, the people who were there at the palace—Chief Justice Judd was there and heard her speech; quite a number of the diplomatic corps was there; a great many of the citizens and some members of the Legislature were there when the Queen made this attempt.

The Chairman. Was this after the Legislature had been prorogued?

Mr. Jones. Yes; immediately after.

The Chairman. Was it in the Government building?

Mr. Jones. In the palace.

The Chairman. Iolani?

Mr. Jones. Yes.

The Chairman. And this assemblage had met there for what purpose?

Mr. Jones. At the request of the Queen. And then it was announced that there was a great deal of delay; they could not understand why they were called there, and it got rumored about that the Queen intended to proclaim this constitution and the ministers were afraid to approve of it.

The Chairman. That was the rumor?

Mr. Jones. That was the rumor, and it was the fact, too.

The Chairman. Were you present at the time?

Mr. Jones. I was not; no.

The Chairman. As a matter of personal information you can not state what actually occurred?

Mr. Jones. No.

The Chairman. What the Queen said or what anybody else said?

Mr. Jones. No.

The Chairman. But, if I understand you, the information that such a movement had been made and that the Queen had spoken on that subject was disseminated throughout the community?

Mr. Jones. Oh, yes; by many witnesses who were there.

The Chairman. When did you get information that the Queen had recalled her intention?

Mr. Jones. On Monday morning.

The Chairman. Was that the soonest you heard of it, that there was any such intention on her part?

Mr. Jones. Yes.

The Chairman. So that, between Saturday and Monday, you were under the impression that the Queen had abrogated the constitution?

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Mr. Jones. Oh, no. She had attempted to do it, and had told the people that she could not carry out her plans that day, but if they would go to their homes, in a very few days she would proclaim the new constitution.

The Chairman. Did you ever see that new constitution?

Mr. Jones. No. We offered $500 for a copy of it and could not secure it. Oh, they destroyed it after that.

The Chairman. Have you any knowledge who it was prepared that instrument?

Mr. Jones. It was said that the Queen prepared it herself.

The Chairman. With her own hand?

Mr. Jones. That is as I understand it. That is the report that came to us—that it was her own constitution; she prepared the whole of it.

The Chairman. With your knowledge of the intelligence of the Queen, would you suppose she is capable of drawing up such a constitution?

Mr. Jones. I should say not.

Senator Gray. Does she speak English?

Mr. Jones. Oh, yes.

Senator Gray. What is her customary dialect—native language?

Mr. Jones. She will talk English if those who are about her speak English; if there are those about who understand both English and Hawaiian, she prefers to talk the Hawaiian.

Senator Gray. What is the prevailing language in the city of Honolulu; the Hawaiian language?

Mr. Jones. Yes.

Senator Gray. Do you use it in your business?

Mr. Jones. Yes.

Senator Gray. Do the Portuguese use it?

Mr. Jones. Yes.

Senator Gray. Do the Germans and others use it?

Mr. Jones. Yes.

Senator Gray. As they do our language here?

Mr. Jones. Yes. All the discussion in the legislature is in English and Hawaiian, because the Hawaiians speak in Hawaiian and then it is interpreted, translated into English, and then those who speak in English, their language is interpreted, translated into Hawaiian.

Senator Gray. You all understand the Hawaiian language?

Mr. Jones. Not thoroughly.

Senator Gray. Can you speak it?

Mr. Jones. Well, tolerably well.

Senator Gray. Do you understand it when it is spoken?

Mr. Jones. Yes. I should hate to attempt an address in Hawaiian.

Senator Gray. But you understand it?

Mr. Jones. I can understand it for ordinary purposes.

Senator Gray. Have the Hawaiians any literature in their own language?

Mr. Jones. Very little indeed.

The Chairman. Before the Monday, before the mass meeting of the citizens of which you speak, did you have any information of the fact, if it was a fact, that the Queen's ministers, the latest ministers, or any of them, had announced that they refused to sign the constitution with her—to assist her in its promulgation?

Mr. Jones. Late Saturday they refused to.

The Chairman. Well, you had information of that on Saturday?

Mr. Jones. We heard of that on Saturday.

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The Chairman. Whom did that information come from—the ministers?

Mr. Jones. From the ministers themselves; yes.

The Chairman. Did any of these ministers attend any of these meetings?

Mr. Jones. Yes; Peterson and Colburn were there.

The Chairman. When you were present?

Mr. Jones. No.

The Chairman. So that you do not know what they said?

Mr. Jones. No, I do not; I was not present.

The Chairman. Well, you can state whether it was commonly understood, rumored there, stated among those people, that the ministers had disclosed the fact that the Queen had desired them to join her in the promulgation of this new constitution?

Mr. Jones. Yes. They undoubtedly went into office pledged to support her in it.

The Chairman. What reason have you for that statement?

Mr. Jones. I think Mr. Colburn clearly pledged himself to it, and the others, too.

Senator Gray. Do you found that opinion upon that letter which you received?

Mr. Jones. Partially, and from other information. When the Queen —you said I might allude to rumors?

The Chairman. That is what I was asking about.

Mr. Jones. When the Queen urged them to sign the constitution, they asked for more time. She turned to Peterson and said, "Why more time; you have carried that constitution around in your pocket for more than a month—why do you want more time?"

Senator Gray. Who gave that account?

Mr. Jones. That came from the Palace that Saturday.

Senator Gray. By whom?

Mr. Jones. Well, I heard it. Chief Justice Judd told me.

Senator Gray. That he heard it?

Mr. Jones. I do not know whether he heard it or not; I could not say, but that was the rumor that was about, and I believe it was correct.

The Chairman. Chief Justice Judd told you?

Mr. Jones. He was at the Palace.

The Chairman. He told you of the fact, that he had been authentically informed?

Mr. Jones. Yes.

Senator Gray. Did he state whom he heard it from?

Mr. Jones. No; I could not say that.

Senator Gray. He stated it as a rumor?

Mr. Jones. Yes.

The Chairman. That is what I want to get at, whether the common belief of the people in Honolulu was that the Queen had caused to be prepared, or prepared herself, this new constitution, and had asserted her purpose to abrogate the constitution of 1887—supplant it by a new constitution?

Mr. Jones. Yes.

The Chairman. And it had been carried around in the pocket of Peterson for a month before that time?

Senator Gray. Let us understand. Do you mean that that was understood for a month before—that he was carrying it around?

Mr. Jones. Not that for a month.

Senator Gray. That Saturday you heard that?

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Mr. Jones. Yes—not that the rumor had been in circulation for a month, but the Queen declared that he, Peterson, had carried the constitution in his pocket for a month.

Senator Gray. That rumor came out on Saturday ?

Mr. Jones. On Saturday, yes.

The Chairman. State whether it was a part of the understanding of the general community that the ministry had refused to sign this new constitution with the Queen.

Mr. Jones. That day, yes.

The Chairman. I mean on that Saturday?

Mr. Jones. On that Saturday.

The Chairman. That was the public understanding?

Mr. Jones. They did. It was unquestionably so—they declined on that day to sign it.

The Chairman. On Saturday?

Mr. Jones. Yes.

The Chairman. And they gave information to the community that the Queen demanded of the ministry that they sign the constitution, and they refused to do it?

Mr. Jones. On that day, yes.

The Chairman. State whether it was part of that general understanding or rumor that they came to the citizens or any citizens to get advice as to what they ought to do under such circumstances.

Mr. Jones. Yes, they did. But I was not present at those meetings.

The Chairman. I am speaking of the common understanding of the people.

Mr Jones. Yes.

The Chairman. Was that a part of it—that they had come to the citizens for advice as to what they should do?

Mr. Jones. They came to Thurston and asked his advice, and they were also present that afternoon at the meeting at W. O. Smith's office. I think that is included in Mr. Blount's report. But I was not present at that meeting.

The Chairman. Then, as I understand you, it was the common belief among the people of Honolulu from Saturday to Monday that the Queen had attempted to abrogate the constitution of 1887, and she had only failed because the ministry refused to sign with her?

Mr. Jones. Yes.

The Chairman. And also the common belief that the ministry, or some of them, when they took office had pledged themselves to this change of government?

Mr. Jones. Yes.

The Chairman. Do you know of any combination or any conspiracy or concerted action or agreement or understanding prior to that revelation for supplanting the Queen in her government?

Mr. Jones. No; I do not.

The Chairman. Or for establishing a republic?

Mr. Jones. I do not.

The Chairman. Or for annexation to the United States?

Mr. Jones. I do not. The whole thing was like a thunder clap to the community, so far as I am aware, and nothing was thought of it until Saturday, when it was made public that the Queen was to withdraw the constitution of 1887, and these things culminated very fast. I knew nothing of anything of the kind.

The Chairman. If there had been any purpose on the part of a number of the people of Hawaii, of Honolulu, to dethrone the Queen

-p584-

or establish a republican form of government, or different form of government, or enthrone another royal personage, or get annexation to the United States prior to the time that the people were informed of the Queen's intention to abrogate the constitution of 1887, do you think you would have known of it?

Mr. Jones. I think I should, because of my intimacy with different people there.

The Chairman. You would say that whatever intention was formed in respect of these matters about which I have been inquiring, it arose from public information that was disseminated on that Saturday with regard to the Queen's intentions?

Mr. Jones. Yes, I say that.

The Chairman. Are you in any way connected with the clergy?

Mr. Jones. I am not. I am a member of the Hawaiian Board of Missions—a lay member.

The Chairman. To what extent, using the percentage, if you can do so with reasonable approximation of the fact, will you say that the native Kanaka population of Hawaii had become communicants of any Christian church?

Mr. Jones. Well, I should say, speaking without an actual knowledge of the facts, 75 per cent, although Mr. Emerson, who has appeared before you, could give you much better information than I could. I should think that such information might be furnished; but I am very poor at statistics, carrying things in my head.

The Chairman. So that you think, contrasting this Hawaiian community with pagan communities, the Hawaiian community is a Christian community?

Mr. Jones. Oh, yes.

The Chairman. They have the observance of the Sabbath?

Mr. Jones. Oh, they are very punctilious about that.

The Chairman. Have you laws also to assist them in the sanctity of the Sabbath?

Mr. Jones. Yes.

The Chairman. Is the marriage relation recognized?

Mr. Jones. Yes.

The Chairman. Is it a secular relation or religious?

Mr. Jones. The marriage relation is a religious ceremony.

The Chairman. Is it sustained and provided for by law—licensed?

Mr. Jones. Oh, yes; the marriage relations there are just as strict as they are here.

The Chairman. In regard to deceased persons, do they have regular administration of estates?

Mr. Jones. Yes.

The Chairman. Have persons by law the right to bequeath their property?

Mr. Jones. Yes.

The Chairman. Have you courts to enforce those rights?

Mr. Jones. Yes.

The Chairman. The laws in respect to temperance—what is the general character of them?

Mr. Jones. There are quite a number of laws on the statute books regulating the sales of liquors, and it is only for want of public opinion that many of them are not enforced. There is a general looseness there about enforcing some of the laws. The police are never anxious to do anything of that sort unless spurred on by public sentiment.

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Senator Gray. They do not differ from communities here?

Mr. Jones. Very like here.

The Chairman. Is the Kanaka element in the island addicted to intemperance?

Mr. Jones. Many of them.

The Chairman. Well, take the majority.

Mr. Jones. I am sorry to say that I think so, if they get the opportunity— not all of them, but I would say a majority.

The Chairman. So that it is an evil that is not to be controlled absolutely by public opinion, but you find it necessary to enact laws?

Mr. Jones. Oh, yes.

The Chairman. Are they of a stringent character?

Mr. Jones. Stringent—that is, some; particularly as to licenses. We have a high license. There are many stipulations in the license which, if rigidly observed, would make a great deal of difference in the liquor habit.

The Chairman. Is the distillation of spirits by Government authority?

Mr. Jones. Oh, yes.

The Chairman. Whoever distils spirits there must have a Government license?

Mr. Jones. Yes.

The Chairman. And your tariff laws—do they relate to the importation of liquors?

Mr. Jones. There is a high tariff on liquors.

Senator Gray. To promote home manufacture?

Mr. Jones. No; that is more for the sake of revenue. There is nothing done there in the way of home manufacture.

Senator Gray. I understood you to say awhile ago that the distillation law was largely for the purpose of encouraging home manufacture.

Mr. Jones. This law that was passed I am not familiar with. It was introduced before I went into the House. I think it became a law during my incumbency, as I stated to Senator Morgan early in our conversation. I am not familiar with it.

Senator Gray. It was this last law to which you refer?

Mr. Jones. Yes. It was introduced, I think, by someone to make it a sort of popular thing with some of the natives, and there has never been anything done about it since.

The Chairman. This Provisional Government in Hawaii, as I understand it, has repealed that opium law?

Mr. Jones. Yes, and the lottery law.

The Chairman. They have not repealed the distillation bill?

Mr. Jones. No.

The Chairman. On the subject of education. You have given a very flattering account of the progress of education in Hawaii. Who have had that subject in charge since the first appearance of civilization in the Hawaiian Islands—mainly in charge?

Mr. Jones. The missionaries, originally. Since then the board of education, which has always been made up of our very best citizens. Prof. Alexander, who is to appear before you, has been and is now acting president of the board of education, and he is very familiar with that question.

The Chairman. Then I will not trouble you on that question. But I will ask you this—whether in the absence of the labor of the missionaries

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in the direction of educating the people they would have been educated to the degree they are now?

Mr. Jones. Oh, no; it was owing to the missionaries that the Hawaiians have been brought to what they are.

The Chairman. What King was on the throne when you went to Hawaii?

Mr. Jones. Kamehameha IV.

The Chairman. What year did you say that was?

Mr. Jones. That was in 1857.

The Chairman. That was after the constitution of 1854 had been proclaimed?

Mr. Jones. Yes.

The Chairman. Did Kamehameha IV have in his cabinet any of the American missionary element?

Mr. Jones. In my day, no.

The Chairman. Did he have any American citizens in his cabinet?

Mr. Jones. Oh, he had, I think, David L. Gray. I think he took the position of minister of finance in the cabinet of Kamehameha IV.

The Chairman. How long did he remain in office?

Mr. Jones. I do not remember; two or three years, perhaps.

The Chairman. Was there any other person who was a member of the Kamehameha cabinet—Kamehameha IV—any American citizen?

Mr. Jones. I do not remember any American except Gray. Mr. Wilie, a Scotchman, was in for many years.

The Chairman. Was he a missionary?

Mr. Jones. Oh, no; he was rather an anti-missionary.

Senator Gray. What do you mean by "anti-missionary?"

Mr. Jones. I do not think he was in full sympathy with the missionaries. I would not call him what we call an anti-missionary man to-day.

Senator Gray. What was he?

Mr. Jones. He was minister of foreign affairs for many years.

The Chairman. Then Kamehameha V had white men in his cabinet?

Mr. Jones. He had three Americans in his cabinet.

The Chairman. Who were they ?

Mr. Jones. He had Charles Coffin Harris, formerly of New Hampshire; he had J. Mott Smith, who was then Hawaiian minister here; he had Stephen H. Phillips, a lawyer. Phillips was his attorney-general.

The Chairman. All Americans?

Mr. Jones. Yes.

The Chairman. American citizens?

Mr. Jones. American citizens; yes.

The Chairman. Then did he have other white men, from Europe, in his cabinet—I mean Kamehameha V?

Mr. Jones. Yes; he had Dr. Hutchinson for years; I think he was an Englishman.

The Chairman. Well, the next King?

Mr. Jones. The next King was Lunalilo; he lived but fourteen months. That cabinet was comprised of three Americans. They always speak of the missionary children there as Americans, because they always claim to be Americans. That cabinet was composed of Hon. C. R. Bishop, minister of foreign affairs; E. O. Hall, minister of the interior—he was formerly connected with the mission; and A. F. Judd, who was attorney-general.

The Chairman. And then chief justice of the supreme court?

Mr. Jones. Yes. He was attorney-general.

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The Chairman. Under Lunalilo?

Mr. Jones. Yes.

The Chairman. Then, after Lunalilo came Kalakaua?

Mr. Jones. Yes.

The Chairman. Did he have Americans in his cabinet?

Mr. Jones. Yes. He had A. S. Hartwell in his first cabinet and Sam Wilder, an American. I forget the other two now. He had a great many cabinets. There were generally one or more Americans in his cabinet.

The Chairman. He changed his cabinet very often?

Mr. Jones. Yes.

The Chairman. Were those changes made because of want of confidence?

Mr. Jones. Oh, no. It was his own sweet will that he turned them out.

Senator Frye. That is, he was King.

Mr. Jones. Yes.

The Chairman. Did Kalakaua have the right to dismiss his cabinet without the Legislature?

Mr. Jones. Yes, under the constitution of '87.

The Chairman. Under that provision of the constitution giving authority he made frequent changes in his cabinet?

Mr. Jones. Yes.

The Chairman. Now, speaking of these men in the different cabinets, commencing with Kamehameha V down to Kalakaua and his cabinets, were any of these men impeached by the people of Hawaii for any disloyalty to the Government?

Mr. Jones. No.

The Chairman. Or any crime against the Government?

Mr. Jones. No.

The Chairman. Were they men of fine character?

Mr. Jones. Many of them were. Do you include Kalakaua?

The Chairman. I am speaking of the first cabinet of Kalakaua?

Mr. Jones. I should say most of them were men of good character.

The Chairman. You would consider that they were not a disintegrating or disloyal element in the monarchy?

Mr. Jones. No.

The Chairman. They gave full support there?

Mr. Jones. They gave full support there. Yes, so far as I ever knew. Of course I knew nothing of the inner workings of the Government in those days. But none of them were ever impeached for dishonesty of purpose, doubted, to my knowledge.

The Chairman. What is the opinion among the more intelligent people of Hawaii as to the reasons that influenced Kalakaua to make so many changes in his cabinet?

Mr. Jones. Well, for the purpose of gaining supreme power. If he found an obstacle in his way he would do it at once.

The Chairman. Was it the opinion of the people of Hawaii that Kalakaua wanted that supreme power of government for the benefit of the government, or for his personal advantage?

Mr. Jones. For his personal advantage only.

The Chairman. There was at one time a colony of Mormons there?

Mr. Jones. Yes.

The Chairman. Who established that colony?

Mr. Jones. Gibson. He was afterwards Kalakaua's factotum.

The Chairman. In Kalakaua's cabinet?

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Mr. Jones. Yes.

The Chairman. Do you know where Gibson came from before he arrived at the Hawaiian islands?

Mr. Jones. I think he came from the Mormon settlement in Salt Lake.

The Chairman. Do you remember whether he brought any Mormons over with him?

Mr. Jones. I do not.

The Chairman. Was there in any particular part of the islands a populous Mormon colony?

Mr. Jones. The island of Lanai was set apart as a colony for Mormons— as a Mormon settlement.

The Chairman. Who controlled that settlement?

Mr. Jones. Gibson.

The Chairman. It was after that settlement was made—set apart— that Gibson became a member of Kalakaua's cabinet?

Mr. Jones. Oh, yes; long after.

The Chairman. How long did Gibson remain in Kalakaua's cabinet?

Mr. Jones. He remained through several changes. Gibson would always be in the new deal.

The Chairman. During the time that Gibson was a member of Kalauaka's cabinet Don Celso Caesar Moreno appeared there?

Mr. Jones. I have forgotten. I think Moreno—I have forgotten; I was away when Moreno went in; I was away in the States.

The Chairman. You do not know of that except by public reputation?

Mr. Jones. I was not there.

The Chairman. He became a member of the cabinet?

Mr. Jones. Moreno?

The Chairman. Yes.

Mr. Jones. He was there only three days.

The Chairman. He became a member of the cabinet?

Mr. Jones. Yes, minister of foreign affairs for three days, I think.

The Chairman. Do you know what circumstances led to his being dismissed?

Mr. Jones. At the request of a public meeting.

The Chairman. Of the citizens, demanding that he should be removed?

Mr. Jones. Yes; and he was. As I say, I was not there at the time.

The Chairman. I am speaking of the general rumor or historical traditions of Hawaii on that subject. Before his removal what disposition did he make of the foreign ministry ?

Mr. Jones. Who?

The Chairman. Moreno.

Senator Frye During the three days that he was in there, what did he do?

Mr. Jones. I have forgotten. For matters of history you will find Prof. Alexander right up. He has written a history of the islands.

The Chairman. I was trying to get from you the general impressions of the people of Hawaii on this subject. I know you do not know it in detail. Did Moreno leave the islands?

Mr. Jones. Oh, he had to leave.

The Chairman. Was he banished?

Mr. Jones. The opposition was so great that he had to leave.

The Chairman. He came there, to the islands, from China?

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Mr. Jones. I have not known anything of him since that time, only that he has been here in Washington. I have heard of him occasionally.

The Chairman. Had the people of Hawaii any opinion as to the reasons or causes which gave Moreno the ascendancy over Kalakaua— made him premier of Kalakaua's cabinet?

Mr. Jones. I am not aware of the reasons?

The Chairman. You do not know the reasons?

Mr. Jones. No.

The Chairman. No public sentiment or belief in regard to the reasons?

Mr. Jones. None that I know of.

The Chairman. What became of Gibson?

Mr. Jones. Gibson in 1887—the revolution of 1887—was put out of office, and then he was virtually deported. He went to California and never returned.

The Chairman. What became of his Mormon colony that he took over with him?

Mr. Jones. That disappeared, went to pieces, and then Gibson obtained possession of the island of Lanai for his own purposes, and that is all broken up now.

The Chairman. Did he sell it?

Mr. Jones. No; his daughter inherited the property of Lanai.

The Chairman. She is in possession of the whole island?

Mr. Jones. Yes.

The Chairman. About how much?

Mr. Jones. There are crown lands there and other lands in the island. She is the owner of the property that was originally purchased for the Mormons, as I understand.

The Chairman. This daughter has succeeded to the title?

Mr. Jones. She enjoys all that Jones died possessed of.

The Chairman. Considerable estate?

Mr. Jones. Yes.

The Chairman. About how much?

Mr. Jones. I suppose it is worth perhaps $100,000. And there is something of a mortgage upon it; I do not know how much. I have never been on the land.

The Chairman. Do you know the area?

Mr. Jones. I do not know.

The Chairman. You do not know whether it is good land or not?

Mr. Jones. It is mostly for sheep-raising; very little for other purposes. I have never been upon the land.

The Chairman. You have mentioned two members of the Kalakaua cabinet—Moreno and Gibson. Was there any other man in Kalakaua's cabinet whose reputation was not good among the people of Hawaii for honesty and loyalty?

Mr. Jones. I do not recall to mind any others. I do not know how many he had. He had a large number of cabinets, but I do not recall any of them to mind just now but those two.

The Chairman. Were Gibson and Moreno there in the cabinet before this revolution of 1887 occurred?

Mr. Jones. Yes; Gibson was in the cabinet in the revolution.

The Chairman. During the revolution?

Mr. Jones. Yes.

The Chairman. And he was dismissed in consequence of the revolution?

Mr. Jones. Yes.

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The Chairman. Just state generally the manner in which that revolution was set on foot.

Senator Gray. What revolution?

The Chairman. Of 1887. State generally the manner in which the revolution was set on foot. I mean by that whether it was done by the citizens meeting or by the King himself, or how?

Mr. Jones. It was by a series of acts of the King that stirred the citizens up, and a secret league was formed. An organization that culminated in a mass meeting and a demand for a new constitution to clip the wings of the King—to which the King acceded without any question.

The Chairman. Did he first make resistance by arms?

Mr. Jones. No; his native soldiers all fled. He was in a much better position to resist than Liliuokalani was when the revolution of last year came. But he could not depend upon his native forces.

The Chairman. They abandoned him?

Mr. Jones. They abandoned him and there was no courage in him.

The Chairman. Did they abandon him through fear or disgust?

Mr. Jones. Oh, through fear.

The Chairman. Fear of the people?

Mr. Jones. Yes; he did a great many things that were unbecoming a king. His ambition was to get control of everything, and the people rose up and stopped it. And his sister seems to have followed right in his footsteps.

The Chairman. Kalakaua was seated on the Hawaiian throne by an act of the Legislature?

Mr. Jones. Yes.

The Chairman. Under the constitution of 1860?

Mr. Jones. 1860.

The Chairman. He was not a member of the royal family?

Mr. Jones. No.

The Chairman. Was any vote of the people of Hawaii taken as to whether Kalakaua should be by them elected king?

Mr. Jones. No; no vote of the people; vote of the Legislature. He was not the choice of the people by any means.

The Chairman. Who would have been the choice of the people at that time?

Mr. Jones. Queen Emma.

The Chairman. She had royal blood in her?

Mr. Jones. No; she was the wife of Kamehameha IV. Lunalilo submitted his election to the people and he got almost the entire vote of the country. I think there wore only six votes against him. When he died he declined to appoint his successor. He was allowed by the constitution to appoint his successor, but he declined to do it. He said he was elected by the people, and he would rather submit it back to the people. The Legislature had the power under the constitution to elect a king, and they elected Kalakaua.

The Chairman. A man without any pretensions to royal blood?

Mr. Jones. Yes; he had no pretensions to royal blood?

The Chairman. There was a person at the time of his election in Hawaii, a relative of the royal family?

Mr. Jones. Mrs. Bishop was one of the Kamehamehas, but she declined to take the throne also.

The Chairman. Was there not a man?

Mr. Jones. Kuniakea, do you mean?

The Chairman. Yes; he was a scion of the royal family?

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Mr. Jones. I think he was, perhaps, an illegitimate son of Kamehameha III; I am not sure.

The Chairman. Not recognized as belonging to the royal family.

Mr. Jones. No.

The Chairman. Is he still living?

Mr. Jones. Yes, he is still living.

The Chairman. But no importance attaches to him as of royal blood?

Mr. Jones. No.

The Chairman. So that the election of Kalakaua was an entire departure, so far as the royal blood was concerned—a new dynasty?

Mr. Jones. Yes; a new dynasty altogether.

The Chairman. And Liliuokalani?

Mr. Jones. Liliuokalani is the sister of Kalakaua. Princess Kaiulani is the daughter of Princess Likelike.

The Chairman. So that Kaiulani is the niece of Liliuokalani?

Mr. Jones. Yes.

The Chairman. How did Liliuokalani become possessed of royal authority?

Mr. Jones. Her brother appointed her his successor, under the old constitution.

The Chairman. Under the constitution of 1860?

Mr. Jones. Yes.

The Chairman. Was that done before the revolution of 1887?

Mr. Jones. Oh, yes. It was done almost, I think, as soon as he ascended the throne. He appointed his brother and then his sister. He appointed his brother first and then his sister Liliuokalani, and she appointed, under the constitution of 1887, Kaiulani as her successor.

The Chairman. That was after Liliuokalani ascended the throne?

Mr. Jones. Yes.

The Chairman. So that Kalakaua was elected by the Legislature, and during his reign he appointed his sister Liliuokalani his successor?

Mr. Jones. Yes.

The Chairman. Then came the revolution of 1887 and the new constitution of 1887?

Mr. Jones. Yes.

The Chairman. That did not disturb Liliuokalani's appointment under the constitution of 1860 ?

Mr. Jones. No, they recognized that.

The Chairman. Were the claims of Liliuokalani in any way submitted to the people?

Mr. Jones. No.

The Chairman. Or of Kaiulani?

Mr. Jones. No.

The Chairman. None were since Lunalilo VI?

Mr. Jones. No.

The Chairman. That was done entirely on his request?

Mr. Jones. Yes.

The Chairman. Having his successor confirmed by the people?

Mr. Jones. Yes.

The Chairman. Has any constitution ever been submitted to the people for their vote or ratification?

Mr. Jones. No.

The Chairman. Any amendment?

Mr. Jones. Amendment? Yes—not to the people direct.

The Chairman. I mean to the people. The process of amendment

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is by majority vote, and it goes to the next Legislature, and by a two-thirds vote it becomes an amendment to the constitution.

Mr. Jones. Yes. There were one or two amendments to the constitution of 1887 at the last Legislature. That is, the former Legislature voted and it was confirmed by the present Legislature.

The Chairman. But there has been no original vote on an amendment of the constitution or an original amendment by the people?

Mr. Jones. No.

Senator Frye. The present constitution takes from the Queen practically all power, does it not, and vests it in the cabinet?

Mr. Jones. Yes. There is no act of hers that is valid without the signature of one of the ministers. The ministers are directly responsible, and she is not responsible.

Senator Frye. I understand that; we have the constitution. Now, when you went into the Government building to take possession the Queen's ministers disappeared, as I understand?

Mr. Jones. Yes.

Senator Frye. And you immediately took possession of the various offices of the building, the archives, the treasury, and everything?

Mr. Jones. Yes.

The Chairman. Now, when you were at that mass meeting at the armory building, was not information conveyed to that meeting that the Queen was going to postpone that new constitution, and was not the question asked that meeting whether that would do?

Mr. Jones. Yes.

Senator Frye. What was the reply?

Mr. Jones. The unanimous reply was, "No, no." They would not believe in it. Kalakaua tried the same dodge.

Senator Frye. In Mr. Blount's report he speaks of the Queen having six or seven hundred troops and sixteen cannon, etc. Did the Queen have any such people there?

Mr. Jones. No. There were about, as far as we were informed, fifty or sixty men down at the station house, and there were seventy or eighty troops at the barracks.

Senator Frye. What are those Hawaiian troops—the Queen's Guard?

Mr. Jones. Yes; around the palace; do palace duty, do the reviewing on state occasions, and things of that sort.

Senator Frye. That Queen's Guard and the police at the police station made no attempt during all these proceedings against your meeting or toward taking possession of the Government building?

Mr. Jones. No.

Senator Frye. Were your people armed at the public meeting?

Mr. Jones. Many of them may have had pistols on them, but not to my knowledge. I saw no arms.

Senator Frye. Was any attempt made to disperse that meeting?

Mr. Jones. No. The only attempt made was by getting up a counter meeting to draw people away from attending. But the house was packed.

Senator Frye. Now, as to the landing of troops. You were there shortly after the troops were landed? You were in Honolulu?

Mr. Jones. Yes, I was in Honolulu.

Senator Frye. Do you know where the troops were located and why they were located and how ?

Senator Gray. Of your own knowledge.

Mr. Jones. Oh, yes. I know that there was a squad stationed at

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the American minister's, and another one at the American consul's, and the balance of them at Arion Hall.

Senator Frye. And Arion Hall was off to the east or west of the Government building?

Mr. Jones. West of the Government building.

Senator Frye. A street between?

Mr. Jones. Yes.

Senator Frye. Do you know whether or not any attempt was made to obtain other locations?

Mr. Jones. I think there was an attempt made to secure the Music Hall, just in front.

Senator Frye. That failed?

Mr. Jones. That failed.

Senator Gray. Of your personal knowledge?

Mr. Jones. All I know of that is, I have read the reports of it. That is the way I obtained the knowledge.

Senator Frye. You were at the Government building frequently. Did you ever see, during this revolution, any of the American soldiers marching on the streets?

Mr. Jones. No.

The Chairman. Did you, as a member of the new Government, expect to receive any assistance from them?

Mr. Jones. No.

The Chairman. Do you know whether or not your fellows were looking for any help?

Mr. Jones. I never knew that they were.

Senator Frye. As a matter of fact, did they give any assistance to the revolution at all?

Mr. Jones. No.

The Chairman. Let me ask you right there, is it your belief that that revolution would have occurred if the Boston had not arrived in the harbor?

Mr. Jones. I believe it would have gone on just the same if she had been away from the islands altogether.

Senator Gray. Was anything said in your conferences that day or the next in regard to the troops—anything said about that at all in your hearing?

Mr. Jones. No. I was not at any of those meetings until Tuesday.

SWORN STATEMENT OF ZEPHANIAH SWIFT SPALDING.

The Chairman. You are a native of the United States?

Mr. Spalding. Yes; I was born in Ohio.

The Chairman. What is your age!

Mr. Spalding. I am 56—was born September, 1837.

The Chairman. When did you first go to Hawaii?

Mr. Spalding. I was sent out to Hawaii in 1867 by Secretary Seward.

The Chairman. As an official of any character?

Mr. Spalding. Yes, I was what was termed secret or confidential agent of the State Department. I was bearer of dispatches to the minister at Washington and under pay from the State Department, from its secret-service fund.

S. Doc. 231, pt 6----38

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The Chairman. Was there any particular emergency of the Government in Hawaii that caused you to be sent there?

Mr. Spalding. It was at that time the treaty of reciprocity was being talked about and advocated, and Secretary Seward wished to have all the information possible upon that subject. My instructions were rather indefinite. I received my instructions from the Secretary himself, and, as he told me, he did not wish to be committed by putting explicit or specific instructions upon paper, but he wished to know what effect the reciprocity treaty would have upon the future relations of the United States and Hawaii.

The Chairman. What was your vocation in life before that?

Mr. Spalding. I had come out of the army but a short time before.

The Chairman. What was your rank in the army?

Mr. Spalding. I commanded the Twenty-seventh Ohio Regiment.

The Chairman. As Colonel?

Mr. Spalding. Lieutenant-colonel. Our Colonel was commanding the Brigade.

The Chairman. What was your age when you went to Hawaii?

Mr. Spalding. I went out there in 1867. I was then 30 years old. I was born in 1837.

The Chairman. Were you a married man?

Mr. Spalding. 1 was married out there.

The Chairman. Did you marry a native?

Mr. Spalding. My wife was born in Honolulu, but her father was from Massachusetts and her mother from New York.

Senator Frye. Who was your wife?

Mr. Spalding. The daughter of Capt. James McKee.

The Chairman. A sea captain?

Mr. Spalding. Yes; he was wounded on board ship near Honolulu so severely that he was obliged to give up his vessel. He was unable to leave his bed, and his wife went out from New York City to him. He always lived there after that. He was one of the early sugar-planters there.

The Chairman. Did you continue to reside in Hawaii from the time you went out there as a Government agent?

Mr. Spalding. Yes; I have lived there most of the time since then. I have been a short time in California. I came over to San Francisco in 1875 or 1876. I lived there about a year, until about the time of the reciprocity treaty being passed, when I went back and purchased the land I have now.

The Chairman. Where are you residing at present?

Mr. Spalding. My family is in Paris.

The Chairman. There, educating your children?

Mr. Spalding. Yes.

The Chairman. Where were you during the month of January last?

Mr. Spalding. I left Honolulu—I think it was on the 4th of January— on the steamer coming to San Francisco—on my return to my family in Europe.

The Chairman. What stay had you made in Honolulu, on the islands, prior to your return to Paris?

Mr. Spalding. I had been there, prior to that, three months. I had been there twice during the year. But I had been there about three months putting some new machinery in my factory.

The Chairman. Refinery?

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Mr. Spalding. No; sugar factory.

The Chairman. Were you a manufacturer of sugar cane into sugar?

Mr. Spalding. Yes.

The Chairman. What is the extent of your landed possessions in Honolulu?

Mr. Spalding. I have 27,000 acres there; something like 12,000 in fee simple, and the balance—15,000 acres—under lease.

The Chairman. You are cultivating sugar?

Mr. Spalding. Yes.

The Chairman. Anything else?

Mr. Spalding. Nothing else of any importance.

The Chairman. You raise provisions, I suppose?

Mr. Spalding. Oh, yes; I have also a large herd of cattle. This plantation was formerly cattle land.

The Chairman. On what island is it?

Mr. Spalding. Kauai.

The Chairman. Is it a fertile island?

Mr. Spalding. It is called the most fertile island of the group.

The Chairman. Do you raise crops there by irrigation?

Mr. Spalding. Yes.

The Chairman. So that you have expended a good deal of money there?

Mr. Spalding. I have expended a good deal of money upon the plantation.

The Chairman. About how much have you invested there?

Mr. Spalding. The original investment that I made was only about $60,000 in buying up the land without the cattle, because when I bought it there was hardly a fence on the place.

Senator Gray. When was that?

Mr. Spalding. I think it was about fifteen years ago. I think it was in 1878; whether it was just before or after, I do not remember.

The Chairman. Have you put much machinery upon your plantation?

Mr. Spalding. Yes, I have expended a good deal of money upon the plantation; money that I have made out of the plantation has mostly gone into it.

The Chairman. What have been your expenditures for the machinery?

Mr. Spalding. For the machinery alone?

The Chairman. Yes.

Mr. Spalding. I think I have spent $250,000 or $300,000 for machinery.

The Chairman. Is your machinery very fine?

Mr. Spalding. Yes. I have what is considered among sugar men one of the most perfect sugar factories in the world—that is, for cane sugar.

The Chairman. It is located on this island?

Mr. Spalding. Yes, on the island of Kauai.

The Chairman. What labor do you employ?

Mr. Spalding. Just now we are using Japanese and Chinese labor. We have had all kinds of labor, that is, all kinds we could get, because labor has been the one thing that we have been short of.

The Chairman. How about the native labor; do you employ that also?

Mr. Spalding. We employ that whenever we can get it; but the

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natives are not fond of regular work. I use a good many natives for cattle work.

The Chairman. That is, located on your lands?

Mr. Spalding. Yes; they live on the place.

The Chairman. Talking generally, how are the natives provided with homes; what kind of homes have they?

Mr. Spalding. They are very comfortable; they have their little lands, what we call kuleanas, from which they raise the taro plant.

The Chairman. Patches of ground which you would sell them?

Mr. Spalding. Oh, no; patches of ground they have used for a good many years. To explain that I would have to give you some information of our land laws.

The Chairman. We would like to know how the land became distributed.

Mr. Spalding. In the reign of Kamehameha III—I do not remember exactly what year he came onto the throne, but I think somewhere about 1820—the King changed from the feudal system, if you might so term it, or the system by which he held all the lands in the country, and everybody was subservient to him, to a system by which he gave away the lands of the Kingdom, divesting himself of this right in, I think, three divisions. He gave certain lands to the Crown, to remain Crown lands forever—large tracts of land; he gave what were termed kuleanas—that is, small patches of lands that could be watered, something like a rice patch, sometimes not more than twice the size of this room—lands capable of raising taro, which has been always the food of the people—he gave to the people all these lands, with the proviso that they should make application to the Government, through the proper channel, and receive from the Government what is known as a royal patent, and that is where all the titles to lands in that country come from.

The Chairman. Are these kuleana titles fee simple titles?

Mr. Spalding. They are royal patent titles; they are from the Government.

The Chairman. They are in fee?

Mr. Spalding. Yes. We consider them the best possible title.

The Chairman. No reversions?

Mr. Spalding. No, except mineral rights. But there are no minerals in the country, and never have been.

The Chairman. What is the third class of lands?

Mr. Spalding. The third class of lands the King gave to the Government what are called Government lands.

Senator Gray. Were they distinct from the Crown lands?

Mr. Spalding. They were distinct from the Crown lands. The profits from the Crown lands were to revert to the Crown. For instance, I have what are called ahupuaas or large tracts of land, sometimes running up into the mountains and containing a great number of acres. Some of these ahupuaas belong to the Crown—that is, they were reserved as Crown lands. I pay a rental on these ahupuaas to these Grown commissioners.

The Chairman. Those are what you call the leased lands?

Mr. Spalding. Yes. Also, we have lands that belong to the Government. These are the lands that the King so set apart—lands which belong to the Government, to the Crown, not to one King or another King, but to the Crown in perpetuity; the others to the people by royal patent. Kamehameha III divided up the land in that way.

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The Chairman. When you came to buy up this large estate to which you have the fee simple title, from whom did you buy it?

Mr. Spalding. The fee simple title came from the man who had previously owned it.

The Chairman. Where did he get it?

Mr. Spalding. I do not know where he got it originally, without looking back over the papers to see where these lands came from. The large chiefs took these pieces as the people took the kuleanas.

The Chairman. So that to this land that you have you derived title from the chiefs?

Mr. Spalding. Yes; in the old times. And some of them are Crown lands for which I pay rent.

The Chairman. In the disbursement, were these lands open to native settlers?

Mr. Spalding. Preference was given to natives who were living upon the Kuleanas—there was sometimes 1 acre, sometimes 5, sometimes 10, as the case might be. But the common people generally took the lands that could be watered, for the reason that the big lands running up into the mountains furnished nothing but pasturage; were of no particular use to them.

The Chairman. In order to raise their native food, taro, the natives were obliged to have water?

Mr. Spalding. Yes; the lands that could be watered.

The Chairman. The taro grows in water?

Mr. Spalding. Yes. It belongs to the Caladium family and is known as the Arum Esculentum.

The Chairman. Are the natives, employed by you when not engaged in their own industries?

Mr. Spalding. A great many of them are when they want work. Some of them raise taro on my laud. To some of them I lease land. Some of them work entirely in handling cattle. Some natives I have as overseers.

Senator Gray. This plant that you call taro. What is its character?

Mr. Spalding. It is a bulbous root that grows in the moist ground. Taro grows in a certain amount of water, as rice does.

Senator Gray. Is it anything like the potato?

Mr. Spalding. Something like the potato. It is starchy in its nature, like the potato; but before it is cooked it has a very strong, pungent flavor and burns the mouth; it must be cooked to eat it.

Senator Gray. Something like the turnip?

Mr. Spalding. Like the Indian turnip when it is raw. But taro after baking, or boiling, becomes like a potato, and can be mashed up.

Senator Gray. That is the staple food of the islands?

Mr. Spalding. That is the staple. When it is mashed it becomes poi. After it has been broken up, it becomes like hasty pudding. When they mix it with water and allowed to stand it becomes sour, and they prefer it as it becomes more and more acid.

Senator Gray. Do the natives make a liquor of it?

Mr. Spalding. No. From the ti plant they make liquor.

Senator Gray. You have eaten taro?

Mr. Spalding. Oh, yes.

The Chairman. Is it palatable?

Mr. Spalding. Very nutritious and pleasant to the taste, especially

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after you become accustomed to the poi. The natives eat it with the finger, when it is thick. When thick they eat it with one finger, a little thinner with two, and a little thinner with three or four. They dip it up with their fingers, roll it around and put it in their mouths.

The Chairman. Is this a food common to all those countries?

Mr. Spalding. Common to the Pacific islands.

The Chairman. How many natives have you upon your estate?

Mr. Spalding. We have not a great many natives on Kauai. Within the limits of my lands I do not think there are over 500.

The Chairman. Do you find the natives tractable, people easy to be controlled?

Mr. Spalding. Oh, yes. I have never found the natives to be anything else. They are a good-natured people, not prone to quarrelling or fighting.

The Chairman. How are they about public affairs; do they feel much interest in political affairs?

Mr. Spalding. They are very fond of lawsuits; they are very fond of arguing, very fond of making speeches. I have known a native to talk for two or three hours. Of course, he would repeat himself a good many times. But they are very fond of everything of that kind. We have a great many native lawyers. They have a great idea of making speeches.

The Chairman. Of course, then, in their speeches they are fond of talking about politics?

Mr. Spalding. Oh, yes; they talk about politics and most anything else. They ring in anything in a political speech.

The Chairman. Do they seem to take any real, deep or sincere concern in public affairs, management of the Government?

Mr. Spalding. No, not as a rule.

The Chairman. What do you say of them as a governing race?

Mr. Spalding. I have always found them very easily governed.

The Chairman. No, not to be governed, but as governing.

Mr. Spalding. They acquire an education up to a certain point very readily, and all kinds of education, musical and others; but that point is not very high up in the scale. They are apt to be very fanciful in their ideas, rather than practical. We have never found any of them to be practical enough to transact business of any importance.

The Chairman. Do you know any native Hawaiians who could take your sugar estate, for instance, and make a success of it?

Mr. Spalding. I do not think there was ever a native on the islands who could run it for five years without ruining it. I was in partnership with Kamehameha V when he was King, and got to know him pretty well. I started a sugar plantation on the island of Maui at his request. He owned an interest in the plantation. I agreed to take the management of it on certain terms. In the management of the plantation I came in contact with the governor of Maui, who was an old-fashioned native and quite smart for his times. I found there was so little business about him that we were constantly having trouble.

Senator Gray. You mean the governor and you?

Mr. Spalding. Yes, about the King's lands. His idea was that the mill should furnish money for the planting of the cane, and the King to get his rent whether the proceeds came to the amount advanced or not. That is a matter we could not agree upon, and I sold out my interest.

The Chairman. I would like to ask you about the healthfulness of the Hawaiian Islands.

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Mr. Spalding. I think a large part of the race is diseased.

The Chairman. I am speaking of the healthfulness of the climate.

Mr. Spalding. The climate is a very salubrious one, and particularly good for young people and very old people. It is not a good climate for an active man, because it is too even and equable to be, perhaps, healthful for a vigorous man.

Senator Gray. Enervating?

Mr. Spalding. Enervating, yes.

The Chairman. You spoke of the whole population in a certain sense being diseased. That is not the result of any climatic condition?

Mr. Spalding. No. If I had the time and you had the leisure, I could tell you from my own experience with the natives how easy it was for them to drift into corrupt ways of life and government. They are naturally indolent and careless about health or property. Kalakaua, the last king, was a good-natured, indolent sort of man. He was a man of very fair education; but he was, of course, a thorough native, and his idea of morality was not very great. I had occasion to know him pretty well, because he owned a quarter interest in my plantation at one time. He undertook to furnish the native labor to do the work, which would have been a valuable consideration for the plantation. If that had been carried out it would have been quite consistent with business views to have furnished him the means of paying the assessments on the interest which he held. But within a very few months after he attempted to do this, I found it was utterly useless to depend on him. He had engaged people to do work in the fields. They would start out to do the work, then would stop and have a little talk over it, and then go fishing instead of going to work. The result was the first crop was less than a ton of sugar to the acre on land that I have harvested since 4 to 5 tons to the acre, by good cultivation. I was obliged to buy Kalakaua out. I held his notes, and the ex-Queen, his sister, who had some property, was the indorser on the notes, but I gave his notes back to him and took his interest, simply because there was no use in my carrying him, finding that he could not get the labor to help me carry on the plantation.

The Chairman. He was not a man of business capacity?

Mr. Spalding. No, none of them are. They attempt to do some things. The King used to go down to the plantation himself and ride around; but it was simply the lack of capacity on the part of the native to carry out any important business. That is why the whole country, so far as it is worth anything, has drifted into the hands of others.

The Chairman. You knew Kalakaua, I suppose, and his personal and political history at the time he was King?

Mr. Spalding. Yes.

The Chairman. And up to the revolution of 1887?

Mr. Spalding. Yes.

The Chairman. When that revolution was inaugurated, was it done by any particular organization for the purpose of annexing the islands to the United States?

Mr. Spalding. There was no particular talk of annexation at that time. But there was an organization gotten up for the purpose of forcing the King into a better form of government. He had rather undertaken to do the whole business himself—in this way: he had a minister of foreign affairs who was also ex-officio minister of the interior, ex-officio minister of finance, and ex-officio attorney-general.

The Chairman. Who was that?

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Mr. Spalding. Gibson. When one of his cabinet associates would resign Gibson would take the office himself, and he was the moving spirit of the whole Government. He had gotten into the good graces of Kalakaua, so that he was the governing spirit of the country, and he was treating the King with a good deal of deference until he had obtained this power. We put up with it so long as it was possible to put up with a thing of that kind, and finally this organization was formed for the purpose of changing this business.

The Chairman. What was that organization called?

Mr. Spalding. I do not know that you can say there was any particular name; it was a League.

The Chairman. Was it a secret or public organization?

Mr Spalding. It was a secret organization.

The Chairman. Were you a member of it?

Mr. Spalding. I was not a known member of it, because, as I told them at the time, if Mr. Gibson knew that I was one of the advisors he might take some pains to thwart it. But I furnished my share of the sinews of war.

The Chairman. Money?

Mr. Spalding. Yes.

The Chairman. After the organization was formed, did you proceed to arm the members of it?

Mr. Spalding. These arms were all in the hands of private individuals. We had these arms simply in the event of desiring to use them. We then had a meeting of the citizens of Honolulu.

The Chairman. Outside of the league?

Mr. Spalding. The league was there, but this was a public meeting where they could come.

The Chairman. What was the number of that league at the time of the revolution of 1887?

Mr. Spalding. I could not tell you how many men.

The Chairman. Give us an idea, whether there were hundreds or thousands.

Mr. Spalding. Oh, no; it was not anything more than perhaps about a hundred.

The Chairman. That is, a hundred people of the Hawaiian islands were banded together in a secret organization for the purpose of compelling----

Mr. Spalding. Reform in the Government. Let me express one thing before going any further. Up to the time of the revolution of 1887 there was what was called the "House of Nobles," not elective— the nobles were appointed for life by the King, so that the King had actually control of the Government.

The Chairman. That was one of the points of your reform?

Mr. Spalding. Yes. And we had no way of obtaining a majority vote in that house as against the King on account of his being able to put these nobles in.

The Chairman. They were his creatures?

Mr. Spalding. They were his creatures.

The Chairman. And you had to go to work and create a revolution in the Government to reform the Government?

Mr. Spalding. Yes.

The Chairman. To take the nobles out of the King's hands and have them voted for by the people?

Mr. Spalding. Yes.

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The Chairman. The people who were to vote for the nobles were not the general masses of the voters?

Mr. Spalding. The people who voted for the nobles must have separate qualifications, property qualifications, separate from the qualifications to vote for the representatives. Both houses sat together.

The Chairman. But the suffrage was very much larger in respect to election of members of the house than in respect to the election of the nobles?

Mr. Spalding. Yes.

The Chairman. They were organized by districts, I suppose?

Mr. Spalding. Yes.

The Chairman. When you got to the point of this secret organization, got to the point of a determination to work this revolution in the Government, a meeting of the citizens was held in Honolulu?

Mr. Spalding. Yes.

The Chairman. Was that a public meeting?

Mr. Spalding. Yes.

The Chairman. Open meeting?

Mr. Spalding. Yes.

The Chairman. What was the general character of the declaration made by that meeting?

Mr. Spalding. Simply that there must be a change in the administration of the Government.

The Chairman. That the people would no longer submit to the then workings of the Government?

Mr. Spalding. Yes.

The Chairman. It was not then, as I understand, a project to destroy the monarchy?

Mr. Spalding. No.

The Chairman. Nor to dethrone the King?

Mr. Spalding. No.

The Chairman. But to compel him to grant restrictions on his power in favor of the people?

Mr. Spalding. Yes. We could have made a republic at that time— deposed him.

The Chairman. Was there anything of the kind in that movement —a desire to make a republic of Hawaii?

Mr. Spalding. No. There might have been in a few individuals.

The Chairman. I am speaking of the purpose of that movement.

Mr. Spalding. It was that the constitution should be so amended that the rights of property and the rights of the white people should be more respected and observed.

The Chairman. Was there any purpose of annexing the islands to the United States at that time?

Mr. Spalding. No. One of the principal leaders was an Englishman who was opposed to annexation—even to reciprocity—with the United States.

The Chairman. So that you intended to let the monarchy remain, and the King on his throne?

Mr. Spalding. Yes.

The Chairman. And the constitution to remain intact, except as you had amended it, with the grants in it?

Mr. Spalding. Yes.

The Chairman. Therefore the citizens met in this secret society to make demands on the King?

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Mr. Spalding. Yes. These men had armed themselves for mutual protection in the event of its becoming necessary.

The Chairman. The result was that the King granted the constitution of 1887?

Mr. Spalding. Yes.

The Chairman. And it was proclaimed?

Mr. Spalding. Yes.

The Chairman. Then the King went on to act under that constitution.

Mr. Spalding. Yes.

The Chairman. Of course, under very restricted power?

Mr. Spalding. The main improvement was this. Under the constitution of 1887 the House of Nobles was abolished and made elective and the King's ministers were made responsible for the Government.

Senator Frye. They were the Government?

Mr. Spalding. They were the Government—the King could do no act without the ministry.

The Chairman. No legislative act?

Mr. Spalding. No legislative act.

The Chairman. Could not pass any law?

Mr. Spalding. No. Of course it reduced him, you can see, to a figurehead. The only thing left to him, and which afterward proved a very great trouble, was the veto.

The Chairman. The veto was left to the monarch. Then he had the right to appoint his ministers?

Mr. Spalding. No. He could not appoint his ministers without the consent of the Legislature, of these two Houses. That was the very thing. And he could not discharge his ministry. He had been in the habit of discharging his cabinet one day and appointing a new one the next. Under the new constitution he could discharge his cabinet by the passage through the Legislature of a vote of want of confidence; and he could not appoint a Cabinet without the consent of the Legislature— the cabinet must be approved by the Legislature. It made quite a difference in that way.

The Chairman. You are familiar with the Hawaiian legislation and Hawaiian affairs up to the time you made your last visit in January, 1893?

Mr. Spalding. In a general way; not very minutely.

The Chairman. You knew the state of public opinion?

Mr. Spalding. I knew how there came to be "two Richmonds in the field." At the time of the constitution of 1887, the first election held under that constitution was without a dissenting vote, almost, and every single member—I do not know of any exceptions—was elected as a candidate or as a member of what was called the reform party. And even the members, natives and others, who had been in the previous legislatures, as you might say creatures of the King to carry out his wishes, voted the reform ticket. I remember that in my district there was not a dissenting voice—every vote was cast in the one line. After a few years this party, known as the reform party, became partially broken up, and some of the members of the reform party who wanted to get into office themselves, started another party, which they called the national reform party. That was the beginning of what has since resolved itself into the two parties; one in favor of the Crown or Sovereign, the other in favor of the people.

The Chairman. Which is the reform party?

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Mr. Spalding. That which is represented by the Provisional Government is the reform party; the national reform party is represented by the royalists. We had two or three other names to these parties, but these two parties were the original ones.

The Chairman. When did you last leave Hawaii—before the month of January, 1893?

Mr. Spalding. I had been there the previous June or July, I think.

The Chairman. You left in July?

Mr. Spalding. I think so.

The Chairman. Had you made a considerable stay during that visit to Hawaii?

Mr. Spalding. I had been there several months.

The Chairman. Looking after your personal interests?

Mr. Spalding. Yes.

The Chairman. After you left there did you know of any concert of action, conspiracy, open or secret society, organized or projected for changing the Government from a monarchy to any other form of government?

Mr. Spalding. No.

The Chairman. Or of dethroning the Queen?

Mr. Spalding. No, I did not.

The Chairman. Or of forcing her to accept a particular cabinet?

Mr. Spalding. No.

The Chairman. Did you know of any political movement that might be called in any sense a movement in antagonism to the Government of Hawaii at that time—I mean when you were there?

Mr. Spalding. I did not know of any, and I do not think there was any.

The Chairman. Had you reasons for knowing there was any?

Mr. Spalding. I have not seen the signs of any.

The Chairman. Have you made inquiry?

Mr. Spalding. I have inquired of some of my friends in Honolulu. I was on my plantation most of the time. Of course, I heard of the rumor that word had been received from Washington that annexation might possibly be agreed to or brought about, and I did not believe that any such intelligence had come from Washington, because I had kept a pretty good run of matters here for many years. I differed with my friends there in that respect. Of course, a good many private opinions were to the effect that it would be a very easy matter to annex the country to the United States. I always maintained the ground that it would be a very easy matter to annex the country to the United States so soon as the United States would give us any reason for believing that it would be agreeable on this side. I knew it would not take very much to bring it about if that were so, and I so stated, even last January, before this affair tood place. I was told by one of the present royalists there that $100,000 would be sufficient to upset the monarchy in case annexation could be brought about.

The Chairman. Have you any objection to giving the name?

Mr. Spalding. No; that was a Frenchman, Dr. Trouseau. That was his opinion, and I thought the money could be raised; I would be willing to give a reasonable sum myself toward it. But I would not waste any money, and I have not wasted any money on this proposition because I never saw the time that the United States had given us a sufficient indication that the islands would be accepted. I had never seen any.

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The Chairman. How long before this emeute was it that you were last in Honolulu?

Mr. Spalding. Just a few days before. I was crossing the Atlantic when the vessel arrived at San Francisco with the news.

The Chairman. Then you went on to Paris with your family?

Mr. Spalding. Yes. I got the news at Queenstown.

The Chairman. I want particularly the period when you were in Honolulu.

Mr. Spalding. January, 1893.

Senator Gray. And you left there the 4th of that month?

Mr. Spalding. Yes. I perhaps had not left New York when this thing took place.

The Chairman. When you left Honolulu in January, 1893, had you any information of a movement that was on foot to annex Hawaii to the United States?

Mr. Spalding. No; I had information to the contrary. If there was anything going on I was likely to be informed by men who would certainly know about it, men who were afterward engaged in this uprising. I was informed by those men that there was no chance of anything of that kind; that there would be no trouble, so far as they were aware; that there was no organization, and would be no trouble unless something occurred which they did not know about.

Senator Frye. Then Mr. Stevens must have left on that Boston trip about the time you left?

Mr. Spalding. I do not know whether he was in Honolulu when I left. I think the Boston was there. I think Mr. Stevens left about the time I did—just about the time I did.

The Chairman. From what you stated here, the drift of your inquiry had reference to your personal affairs, as to whether the condition of the country was likely to be firm and prosperous.

Mr. Spalding. Yes.

The Chairman. You were not inquiring because of any expectation that there would be an uprising or a revolution?

Mr. Spalding. No. It was only in regard to the general matter, to the conduct of the future Government.

The Chairman. You, as a property holder, were inquiring for the purpose of protecting your interests?

Mr. Spalding. Yes.

The Chairman. And you made this inquiry of the persons who were afterwards engaged in this emeute, who informed you that nothing of the kind was contemplated?

Mr. Spalding. Nothing of the kind contemplated at that time.

Senator Gray. Will you state of whom you made the inquiries?

Mr. Spalding. One of the gentlemen is Mr. Wilder, who is now one of the council and one of the commissioners to come on here. Mr. Wilder and I had agreed in politics. He knew that I was an annexationist of long standing, and he was a pretty good American himself. We talked the matter over, and he assured me that there was nothing in these rumors of which I had heard incidentally; that there was no news received from Washington that was at all indicative of anything of that kind. I certainly would not have left there if I had thought there would be any change in the Government that way. I should have remained there and been in the thick of it, because I should have considered that my property interests there demanded it.

The Chairman. Was the rule of Liliuokalani up to the time you left there agreeable to the better part of the population?

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Mr. Spalding. Her rule was not exactly agreeable to herself or anybody else because it was a forced rule; she was forced into everything she did. And her last ministry was obliged to force her to every act they accomplished.

The Chairman. The people were conscious of her reluctance?

Mr. Spalding. The people were conscious of that, because there was this fight, if you might term it so, between these two parties. But we supposed we had sufficient control in the majority which we possessed in the Legislature and in the cabinet. She had a cabinet before that which was quite obnoxious to the people, and that had been ousted.

The Chairman. By a vote of want of confidence?

Mr. Spalding. Vote of want of confidence, and that she must appoint a cabinet agreeable to the Legislature. What we termed the reform party had a majority; that is, it was a coalition of the reform party and the best men of this national reform party—it was the best men of all parties who had joined in this coalition to have a good cabinet appointed, and we deemed we had. When I left there in January things were in better shape than ever before. When I left there appeared to be less liability of any trouble than there had been for a year, because we had the best cabinet that we had had for a long time. That is this Jones-Wilcox cabinet; they were all respectable men— men of position and men whom we could depend on—very safe hands so long as that cabinet remained in possession. But, to the surprise of everybody, the Queen managed to get a majority in the Legislature a very few days after I left, and that cabinet was ousted.

The Chairman. Was that done by election or manipulation?

Mr. Spalding. It was done by manipulation.

The Chairman. Do you recollect when you left Honolulu, in January, 1893, these bills, the opium bill and the lottery bill, were pending before the Legislature?

Mr. Spalding. We supposed at that time they were killed; because it was understood, of course, that so long as the Wilcox-Jones ministry remained in those bills could not be passed.

The Chairman. No member of that ministry could be gotten to sign.

Mr. Spalding. No. And with the majority we had in the Legislature— the cabinet ministers had a vote in the Legislature—the opium and lottery bills could not pass. Of course, we supposed that everything was secure for two years, as the Legislature would be prorogued and this cabinet would hold over for two years, and the Queen could not put them out after the Legislature was prorogued. Therefore, she made the final effort of obtaining a majority in the Legislature just after I left there in January, and after she got that majority she had everything in her own hands.

The Chairman. When did you return to Hawaii?

Mr. Spalding. Do you mean when I last returned?

The Chairman. Yes. Mr. Spalding. In October, 1893.

The Chairman. You were not present, then, during any part of this emeute?

Mr. Spalding. No, I was not there at all between January and October.

The Chairman. When you got back to Hawaii, what impression did you find amongst the people there in respect to the means by which Lilioukalani had changed the Legislature so as to get the new

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cabinet, so as to get authority, power, to enact the opium bill and the lottery bill—what was the impression?

Mr. Spalding. The impression as to the means that she used?

The Chairman. Yes.

Mr. Spalding. I do not know that I got any very definite idea, except what seemed the result, perhaps, of my own previous knowledge. For instance, on the island of Kauai we elected one of the nobles at the previous election; elected him on the reform ticket. We considered him just as much a member of that Reform party as Mr. Jones, Mr. Wilcox, or anybody else. He was an ignorant old fellow, but goodnatured. As there did not seem to be anybody on the island willing to spend the time to attend the sessions of the Legislature, and as this old fellow was willing to go—of course he had to pay his own expenses— he was nominated by this Reform party. He was considered just as good a man, so far as his principles were concerned, as good a Reformist as anyone else. But it was his vote that had been obtained in some way or other which gave the Queen the balance of power—his and that of the son-in-law of this Judge Weidemann. Of course, at the time I left there was no doubt of this noble from Kauai continuing to vote, as he had done before, with the Reform party. But he was a great friend of Paul Neumann who came on here, you remember, in the interest of the Queen. He probably gained this vote for the Queen. Paul Neumann had been in the previous cabinet—had been elected to the Legislature as a noble from Honolulu; only a few months before that he had been elected by a sort of joint vote. The cabinet went out for want of confidence, and he was out of it entirely. This man from Kauai was a sugar planter. We always supposed that he would vote in the same lines that he had always expressed his opinions. We knew his opinions, and he was nominated by this Reform party, nominated against a man who was running as an Independent, but more in favor of the Queen's party than the Reform party. But it was losing this vote that upset the whole thing. I had no reason to think it would happen at the time I left Honolulu.

The Chairman. What is the opinion, the belief, of the men engaged there in promoting the interests of what you call the reform party as to these men having been corruptly influenced to go into the meshes of the Queen and vote for the opium bill and the lottery bill? What did you find to be the state of opinion in Hawaii about that when you returned?

Mr. Spalding. I found this—that the men who voted for that opium bill and lottery bill were the men who were known and acknowledged there as being the most corrupt, men of the least reputation. Some of the natives, for instance, with no shadow of reputation, belong to that class or party.

The Chairman. The class that voted for these bills?

Mr. Spalding. That voted for these bills.

The Chairman. I am speaking of the change.

Mr. Spalding. You mean the effect, the change by which the votes from the reform party were carried over?

The Chairman. What is the opinion as to the means employed to procure this change?

Mr. Spalding. Some claim that money was used and others bribery of one kind and another. But I do not think there was any more bribery used than is general in such cases. I think this man from Kauai was influenced more by Paul Neumann simply talking to him.

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They are both Germans, and he has a great idea of Paul Neumann's greatness. My own idea would be that he was more influenced by Neumann than any other influence.

The Chairman. That is your idea?

Mr. Spalding. Yes.

The Chairman. What is the prevailing idea or opinion on that sub ject? Mr. Spalding. A great many think there was bribery used.

Senator Gray. And others agree with the opinion you express?

Mr. Spalding. I suppose so. But, of course, I could not say much of my own knowledge how the people did regard it. I do not think I paid much attention to it. I know that I heard with a great deal of astonishment of this old fellow from Kauai and his false position toward the reform party.

Senator Gray. Was he a native?

Mr. Spalding. No, a German. He married a native, had a native wife.

The Chairman. What is the present state of things in the Hawaiian Islands?

Mr. Spalding. It is quite depressed. Of course, certain lines of business that have to be carried on, cultivation of the cane, manufacture of the sugar, and moving of the sugar are going on; but what you call mercantile business, selling supplies and other things, is very much depressed, because of the low price of sugar.

The Chairman. Is it want of confidence in the Government that produces this depression?

Mr. Spalding. No.

The Chairman. Do the people of Hawaii, the native Kanakas, seem to resent this change in the Government?

Mr. Spalding. I have never seen anything that indicated a marked sentiment.

The Chairman. You were on your estate there, were you?

Mr. Spalding. Yes.

The Chairman. Saw the people who were there?

Mr. Spalding. Yes.

The Chairman. Did they exhibit any dissatisfaction at the existing state of affairs?

Mr. Spalding. No. They have talked among themselves, not with me, but I have heard of their talking about their having something to say in the Government; that is, having a vote, the franchise the same as they had been in the habit of having it. But at the same time I do not think they care particularly about that. I do not think they are much interested in that. If you will allow me to say it—without blowing my own trumpet;—when it was asked of the natives in my neighborhood what they thought of the annexation question, they said they wanted first to know what Spalding thought about it; if he did not want to have it, they did not. It shows that I am a sort of adviser to them. They come to me with all their troubles.

The Chairman. Have you always occupied that position toward them?

Mr. Spalding. Yes.

The Chairman. Do you enjoy the confidence of the natives?

Mr. Spalding. Yes, the best of them, because they always know that they can come to me, and my manager when I am away, and have any benefits which are necessary, any assistance which is necessary. For

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instance, when they want a church, I give them a piece of land to put it on, and give them the use of my carpenters in building it, and help them secure the money to build it with—help them secure their churches and schools.

The Chairman. Are the natives interested in such matters as those?

Mr. Spalding. Yes; they are all, as a rule, interested in their little churches and in their schools. We have two quite good-sized schoolhouses, which makes quite a large school, on my own plantation, a short distance from the mill. I gave the land to them and assisted them in putting up their building. The school may be said to be right under my eye. My financial clerk is the agent of the Government school board, or board of education, in all its financial transactions.

The Chairman. Do the natives participate in all these public institutions?

Mr. Spalding. Yes.

The Chairman. Freely and with spirit?

Mr. Spalding. They attend these schools. Education is compulsory up to a certain age.

The Chairman. Are the people in harmony with that sentiment of progress, improvement, and enlightenment?

Mr. Spalding. As far as you could expect them to be.

The Chairman. Is there any antagonism to it?

Mr. Spalding. I think not. In some cases, where the natives are by themselves, away from the plantations, they may have been imbued with the idea that the foreigners are aggressive people, trying to get possession of their property, and it is necessary to fight them off; and in political campaigns stories have been told to them by officeseekers that would, perhaps, in some instances, estrange them from foreigners with whom they would otherwise have been on good terms.

The Chairman. So that you would say that amongst the native Kanaka population the general drift of feeling or opinion would be in favor of those institutions first established by the missionaries?

Mr. Spalding. Yes. And the natives have looked more upon the United States as the father of their Government. They always speak of the American war ships as "our war ships," in contradistinction from the British war ships; and the 4th of July, has been the gala day of the country. We have the Kamehameha day. The Kamehameha day is the first; that is the 11th of June; but they have always celebrated the 4th day of July as the gala day of the country.

The Chairman. Kamehameha I was a chief?

Mr. Spalding. He was a high chief. He was not Royal blood but he was a nephew of one of the Kings of Hawaii.

The Chairman. At the time he came to the front there were kings over these islands?

Mr. Spalding. A half dozen. There were three kings on Hawaii alone.

The Chairman. He established himself by uniting all these kingdoms into his empire?

Mr. Spalding. Yes; by force.

The Chairman. And there is where the Kamehameha family took its origin as a royal dynasty?

Mr. Spalding. Yes. One part of the island of Hawaii was left by the king of that section—there were three kings there—to Kamehameha and to the son of the old King when he, the old King, died. Afterward

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the son, through the influence of some of his chiefs, attempted to wrest from Kamehameha his share of this part of the Kingdom. He was defeated, killed, slain in battle. Then Kamehameha went to work and conquered the balance of Hawaii and the other islands.

The Chairman. I suppose you have examined Jarvis History of Hawaii?

Mr. Spalding. In old times.

The Chairman. Is that considered authentic—a correct history?

Mr. Spalding. I think so. One of the best histories is a short one by Prof. Alexander.

The Chairman. But Jarvis' History is a standard work?

Mr. Spalding. It has always been so regarded on historical questions.

The Chairman. What are your annual taxes to the Hawaiian Government?

Mr. Spalding. I pay on my plantation—of course I practically own the whole plantation; I have it in the form of a stock company, but I own 4,915 shares out of 5,000, so that my taxes amount to $8,000 or $9,000 a year.

The Chairman. What are your estates there valued at; what do you think a reasonable value on your estate?

Mr. Spalding. My estate?

The Chairman. The estate which you control by this arrangement of which you have been speaking.

Mr. Spalding. I should consider it worth from a million of dollars upwards. It depends somewhat upon the outlook.

The Chairman. The taxes you speak of paying, $8,000 or $9,000 a year, I suppose are direct taxes to the Government?

Mr. Spalding. Direct taxes; yes.

The Chairman. In addition to them you pay the tariff tax?

Mr. Spalding. Oh, certainly.

The Chairman. So that your entire taxation during the year would amount to considerably more than that?

Mr. Spalding. Yes; $10,000 or $12,000 a year.

The Chairman. Let me ask you what is your estimate—it is not expected to be accurate—of the present value of the investments made by American citizens in the Hawaiian Islands?

Mr. Spalding. If the times were good I should say those investments were $50,000,000; being very bad the value is not over $30,000,000; but anywhere from $30,000,000 to $50,000,000.

The Chairman. Thirty million dollars would be the minimum?

Mr. Spalding. Yes.

The Chairman. Are you a citizen of Hawaii?

Mr. Spalding. I voted in 1887, but I have not taken the oath of allegiance in Hawaii. I have not lost my citizenship in the United States.

The Chairman. That is a process of naturalization there, to take the oath of allegiance?

Mr. Spalding. Yes; I do not know how the United States would regard it. Previous to 1887 you could not vote without having taken the oath of allegiance. That was changed under the laws of 1887 so that you could register, and you would simply have to take the oath to support the constitution, but not become a citizen.

The Chairman. Somewhat similar to the privilege granted by some of the States with regard to signifying an intention?

S. Doc. 231, pt 6----39

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Senator Frye. In the estimate of the property held by the Americans at $50,000,000, what would be your estimate of the property held by others, in good times?

Mr. Spalding. You want to divide it up among the Americans, English people, etc.

Senator Frye. What is the proportion held by the natives and what is the proportion held by the whites of the islands?

The Chairman. Of all nationalities?

Mr. Spalding. I should say at least nine-tenths.

Senator Frye. And of that, what proportion is held by the Americans?

Mr. Spalding. Probably of all the whites over three-fourths by Americans; that is, what we call Americans, people born there of American parentage.

The Chairman. So that the representation in the National Legislature of Hawaii, so far as the natives are concerned, is a very small proportion of the real wealth of the country?

Mr. Spalding. A very small proportion. No natives have property. This man Parker, who was in the last cabinet of the Queen, and who is the Queen's mainstay now, was the nephew of a half white, who died some time ago, leaving him a large property. But he squandered it all; he is bankrupt; and some say he has spent $300,000—I suppose he has spent $150,000—in the last six or eight years.

Senator Frye. Is he a dissipated man?

Mr. Spalding. He is not a common drunkard, by any means, but a careless man, spendthrift.

Senator Gray. Who is that?

Mr. Spalding. Samuel Parker, the minister of foreign affairs under Liliuokalani.

The Chairman. In the last cabinet?

Mr. Spalding. Yes. He is now a bankrupt. He was left a large estate by his uncle.

The Chairman. Since your return, in the situation of affairs have you discovered any organization, or effort at an organization, for the purpose of overturning the Provisional Government and reinstatinng the Queen?

Mr. Spalding. I have not seen any, what you might call an organization; I have only heard these same parties who have been opposed to what we call the reform party, talking about restoring the Queen----men like Wilson. But it was only when they expected to have aid and assistance from the United States in doing it. I have not heard of their having any organization of their own. I have heard they have arms secreted, but I do not think the Provisional Government have any fear of that.

The Chairman. If Liliuokalani were restored to the throne under existing conditions, do you believe she would be able to retain her seat on the throne?

Mr. Spalding. Not unless the people who are at present in power were disarmed, and the arms given to somebody else, and the people prevented getting any other arms.

The Chairman. That is not practical, is it?

Mr. Spalding. I do not think it is. There is no power to put Liliuokalani back on the throne, except a force sufficient to oust the Provisional Government and sufficient force to support the monarchy after it is in power.

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The Chairman. Do you think that would have to come from abroad?

Mr. Spalding. I think so. After this attempt the people there could not keep it up.

The Chairman. Suppose that France, the United States, England, Germany, Japan, and China should strictly adhere to the doctrine of noninterference in the present affairs of Liliuokalani or any other person—allow them to conduct political affairs in those islands—do you believe that the Kanaka sentiment, the sentiment of the native Indian, is of such a character that Liliuokalani or Kaiulana could build up a royal dynasty in Hawaii?

Mr. Spalding. No, not so long as the white foreigner, white people, desire to maintain the ascendency. I think they can do it in spite of any force, internal, that may be brought against them.

The Chairman. You mean, as against the opposition of the membership of the present Government and its supporters, that it would not be practicable to reinstate a monarchy in Hawaii?

Mr. Spalding. Not without a force from the outside. But there could a time come when all this would be changed. Perhaps I am a little different from many persons who live in the country; I do not regard the country simply. Of course, it is fertile in some spots, the climate is a beautiful one or favorable one, but simply on that account I do not think that there is a great future for Hawaii in sugar. Hawaii is not a sugar country, and with all our advantages—and we have given more thought to the business and developed it to a higher scientific degree than any other sugar country known—at the same time I am quite confident that with all those advantages, with capital I could go to the island of Cuba, and with my knowledge of the sugar business I could produce sugar for $10 a ton—half a cent cheaper than in Hawaii. Hence I do not regard Hawaii as a sugar country, a valuable country. We would not have arrived at the point we are now except for the benefits from the reciprocity treaty. We received great encouragement from that; received what you might term a large bonus from the United States, and the money received was put into these plantations to build them up. Consequently we are in a very favorable position to manufacture sugar. With our advanced methods and all the advantages of machinery we can make sugar fully as cheap, perhaps (in our best places, I now speak of), as any other sugar countries. But our labor is necessarily high; there is nothing to induce laborers to come there except wages, of course, and we have not enough of that population in the country to supply the wants. Consequently, when the price of sugar goes down as it is now, our plantations are valueless.

The Chairman. You mean they are not profitable?

Mr. Spalding. Not profitable—valueless as producers of revenue. Last year we received as high as 4¹/₂ cents a pound for sugar; that was the market price; this year it is down to 2⁷/₈ cents per pound.

The Chairman. You do not consider Hawaii a natural sugar country, as being very superior to or the equal of other countries. What advantages are in that country?

Mr. Spalding. I do not think there are any advantages except the climate. I saw advantage in the reciprocity treaty, and I would not have stayed there had it not been for reciprocity; because before the reciprocity treaty had passed all the plantations had gone through bankruptcy. I do not think there was a single plantation that had not gone into bankruptcy.

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The Chairman. Do you mean through the legal course of bankruptcy?

Mr. Spalding. They had failed; they had passed into other hands; sunk their original capital.

The Chairman. You have announced that you are an annexationist?

Mr. Spalding. Yes.

The Chairman. And loyal citizen.

Mr. Spalding. Yes.

The Chairman. As loyal to your country as ever before?

Mr. Spalding. Yes; just as when in 1861 I stood guard at this Capitol in the cold nights of April.

The Chairman. What made you an annexationist?

Mr. Spalding. Because I believe the possession of the islands by the United States would give the United States practical possession of the Pacific Ocean.

The Chairman. The commercial control?

Mr. Spalding. Yes.

The Chairman. How about the military control and naval control?

Mr. Spalding. The Hawaiian Islands are so located that an American fleet could be located in Pearl River harbor and with a cable from San Francisco those ships could be sent at will to any part of the ocean by the authorities at Washington.

The Chairman. You read Gen. Scofield's report on that?

Mr. Spalding. Yes.

The Chairman. Do you agree with the general's statement on that question?

Mr. Spalding. Fully.

The Chairman. He goes into the question of the width of the bar. The depth is 14 feet.

Mr. Spalding. You mean in Honolulu harbor.

The Chairman. No; the entrance to Pearl River harbor.

Mr. Spalding. The entrance to Pearl River harbor is practically closed by the coral reef outside.

Senator Frye. That is a soft coral?

Mr. Spalding. Yes.

The Chairman. There are 13 or 14 feet of water at low tide.

Mr. Spalding. I do not know. We have never spent any money in making a survey of that harbor, and there has never been any survey made except by the crews of the warships there, at very little expense.

The Chairman. Still, light vessels can run into Pearl River harbor?

Mr. Spalding. Yes.

The Chairman. Have you any idea of its width?

Mr. Spalding. How far it extends out into the ocean?

The Chairman. Yes.

Mr. Spalding. NO. I have been by there a great many times on a steamer. I could see about how far it runs out; but it would be more a matter of opinion.

The Chairman. Is it a mile wide?

Mr. Spalding. Less than a mile. From my observations I should say less than a mile.

The Chairman. In order for the United States to avail itself of that harbor for a naval station it would be necessary for the United States to dredge out the harbor?

Mr. Spalding. Yes.

The Chairman. There is plenty of water?

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Mr. Spalding. Yes.

The Chairman. And the configuration of the harbor is such that the vessels can get protection?

Mr. Spalding. Yes; get way in behind the island. It is a sort of lagoon.

The Chairman. You could have forts there?

Mr. Spalding. Yes; right at the front entrance of the sea.

The Chairman. And they would command the Honolulu district?

Mr. Spalding. I do not know about their commanding Honolulu from Pearl River. That would be a very long reach. But Honolulu could be defended from the hill back of it.

The Chairman. The Punch Bowl?

Mr. Spalding. The Punch Bowl right behind it.

The Chairman. Honolulu Harbor is formed, as I understand it, by a bight in the land and this coral reef?

Mr. Spalding. There is not much of a bight in the land. There is this coral reef that runs all around the island, and wherever there is a stream of fresh water that prevents the coral insect from working, there is the channel. Now, in Honolulu there is a small harbor inside the reef where the stream of fresh water has been in the habit of flowing down and then running out through the coral. But this coral reef is covered with water, sometimes not more than a foot or foot and a half deep, because the tide at Honolulu is not more than 3 feet at the outside, and very seldom as much as that.

The Chairman. The entrance is through this coral?

Mr. Spalding. Right through this coral reef. This entrance to Honolulu is marked by a line of buoys and is only a few hundred feet wide.

Senator Gray. Not more than a few hundred feet?

Mr. Spalding. Not more than a few hundred.

The Chairman. The breakers define the reef

Mr. Spalding. Yes.

The Chairman. And inside is this little bay?

Mr. Spalding. It is very small, but it is very well protected by this reef on the outside and the shallow water on the reef.

The Chairman. Protected against the Pacific Ocean?

Mr. Spalding. Yes.

Mr. Spalding. Yes; a natural protection.

The Chairman. Is Pearl River harbor a full land-locked harbor?

Mr. Spalding. The only place where you can combine sea and land defenses.

The Chairman. And that is perfectly practicable?

Mr. Spalding. Perfectly practicable at Pearl River harbor; to get the passage through the reef is the only thing to do.

The Chairman. Is Pearl River surrounded by forests?

Mr. Spalding. There are a few trees in the neighborhood, but it is some little distance back in the mountains.

The Chairman. But the nation that has possession of Pearl River harbor and fortifies it has virtually the military and naval control of all those islands?

Mr. Spalding. Yes.

The Chairman. And, to extend the inquiry, that nation would have a seat in the center of the Pacific Ocean that is valuable in a military sense and valuable in a commercial sense?

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Mr. Spalding. Yes.

The Chairman. As a resting place, coaling station—place for resting ships?

Mr. Spalding. It has been a coaling station for the United States for a number of years.

The Chairman. As a place I have described, is it resorted to by vessels in numbers?

Mr. Spalding. Do you mean Pearl River harbor?

The Chairman. Honolulu?

Mr. Spalding. The Austrian war ship Donau came in there several years ago with her steering apparatus gone. She had to spend a few months there and thousands of dollars in temporary repairs. Vessels are coming all the time for the same purpose. It is the only place that I consider valuable in the North Pacific. The South Pacific is full of islands; the North Pacific has no islands practically. There are a few little spots in the North Pacific beside the Hawaiian group, but they are hardly inhabitable.

The Chairman. Then your zeal as an annexationist is built on the naval and commercial value of the islands to the United States.

Mr. Spalding. If it is not desirable for the United States to hold Pearl River, if it is not desirable for the United States to have that country as an outpost, it is not worth while for them to have anything to do with the country, because as an agricultural country, mineral country, and mercantile and manufacturing country it is of small value.

Senator Frye. How would the building of the Nicaragua canal increase the importance of those islands to the United States?

Mr. Spalding. It would make Honolulu just so much more important as a stopping place in crossing the Pacific Ocean.

Senator Frye. If the Nicaraguan canal were built, what, in your judgment, would be the result upon our country's interests to have the Hawaiian Islands go into the hands of the English Government?

Mr. Spalding. Since 1867 I have felt that it would be a very bad thing for the islands to go into the hands of Great Britain with or without the Nicaraguan canal. During the civil war we had the privateers up north among our whaling ships, and those privateers never could have gotten up there if one of our war ships had rendezvoused at Honolulu. The Hawaiian Islands are in a direct line between the British possessions of North America and the British possessions of Australia.

The Chairman. Without the annexation of Hawaii in connection with the Nicaraguan canal, but taking the conditions as they are, you think the construction of a cable to the United States between San Francisco and Honolulu would be of great importance?

Mr. Spalding. Yes. I tried to bring it about some years ago. We had a concession from the Hawaiian Government which we proposed to turn over to any company that might be formed under the auspices of the United States, but we could not get the aid of the United States in building the cable, and, of course, there was not enough business to attempt it without that.

The Chairman. What is the general character of the Portuguese who occupy Hawaii?

Mr. Spalding. The Portuguese who came there were mostly men brought out from the Madeira Islands for laboring on the plantations. So long as we paid them pretty good prices for their labor, of course, they remained. They were under agreement to remain with us for a term of years, three years I think, and at the expiration of their agreement

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a good many of them went to California, thinking that they could do better. They are not a people who are reliable as settlers; we can not depend upon their settling in the community.

The Chairman. You mean, remaining in the community?

Mr. Spalding. Remaining. They move about. If they think they can get a small addition in the way of wages they think it better for them to go. I was instrumental in erecting a Catholic church on my plantation, gave them the land and helped them put it up, because I had quite a number working for me. But I find that most of them have gone away after the expiration of their contracts.

The Chairman. As to their citizenship?

Mr. Spalding. I do not think they are very advantageous people as citizens.

The Chairman. Are they disadvantageous?

Mr. Spalding. Not if you have them in small numbers. If you have them in large numbers, yes; if you had too many of them, that would be disadvantageous.

The Chairman. Are they turbulent?

Mr. Spalding. They are apt to be quarrelsome, and not always reliable.

The Chairman. How do they got along with the native population?

Mr. Spalding. I do not think they have any trouble with the native population. They are a very saving people—in some respects a very hard working people—especially where they are working for themselves.

Senator Frye. They are pretty thrifty people?

Mr. Spalding. Pretty thrifty.

The Chairman. How about the Japanese. What kind of citizens do they become?

Mr. Spalding. We have not had them long enough to say. We do not expect citizens on the plantations to do as in the towns and cities.

The Chairman. But the Portuguese have the right as citizens to vote?

Mr. Spalding. Yes.

The Chairman. The Japanese have not the right?

Mr. Spalding. The Japanese and Chinese. The Japanese Government have claimed that right, but we have never allowed it. I say we; I speak of the country. I was not an official.

The Chairman. The Chinese—how do they demean themselves in that country?

Mr. Spalding. Fairly well.

The Chairman. Do they intermarry with the natives?

Mr. Spalding. They do not intermarry with the natives very much.

The Chairman. Now, taking the Portuguese, the Europeans, the Americans, and the Kanakas, with their present rights of suffrage regulated by the constitution of 1887, and suppose you were to continue that and have your Government republican in form, under a written constitution, would you consider that a safe form of government for that country?

Mr. Spalding. No; I should not consider that a republican form of government, with the suffrage as we have had it since 1887 (which was very liberal), a good form of government for that country, because there is not enough to the country. The country is not valuable enough; it is of no use to divide it up into small farms, because one farmer would have to sell to another farmer. I have known but one

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industry to amount to anything specially, and that is the sugar industry— sugar and rice.

Senator Gray. How about the coffee industry?

Mr. Spalding. They have tried to raise coffee, but the coffee has been blighted. It may succeed better in the future—also tobacco. In California they can raise grain and send it down there cheaper than we can raise it; consequently we buy a good deal in California. We get better potatoes from California. They can raise them cheaper than we can. There is nothing that I know that can be raised cheaper in Hawaii than it can be raised in any other country. Consequently, even our sugar, without some kind of fostering protection, is not worth much to us. But it has been remunerative to us under the reciprocity treaty, and is remunerative to us now because of that treaty. I would not to-day attempt to start a sugar plantation on the Sandwich Islands any more than I would put my hand in the fire—I would not start a factory there.

Senator Gray. You do not think a republic would be a good form of government for the people of that country who are now entitled to suffrage?

Mr. Spalding. No.

Senator Frye. With the suffrage practically universal?

Mr. Spalding. Not as it is now; under the constitution of 1887.

Senator Gray. Would you think the outlook for a republican form of government better if the right of suffrage were more extensive?

Mr. Spalding. No; I should think that the people there, from the circumstances surrounding them, are not favorable to a republican form of government. There is not enough interest in the country for a republic—there are too many waves of prosperity and depression.

Senator Frye. Suppose there were a limit to the suffrage?

Mr. Spalding. If you were to limit the suffrage, then you might have a government which would, in my opinion be safe and advisable in the proportion that it would be limited.

Senator Frye. But that would not be a government of the people?

Mr. Spalding. It would not.

Senator Gray. The more narrow the suffrage, the more stable the government.

Mr. Spalding. Yes, because these people are like a good many in the United States—better governed than governing.

Senator Gray. They need to be governed?

Mr. Spalding. I think so.

The Chairman. What do you think of the future success of Hawaii as a government, having reference to the welfare of all classes in that country, if that government—taking the constitution of 1887 as a basis—should be placed in the hands of a native Kanaka dynasty?

Mr. Spalding. If it were placed in the hands of a native Kanaka dynasty it would probably run back to where it was when Capt. Cook visited it.

The Chairman. You think those people need to be under control?

Mr. Spalding. While the King has been on the throne the brains of the white man have carried on the government.

Senator Gray. You think they need an autocratic government?

Mr. Spalding. We have now as near an approach to autocratic government as anywhere. We have a council of fifteen, perhaps, composed of the business men of Honolulu—some of them workingmen, some capitalists, but they are all business men of Honolulu. They go

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up to the palace, which is now the official home of the cabinet—they go up there perhaps every day and hold a session of an hour to examine into the business of the country, just the same as is done in a large factory or on a farm.

Senator Gray. They control the Government?

Mr. Spalding. They control it. They assemble—"now it is desired to do so and so; what do you think about it?" They will appoint a committee, if they think it necessary, or they will appoint some one to do something, just as though the Legislature had passed a law to be carried out by the officers of the people.

The Chairman. Coming back to my proposition again. You say you do not think the restoration of the monarchy, with the native Kanaka rulers on the throne, would be a success?

Mr. Spalding. No, without some backing.

The Chairman. I am talking of an independent government.

Mr. Spalding. No.

The Chairman. It would not be to the interest of the people nor of the investors who have spent their money there?

Mr. Spalding. No.

The Chairman. You think it would be difficult, if I get your idea, either under a republican form of government, or dynastic or monarchical form, to build up in the Hawaiian Islands a government that will be equal to the commercial necessities of the Pacific Ocean?

Mr. Spalding. Most decidedly so.

The Chairman. You are of that opinion?

Mr. Spalding. Yes.

The Chairman. Suppose we should come to the point of the restoration of the monarchy in Hawaii, would it be preferable that Liliuokalani should be restored under existing conditions and surroundings, or that Kaiulani should be restored?

Mr. Spalding. I do not think—it would be a choice of evils; I do not think it would make any difference. But I think it would be better to have Kaiulani, for we generally prefer the ills we know not of to those we do know.

The Chairman. Looking over this whole field and the possibility of Kaiulani being restored to her rights, as alleged, what would be the drift of the Government under her administration in respect of the influence of the United States as compared with that of Great Britain?

Mr. Spalding. If we had a sovereign on the throne?

The Chairman. Kaiulani.

Mr. Spalding. I do not think we can have any sovereign on the throne, either Kaiulani or anybody else, unless she go there for a purpose, with the consent of the business interests of the country. I think it either means that the business interests of the country shall be overlooked, thrown one side, or kept in view and something done for their benefit and protection. I think if a sovereign were put on the throne and it should become again a monarchical form of government, it would have to be under the protection of some strong power, and that strong power must be of a character that would give to these interests, especially the sugar interests (which is the main industry of the country) some compensation. It is requisite for the manufacture of sugar to have two things: a favorable soil and climate and a favorable condition of labor. If we had the same climate and the same soil here in Washington that we have in Hawaii, we could not raise sugar in Washington, because the negroes of Washington would charge

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so much for cultivating the cane that it would be cheaper to buy sugar from some other country than to make it here.

The Chairman. That relates to one interest only.

Mr. Spalding. And that is the only interest that I know of in that country.

Senator Gray. There is no other wealth-producing industry in that country?

Mr. Spalding. That is the only thing that produces money there, because it is the only thing that goes out of the country. We can not have manufactures there.

The Chairman. Your opinion would be that with Kaiulani on the throne her government would not be a success if not backed up by some other country?

Mr. Spalding. I do not think she would be of any use to the country at large. We have got to do one of two things—run the government by ourselves and support it by necessary taxation and stand the expenses of it, or have it under some foreign protection that would relieve us of those expenses.

The Chairman. Do you believe that the people representing the ruling, controlling interests in that country (which are intelligence and wealth) are the people to govern the country under a permanent form of government (whichever you may select, republican or monarchical) so as to make it a success and contribute to the happiness of the whole people?

Mr. Spalding. They are doing it now. The native people are better off now than they have been at any other time.

The Chairman. Do you believe that a Government on the existing basis, under the control of those who are now in authority, with the influence that they exert, can be established into a permanent form of government with such benefits to the people as to make it the best that can be done for that country?

Mr. Spalding. I would not like to say that I do believe that, because it depends upon whether we can support the present Government. I say I do not know about that. We are doing it for the present, but whether we can do it with sugar a half cent a pound lower than now is quite another question. And it depends upon how much money we have to pay out for our Government. But, if we have a powerful Government to back us, we get rid of a very large proportion of the expenses of the present form of government, and the expenses of the last Government, the monarchical Government. If the American flag were flying over the islands and one of the smallest and poorest warships with a crew of fifty men on board were stationed in Honolulu Harbor, you might give the suffrage to every man in the country, Chinese and Japanese, and there would not be any attempt to overthrow the Government. They might have their disputes in little affairs; but they could not overthrow the Government. But we do not know how safe we would be if we were to do away with the troops that we have. If that were done somebody else might want to have the official part of the Government to administer.

Senator Gray. Do you think that a democratic-republican government, as we understand it here in the States, could be maintained in those islands with an independent sovereignty, without the outside support of which you speak?

Mr. Spalding. We can maintain a government there so long as we can afford to keep an armed force; but not without.

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Senator Gray. Could you maintain a state government there as we understand a State government here?

Mr. Spalding. Do you mean if the islands were annexed to the United States?

Senator Gray. Yes.

Mr. Spalding. Yes, we could. That would be a republican form of government.

Mr. Gray. That is what I meant.

Mr. Spalding. I have already said that a republican form of government would not be suitable for that people. That is an independent form of government. You might, for instance, if the Hawaiian Islands were a part of the State of California do very well. I think they would send two or three or four representatives to the State capitol, who would be equally respectable with the representatives sent from the present counties in California, and I do not think there would be any trouble----all the struggle would cease. But we have there now these adventurers, an element that wants to rule or ruin. They have nothing to lose and everything to gain; and it would be simply men who have something to lose fighting men who have nothing to lose.

Senator Frye. That would require the maintenance in arms of a thousand men?

Mr. Spalding. Whatever would be necessary—a few hundred or a thousand.

Senator Frye. But the expense of keeping them is the question?

Mr. Spalding. That is all. And the question would be, where shall we get our taxes. If we had a sufficient revenue from the manufacture of sugar to pay these taxes, that might answer; we might say, "Yes, we can afford to pay for these troops to preserve good government." But if the price of sugar is to be so low, and the expenses of running the plantations so high, what would become of the country?

Senator Frye. Do you not think three hundred men under a good officer would exert complete control over those islands?

Mr. Spalding. Oh, very likely. We have not a very large force there now, and times have been probably as bad as they can be. What we want is to make something out of the country; make expenses out of the country. It is not a commercial, agricultural, manufacturing, or mineral producing country; it has no resources, no available resources; never has had. All this prosperity has come from this reciprocity treaty with the United States. Before that time we were making a matter of 15,000 or 20,000 tons of sugar a year.

Senator Gray. Are you a large sugar producer there?

Mr. Spalding. The largest personal producer. There are others, companies, producing more.

Senator Gray. Has Mr. Spreckels a factory there?

Mr. Spalding. He is interested with his friends. He has a mercantile agency and several plantations; but, of course, we send all our sugar to San Francisco.

Senator Frye. Have you ever thought over the question of annexation to California?

Mr. Spalding. Yes, a good deal.

Senator Frye. How would that do?

Mr. Spalding. I do not see any objection to it.

Senator Frye. You would elect your members of the house and senate, and perhaps one member of Congress?

Mr. Spalding. All these things would follow the change. To carry

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on our business it would be necessary to have some advantage, just as the State of Louisiana has some advantage, because she has to pay more for labor than is paid in other sugar-producing countries.

The Chairman. How are the men in this present Government?

Mr. Spalding. The four men in office there are four as good men as we have in the country.

The Chairman. You mean the advisory council?

Mr. Spalding. The advisory council is made up of as good men as are in Honolulu.

The Chairman. Who are the four men?

Mr. Spalding. The executive officers.

Senator Frye. You can not find better in any country?

Mr. Spalding. No. Dole is a man; a lawyer of ability. He was upon the supreme bench for years, and is a man of integrity and character.

The Chairman. Your supreme court, how is that?

Mr. Spalding. The chief justice is a son of Dr. Judd, who was one of the early missionaries to go out there. He belonged to what we call the lay missionaries. He was not a minister. Old Dr. Judd, as he was called, was the private adviser of King Kauikeaouli in his questions with Great Britain; and this chief justice is the son of that man.

The Chairman. Is the chief justice a man of ability?

Mr. Spalding. Of ability, and has always given good satisfaction. If anything, he has a leaning to the native population. He has always been considered, perhaps, the greatest friend, the most consistent, the best friend of the native population of any white man in the country. He has been noted for that.

The Chairman. Take the conduct of these men called missionaries and of those who were their associates in the Government, would you say that their motives, as indicated by their acts, were in favor of building up enlightenment and the establishment of all the higher virtues in the people of Hawaii, the Kanakas, or were they in the other direction?

Mr. Spalding. I should say they were more in favor of the development of the best interests of the country, and especially of the native population.

The Chairman. Is there any sentiment of hostility amongst those people toward the native population?

Mr. Spalding. Among the missionaries?

The Chairman. Yes.

Mr. Spalding. Quite to the contrary. They have not only been the most intelligent and most business-like men that we have had, but men of the highest integrity.

The Chairman. You have not been connected with the church in any way.

Mr. Spalding. No; I have not been considered as belonging to the missionary element, but I have always had a high respect for the work that has been done there.

The Chairman. I suppose the fact is that the missionaries have done all the work that has been done there.

Mr. Spalding. Yes. Some of the others have gathered in without scattering so much; but the missionaries have always done everything in their power to benefit the native population.

Senator Gray. You went out there in 1867 as the special agent of the State Department, under Mr. Seward?

Mr. Spalding. Yes.

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Senator Gray. Was that before the treaty of reciprocity?

Mr. Spalding. Before the treaty of reciprocity.

Senator Gray. And your instructions were verbal?

Mr. Spalding. My instructions were verbal. I went out as a bearer of dispatches, ostensibly.

Senator Gray. You say you had a general letter; of what kind?

Mr. Spalding. I had a general passport from the State Department allowing me to go anywhere over the world.

Senator Gray. Had you any special instructions to the Minister?

Mr. Spalding. I had only to carry to the Minister the key of the State Department code. That was the ostensible mission on which I was sent; but the real mission was to inform the Secretary himself, not the State Department, what the feeling of the country was and what effect this reciprocity treaty would have upon the two countries. I reported adversely to the reciprocity treaty on the ground that I thought it would perhaps impede or prevent annexation of that country in the near future. But in one of my letters from the Secretary he told me that the plan which I had suggested could not be followed by the United States at that time, as the public mind of the American people was dwelling too much upon the settlement of the matters growing out of the civil war, and they refused at that time to take up the annexation of any foreign country.

Senator Gray. Did you return in person with your report?

Mr. Spalding. I came back to Washington to settle my accounts after I gave up the consulate. I was appointed consul while I was out there; in fact, I was left with the consulate and legation both, before I was appointed consul.

Senator Gray. Then you returned and made your business arrangements?

Mr. Spalding. I came back to Washington and settled my accounts. That, I think, was in 1870. But I had already made my arrangements for starting in the sugar business, starting my plantation, and I have been in it ever since.

Adjourned until to-morrow, the 3d inst., at 10 o'clock a. m.

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THIRD DAY.

Washington, D.C., January 3, 1894,

The committee met pursuant to adjournment.

Present: The Chairman (Senator Morgan), and Senators Gray and Frye.

Absent: Senators Butler and Sherman.

SWORN STATEMENT OF WILLIAM DE WITT ALEXANDER.

The Chairman. How long have you resided in Hawaii?

Mr. Alexander. I was born there in 1833.

The Chairman. How long had your parents resided there before your birth?

Mr. Alexander. About one year.

The Chairman. Was your father connected with the missionary work of the islands?

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. To what denomination did he belong?

Mr. Alexander. The Presbyterian.

The Chairman. Where did your father locate when he went to the islands?

Mr. Alexander. The first part of the time the northernmost part of the islands—at Kauai.

The Chairman. What is your age?

Mr. Alexander. Sixty.

The Chairman. So you have been fifty-nine years in Hawaii?

Mr. Alexander. I have spent about eight years in this country.

The Chairman. But that has been your place of residence?

Mr. Alexander. Yes, I finished my education in this country.

The Chairman. Where did you get the foundation of your education?

Mr. Alexander. At a school near Honolulu. It was a mission school, and since it has become Oahu College.

The Chairman. Is that now a flourishing institution?

Mr. Alexander. It is on a very good footing; it has a good endowment.

The Chairman. About how much?

Mr. Alexander. About $230,000.

The Chairman. From what sources was that endowment derived?

Mr. Alexander. Mostly given by residents of the islands. The largest doner was Charles B. Bishop.

The Chairman. He married a Hawaiian woman?

Mr. Alexander. Yes. She was a chiefess of very high rank.

The Chairman. How far advanced were you in respect of your education when you came to the United States to complete your studies?

Mr. Alexander. I was nearly fitted for college. I studied one summer at Harrisburg. My mother was a Harrisburger.

The Chairman. What college did you attend in the United States?

Mr. Alexander. Yale College. I graduated there in 1855. I taught at Beloit College, in Wisconsin, for a year and a half, and I taught in the college of Vincennes, Ind., for a time. Then I was persuaded to go back as a professor of languages in the Oahu College.

The Chairman. And that was your first work you did after you grew up—the first work you did in Hawaii?

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Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. How long did you remain in that institution?

Mr. Alexander. About fourteen years. The first seven years I was professor, and the last seven years I was president of the college.

The Chairman. Has the attendance in that college been large?

Mr. Alexander. Considering the smallness of the community there, perhaps it would be so regarded.

The Chairman. It has been increasing along from year to year, I suppose?

Mr. Alexander. It has its ups and downs. It has a preparatory department now of one hundred and twenty; the college proper is not much less than that;—perhaps eighty.

The Chairman. Is the tuition in the college free or what?

Mr. Alexander. About $1 a week.

The Chairman. Who are the principal patrons of this college?

Mr. Alexander. Principally the white population. There is a number of scholarships, which scholarships are conditioned on giving the natives the preference.

The Chairman. After you quit that college what was your next occupation?

Mr. Alexander. Surveyor-general.

The Chairman. Surveyor-general of Hawaii under what king?

Mr. Alexander. Kamehameha V. There was made a trigonometrical survey of the kingdom based on a survey like the Coast Survey of the United States, and on that foundation was based the boundary survey of all the landed property.

The Chairman. You first commenced with trigonometry?

Mr. Alexander. Yes. That was my advice. The ministry asked my ideas of how best to go to work, and after I had written my report they asked me if I would undertake it.

The Chairman. You made that survey first. Is that complete?

Mr. Alexander. It is not complete.

The Chairman. It is a thorough trigonometrical survey?

Mr. Alexander. Yes; it is done with the advice of the United States Coast Survey and partly with their instruments. They loaned me their base apparatus, and it was done following their best methods.

The Chairman. In addition to that you have made a survey of the lands of the interior of the islands?

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. Has that survey been completed?

Mr. Alexander. Not complete.

The Chairman. Is it what we call a sectionized survey, in townships and ranges, or by plats?

Mr. Alexander. Not exactly either. The islands have been subdivided from time immemorial. They had a very peculiar landed system.

The Chairman. This subdivision was by the natives?

Mr. Alexander. Yes. The boundaries are traditional. We had to ascertain these boundaries and run them out.

The Chairman. In doing that you had to consult these traditions?

Mr. Alexander. Yes. There was a boundary commissioner for each of the judicial districts.

The Chairman. That was for the purpose of separation, I understand it, of the private holdings of the native Hawaiians from the government lands?

Mr. Alexander. There had been a division of the lands in 1848 and partial surveys. It is a large subject about that land system.

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The Chairman. Has that survey of the lands been completed?

Mr. Alexander. It is not completed.

The Chairman. Have you separated the individual holdings of the natives?

Mr. Alexander. Yes, to a very large extent. The individual holdings were surveyed in piecemeal along in the fifties. The work was badly done, but each of the homesteads issued to the natives was patented by surveyed metes and bounds. The largest lands, the chiefs' lands, were mostly awarded by name according to the ancient boundaries.

The Chairman. In the name of the tract or the name of the chief?

Mr. Alexander. The name of the tract. And every piece of land, large or small, down to the very smallest pieces, had a traditional name. It was an old country, not a new country.

The Chairman. At the time you entered upon this survey of the lands, did you find the separate holdings of the Hawaiian people established and recognized by the authorities of the Government?

Mr. Alexander. Yes, they were fully recognized.

The Chairman. So that what you did was to define these surveys upon paper, upon plats, and then patents would issue from the Government?

Mr. Alexander. Patents had been issued for the small holdings, for the homesteads, what the natives call kuleanas. Those were issued in the early period, beginning in the fifties.

The Chairman. Under which of the Kamehamehas?

Mr. Alexander. Kamehameha III.

The Chairman. Your work began under Kamehameha V?

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. I will ask you to give some idea of the arable quality of the lands that you surveyed on the islands.

Mr. Alexander. It is very difficult to give the amount.

The Chairman. I do not expect that; it is the quality that I ask for.

Mr. Alexander. There is a large proportion of mountain and forest land. On the island of Hawaii there are large tracts overflowed with lava.

The Chairman. Were these forests large? I mean heavy forests— what kind of forests were they?

Mr. Alexander. Tropical forests; some large trees, especially in the forests of Hawaii, out of which the natives used to make canoes. But they are nothing like the pine forests of the Pacific coast.

Senator Gray. Hard woods?

Mr. Alexander. Hard woods; some very fine cabinet woods.

Senator Gray. Would they use the trunks of those, too?

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. Some of those trees are very large?

Mr. Alexander. Some of them are.

The Chairman. A magnificent forest, or in spots?

Mr. Alexander. Pretty dense. It has a very thick undergrowth, tropical undergrowth.

Senator Gray. Heavy timber?

Mr. Alexander. The trees are not so very large, except in some of the large forests on Hawaii. The Government has taken great pains to protect the forests.

The Chairman. Are those forests valuable for domestic uses?

Mr. Alexander. I think for cabinet wood and for fuel. The Government ought to take great pains to preserve the forests. They are

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arranging to protect them from cattle. Some of the districts have made arrangements with the private owners, planters, and others, to run a line of fences to keep the cattle out.

The Chairman. What have the cattle to do with the forests; do they eat them up?

Mr. Alexander. Yes, all the young trees, undergrowth, fern, etc. They became alarmed about that. It affects the water supply.

The Chairman. Has the Hawaiian Government taken steps to protect the forests?

Mr. Alexander. At the present time there is an arrangement made for fencing in part of the forests.

The Chairman. You mean the Government is to do it?

Mr. Alexander. Yes; the Government is to pay half the expenses. The planters agreed to do that.

The Chairman. So that you have a thorough forestry system?

Mr. Alexander. Not yet; beginning to have. And the Government has tried experiments in replanting, tried different kinds of trees.

The Chairman. Has the sandal root been tried? That is no longer a valuable article of commerce there.

Mr. Alexander. It is very rare.

The Chairman. Do they make shipments of other woods?

Mr. Alexander. I think they hardly pay.

The Chairman. Do they have mills?

Mr. Alexander. A few sawmills.

The Chairman. Are any of these mills owned by native Hawaiians?

Mr. Alexander. I think not.

The Chairman. Have they any other manufacturing establishments in Hawaii—notable ones, I mean?

Mr. Alexander. I could hardly state that they have any manufacturing establishments. Sugar engrosses everything, monopolizes everything.

The Chairman. What do you think of the prospects of coffee-raising in the islands?

Mr. Alexander. Very promising; just beginning.

The Chairman. You have been all over the islands as a surveyor?

Mr. Alexander. Yes; nearly all.

The Chairman. I am speaking in a general sense. You understand what the islands contain in forests and lands?

Mr. Alexander. I have a pretty good general idea.

The Chairman. There are no minerals in Hawaii?

Mr. Alexander. No, not in the common sense.

The Chairman. No iron?

Mr. Alexander. Not in paying quantities.

The Chairman. No coal?

Mr. Alexander. No coal. There is a little iron, but not in paying quantities.

Senator Gray. Is wood universally used as fuel?

Mr. Alexander. Not universally. The plantations use a little coal.

The Chairman. YOU do not need much fuel for the purpose of warming your houses?

Mr. Alexander. No.

The Chairman. The temperature is such that you do not need it?

Mr. Alexander. There are a few portions of the upper lands where they do use fires, but a very small portion.

Senator Gray. Is that true of the islands the year around?

Mr. Alexander. Of the year round.

S. Doc. 231, pt 6----40

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The Chairman. Are the houses built of wood?

Mr. Alexander. Very generally.

The Chairman. Between what degrees are the variations of temperature?

Mr. Alexander. Thirty degrees.

The Chairman. What is the lowest point?

Mr. Alexander. At the sea level it very rarely goes below fifty, generally not lower than fifty-five.

The Chairman. It gets colder as you ascend the mountains?

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. There are two mountains quite high?

Mr. Alexander. The highest mountain is 13,820 feet. There is another mountain 13,675 feet. On those you will find snow all the year round, not covered, but more or less at the top.

The Chairman. Are those volcanic mountains?

Mr. Alexander. Yes, volcanic mountains. Snow falls on them in the winter.

The Chairman. So that, the climate is really affected or made there by the altitude?

Mr. Alexander. It is. Then we have some very fine upland, tableland, that has not yet been used for agriculture, but I think it will be.

The Chairman. What is the elevation of the table-lands of which you speak?

Mr. Alexander. In the island of Hawaii, north of Mount Kea, which has been overrun by catle, and which I think will be cultivated hereafter, the elevation is 2,500 feet.

The Chairman. Is there water on it—running streams?

Mr. Alexander. There is one running stream; but they depend chiefly on the rain.

The Chairman. It is the side of the island, to windward?

Mr. Alexander. About the center of the island.

The Chairman. The island toward the windward has rains?

Mr. Alexander. There is a difference between the two sides of the island.

The Chairman. Like the Andes?

Mr. Alexander. South America on a small scale. In the district of Hilo we average 12 feet of rain, and have for a good many years.

The Chairman. How much of the island does that rainfall cover?

Mr. Alexander. Not more than one-tenth. Perhaps I have put it rather low, to keep within bounds. In the region of the Kona district it is very dry. That has land and sea breezes, and has southerly rains. It is a fertile district, although rocky. It has very rich land between the lava flows. It has a good coffee district, although it is on the dry side.

The Chairman. What sort of fruits have they in Hawaii, tropical or semitropical?

Mr. Alexander. Tropical. We call our climate subtropical. Our climate is changed by the trade winds and ocean current from the Bering Sea.

The Chairman. From what direction do those trade winds blow?

Mr. Alexander. From the northeast.

The Chairman. During what part of the year? Are they continuous?

Mr. Alexander. They are strongest in the summer; they follow the sun.

The Chairman. In its movements north and south, do you mean?

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

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The Chairman. How long do they continue?

Mr. Alexander. The trade winds blow pretty steadily during the summer.

Senator Gray. That is, the three summer months?

Mr. Alexander. Yes. During the winter they are not so steady; at intervals there are southerly winds. It is not however, like the monsoon.

The Chairman. Is there any period in the year when there is a calm?

Mr. Alexander. There are short periods, especially in the winter— January.

The Chairman. But these trade winds during the year would be reckoned as a steady blow?

Mr. Alexander. Irregular.

The Chairman. Irregular, but steady—I mean by that continuous, with greater or less force. How about that ocean current?

Mr. Alexander. We are on the edge of that current; it runs from the east; but the ocean around us is cooler than the air, and our country is ten degrees cooler than other tropical countries in the same latitude.

The Chairman. You say this current comes from the east, runs to the west?

Mr. Alexander. Yes; we are on the edge of the great equatorial current.

The Chairman. It comes from the American coast and goes toward the Asiatic, the equator?

Mr. Alexander. Yes; a scientific gentleman examined the condition, and explained the coolness of the current from the Bering Sea to be on account of the Pacific Ocean being closed at its upper end.

The Chairman. Hawaii is within the flow of the great equatorial current of the Pacific Ocean?

Mr. Alexander. We are near the edge of it, so that it is rather irregular. It affects our climate.

The Chairman. I would like you to state as briefly as you can, and somewhat fully, the progress that has been made in Hawaii since your childhood in civilization, in religion, in government, in industries, and in general development. You can go on and state it your own way, covering such points as will give the committee some correct idea of the real state of the progress that has been made in that country.

Mr. Alexander. When I was a child the natives were abject slaves to their chiefs. They had no rights that the chiefs were bound to respect. They were tenants at will. They could be turned off the land at the word of a chief. Sometimes the whole of the inhabitants of a valley could be evicted at the change of the landlord—at the order of a higher chief. The country was full of natives who were dispossessed, looking around for a place, another home. They were very poor. The natives had very little foreign cloth when I was a boy—they wore the bark cloth.

Senator Gray. Made by themselves?

Mr. Alexander. Made by themselves, and not much of that. They were subject to forced labor by their chiefs. Previously to that time the sandalwood was exhausted. While the sandalwood lasted they suffered a great deal of oppression; they had to spend months in the mountains cutting sandalwood for their chiefs.

The Chairman. How would they get it down from the mountains?

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Mr. Alexander. On their backs in bundles. It was a mine of wealth for the chiefs while it lasted.

The Chairman. What was their physical stature, strength, and development; strong, or a weakly race at that time?

Mr. Alexander. I think they averaged pretty well, not quite the equal of the white race.

The Chairman. Capable of performing hard labor?

Mr. Alexander. Did a good deal of hard labor. They are the best boatmen in the world; make good seamen. I suppose that being obliged to labor for their chiefs was good for them.

The Chairman. What was the state of morality amongst them at that time, according to your understanding from your childhood?

Mr. Alexander. It was very low, so far as the sexual relations were concerned. There were very few crimes of violence, very rare, and not much stealing. A native will lie; thinks very little of being charged with a lie, but feels very angry at being charged with stealing; and I think that dates from away back. We have not yet got the habit of locking our doors, and burglaries are generally committed by Chinamen or professionals from San Francisco or Australia; not by the natives. They are a kindly race. My father and mother spent some time in Marquesas Islands. They are a Polynesian race of a different type. When my father came back he enjoyed a sense of security that was a great relief. They are a very docile people.

Senator Gray. Affectionate?

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

Senator Gray. Grateful for a kindness?

Mr. Alexander. They have the name for being ungrateful; but I think it is rather because of their short memories, and impressions do not last long, either for good or for evil. They are not a revengeful people. My father was worshiped by the people of that section of the islands. He was their physician, adviser, and friend in every possible way.

The Chairman. And they were very fond of him?

Mr. Alexander. Yes. At that time they were very eager to learn, when everything was fresh and novel. To buy books they would go into the mountains and collect arrowroot to get means, and my father has often said that the whole population came to hear him. They were hungry, as he explained it, eager to drink in what he had to say.

The Chairman. Did your father speak the Hawaiian tongue?

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. Preach to them in that tongue and talk to them in it?

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. Do you speak the language?

Mr. Alexander. Yes. I published a grammar of the Hawaiian language.

The Chairman. While we are upon that—and it is germane to the inquiry—I will ask you whether the first instruction of the Hawaiian people in letters was in the Hawaiian tongue?

Mr. Alexander. When the missionaries first landed they taught English for a while. They had to learn the Hawaiian language, of course. In the meantime the first schools were taught in English. When they had learned the language, reduced it to writing, they dropped the English.

The Chairman. Did they prepare schoolbooks in the Hawaiian tongue?

Mr. Alexander. They did.

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The Chairman. Did they use the Roman alphabet?

Mr. Alexander. Adapted the Roman alphabet.

The Chairman. NO new characters were adapted to the Hawaiian tongue?

Mr. Alexander. No.

The Chairman. What books did they first publish?

Mr. Alexander. The first books were religious books and schoolbooks.

The Chairman. Were the schoolbooks numerous, on different subjects?

Mr. Alexander. Yes; they were.

The Chairman. Geographies.

Mr. Alexander. Geographies and readers. And then my father taught in a high school, with books in mathematics, as far as trigonometry, surveying, and navigation. They had books of general history, and in fact of political economy, published in their own language. There was a book on anatomy, a small edition. I think there was a larger library in their own language than in that of any other group in the Pacific Ocean.

Senator Frye. Am I to understand you as saying that the missionaries for the first time in the islands reduced the Hawaiian language to letters?

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

Senator Frye. They had no written language when the missionaries went there?

Mr. Alexander. No.

The Chairman. These books were printed in the United States?

Mr. Alexander. No, they were printed there; the printing presses were taken with the missionaries. They afterward published the Pilgrim's Progress and quite a number of religious works besides the Bible.

The Chairman. More recently, if I understand correctly, the instruction in Hawaii is in the English tongue?

Mr. Alexander. Principally now.

The Chairman. You do not teach in the Hawaiian tongue?

Mr. Alexander. A few schools, probably not more than one-twentieth.

The Chairman. Is it the English tongue that is spoken in Hawaii?

Mr. Alexander. By the rising generation; not the adults.

The Chairman. Do they speak it brokenly?

Mr. Alexander. They are trying to give the school children the pure English, not pigeon English. Not many of the adults can speak or write correctly.

The Chairman. Among a great many people, what you call the pigeon English is in vogue there, as in China?

Mr. Alexander. It is not like China.

The Chairman. It is filled with a mixture of the English and native tongue?

Mr. Alexander. No; I could not say that they mix languages as they-do in China. The native language is a very easy language to pick up, and it is understood by all the Chinamen, and the Japs pick it up. It is easy to learn the language. It is still the language for the laws. All the laws are published in English and Hawaiian.

The Chairman. Is there an extensive vocabulary of words?

Mr. Alexander. It is not a rich language. Words had to be coined for theological purposes, for law purposes, and for mathematics.

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The Chairman. Are they teaching chemistry, etc.?

Mr. Alexander. They have never tried to teach chemistry in the Hawaiian language.

The Chairman. Were you ever in charge of the public school system in Hawaii?

Mr. Alexander. I have been a member of the board of education for a long time.

The Chairman. How long?

Mr. Alexander. Since 1887.

The Chairman. What proportion of the native Kanaka population over 10 years of age are now enabled to read and write, either in their own language or in the English language?

Mr. Alexander. I could not give a definite statement of the proportion of the adult Kanakas who can read and write correctly. Most of them have a smattering of the English.

The Chairman. I do not mean to read and write correctly, but to read and write in their own language.

Mr. Alexander. I think from 10 to 15 they understand considerable English.

The Chairman. Can they read and write in their own language? I am speaking of their capacity to read and write.

Mr. Alexander. In their own language I suppose nine-tenths. It is very easy to read and write the Hawaiian language.

The Chairman. I wish to know whether the art of reading and writing has been acquired by the people there, and to what extent.

Mr. Alexander. We have had compulsory education there for a good many years. If a child does not go to school he is taken up by the truant officer, and the parents are taken to account. So that the natives can read and write their own language.

The Chairman. At what age?

Mr. Alexander. I should say certainly all by 15, and probably nine-tenths of those above 10 years of age. Their language is written phonetically, so that there is no difficulty in spelling.

Senator Frye. Prof. Alexander stated the physical conditions and all that sort of thing, but he did not say what religious advancement the children made.

The Chairman. What was the religious condition of Hawaii when you were a child ?

Mr. Alexander. Very ignorant. They had the most crude ideas about religion; they were very eager to get ideas. They were very receptive at that time, and it was a great pleasure to teach them at that time.

The Chairman. What was their religion?

Mr. Alexander. They had thrown away their idols—their taboos. But they had a great deal of superstition still, particularly about sorcery. I think the most injurious superstition they have is in regard to the cause of disease—sickness. They think that diseases are caused supernaturally.

The Chairman. In your childhood was this condition of ignorance and paganism almost universal?

Mr. Alexander. Almost universal.

The Chairman. What is the degree of the improvement?

Mr. Alexander. At the present time they are all nominal Christians —Catholics, Protestants, Episcopalians, Mormons. There is yet more or less of underlying superstition spread among the natives.

The Chairman. Religion is free under your laws and constitution?

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Mr. Alexander. Entirely. The old superstitions, about the cause of sickness and about sorcery have never been rooted out.

The Chairman. Is there any connection out there between the church and state?

Mr. Alexander. There never has been.

The Chairman. Are churches found commonly in Hawaii?

Mr. Alexander. The population has been decreased so that there are a great many churches standing where there is no population— empty churches in some districts.

The Chairman. How about schoolhouses; have they been abundanly supplied to the people?

Mr. Alexander. At present pretty well. I joined the Board of Education in 1887. There was then a great deficiency of schoolhouses. During the reign of Kalakaua government money was diverted to other purposes. But a great many schoolhouses were built, improvements made, and at present schoolhouses are pretty well provided.

The Chairman. Are they comfortable schoolhouses?

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. Furnished with proper furniture?

Mr. Alexander. Yes. By American methods; furniture imported by the United States or made there in accordance, I might say, with the Hawaiian school system. They received a gold medal at the Paris Exposition.

The Chairman. What is the school age there according to law?

Mr. Alexander. Seven to fourteen.

The Chairman. Is it a part of that system that all the young population that are able to go to school, physically qualified for being taught, shall attend the school?

Mr. Alexander. Very nearly. There has been a want of school accommodation in some school districts, and we could not compel them until we had schoolhouses enough. At the present time we have pretty nearly caught up.

The Chairman. So that it might be said that the native youth of Hawaii are universally under process of education?

Mr. Alexander. Very nearly.

The Chairman. Do the Chinese, Japanese, and Portuguese send their children to those schools?

Mr. Alexander. Yes; they are obliged to, except where they attend a private school. There are about eleven thousand children there in schools and three thousand of these are in the private schools. The Chinese and Japanese have not many children; a great maiority of them are adult males.

Mr. Chairman. But the Chinese and Japanese are subject to this compulsory education the same as the Hawaiian?

Mr. Alexander. Yes. The Chinese have a few Chinese schools.

The Chairman. Out of what funds are these schools sustained?

Mr. Alexander. In the first place there is a poll tax devoted to it, school tax; and the school tax of each district has to be expended in that district. The school tax is kept separate, and can not be touched for any other purpose. Even through Kalakaua's reign that was kept separate. This is not enough, and the Legislature has to appropriate largely to supplement that.

The Chairman. What is about the annual expenditure for school purposes in Hawaii—I mean Governmental expenditure?

Mr. Alexander. It is very difficult to say, the way the accounts have been kept. There is a school tax, and then there is a large amount

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of money out at interest which belongs to the board of education. And in the third place there is an appropriation by the Legislature. They appropriate by the Legislature $190,000 for school purposes for the biennial period. That is less than they generally appropriate.

Senator Gray. Was that out of the general fund?

Mr. Alexander. Yes, besides the school tax. I think you could add $100,000 more from other sources.

The Chairman. That would make $290,000 for the biennial period? Expenditures for education in the Hawaiian Islands for the Biennial period 1890-1892:

Appropriations for Government schools	$304,022
Less unexpended	40,653
Expended out of appropriations	257,369
School tax	151,906
Receipts from other sources	38,662
Total expended on Government schools	2) 447,937
Annual expenditure on Government schools about	224,000
Annual estimated expenditure on Independent schools about	60,000
Total expended for schools per annum	284,000

E. &. O. E.

W. D. Alexander.

Senator Gray. Appropriated by the Legislature?

Mr. Alexander. Appropriated. Then a number of smaller amounts.

Senator Gray. What do they aggregate?

Mr. Alexander. For new schoolbouses there was appropriated $52,500.

Senator Gray. In addition to those other sums?

Mr. Alexander. In addition to that: Industrial and reformatory school, by appropriation of 1890, $12,000; expenses of census, $12,000, and expenses of normal instruction, $2,000.

The Chairman. Is that the school census?

Mr. Alexander. The census of the islands is placed under the care of the board of education. Here is a list of the teachers and salaries.

The Chairman. Ho you think that the interest on the endowment of the private schools would amount to a sum equal to that of the Government expenses which you have been quoting here?

Mr. Alexander. No, I think not.

The Chairman. You could give, I suppose, a general idea of what was the expenditure for education in these private schools and these endowed colleges?

Mr. Alexander. They are not obliged to report their expenses to the Government.

The Chairman. I know they are not; but I want your own estimate. I want to ask you about what were the annual expenditures of the Government of Hawaii for all other purposes besides school purposes. Take that same year.

Mr. Alexander. I think their total budget for the biennial period was about $2,800,000.

The Chairman. That includes what you have just enumerated?

Mr. Alexander. Including everything.

Senator Gray. Two millions eiglit hundred thousand dollars for the biennial period?

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Mr. Alexander. Biennial period.

Senator Gray. That would be $1,400,000 a year?

Mr. Alexander. I think the direct tax will reach about a million in round numbers; then the customs dues about the same in round numbers.

The Chairman. And the balance is made out of licenses, I suppose?

Mr. Alexander. Yes; besides rents of lands, etc.

Senator Gray. You say about $2,800,000 for the biennial period of 1890 and 1891. That includes school taxes and all appropriations for public purposes?

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

Senator Gray. Does that include municipal expenses?

Mr. Alexander. Yes; I might say it does to a certain extent.

Senator Gray. Are there any minor districts or subdivisions that have the right of taxation?

Mr. Alexander. There are not.

Senator Gray. The city of Honolulu, for instance?

Mr. Alexander. It is governed as Washington is, by the General Government.

Senator Gray. The expenses of that city are included in the figures you have given ?

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

Senator Gray. Are there any outlying districts of the Kingdom invested with the right of taxation, like our counties?

Mr. Alexander. No, there is no municipal organization. The school tax and the road tax are reserved for that district and the board of road commissioners.

The Chairman. But that is a question of expenditure?

Mr. Alexander. They elect their own road commissioners.

Senator Gray. It all comes under the general treasury?

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. You have a governor of all the islands?

Mr. Alexander. They have abolished that office.

The Chairman. You have no local councils to regulate anything?

Mr. Alexander. No. The duties that formerly belonged to the governor are divided between the sheriffs and tax collectors. The main duty of the governor was to collect taxes. He was a representative of the King, a politician and wire-puller—managed elections.

The Chairman. Now, I want to ask you----

Mr. Alexander. It is a rather centralized government.

The Chairman. I want to ask you about the manner in which the general population of Hawaii are supplied with clothing; whether they are now comfortably and decently clad?

Mr. Alexander. They are generally decently clad. The climate does not require a great deal.

The Chairman. They do not use much woolen goods?

Mr. Alexander. No. The population is generally near the level of the sea, the lowlands. The upland is not inhabited much.

The Chairman. The people do not have much occasion to use woolen goods?

Mr. Alexander. No.

The Chairman. Cotton is the chief article for wearing apparel?

Mr. Alexander. Yes, among the lower classes.

The Chairman. As a rule are the people well supplied with clothing?

Mr. Alexander. Yes. There is no suffering from cold in that country.

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The Chairman. No suffering for want of proper clothing?

Mr. Alexander. No; and I do not think anybody suffers for want of food.

The Chairman. I was going to ask you whether the food supply of the islands is sufficient for the population.

Mr. Alexander. Yes. One thing is, we have no poor laws, and the people take care of each other, help each other to a great extent.

The Chairman. You have no poor system at all—no system of public charity?

Mr. Alexander. King Lunalilo left lands worth some hundred thousand dollars which were devoted to the founding of a home for indigent Hawaiians. That was near Honolulu.

The Chairman. Is that home kept up now?

Mr. Alexander. Kept up now; but the natives will not go there if they have any friends left.

Senator Gray. Do they have a pride about it?

Mr. Alexander. I do not think it is so much pride as it is to avoid the restraint. They like to be with their friends and kinsmen.

The Chairman. I would like to ask whether the domestic relations of the Kanakas are characterized by an affectionate regard for each other, or whether they are indifferent to each other.

Mr. Alexander. I think they are very kindly, much more so than the other races of the Pacific Ocean, and much more so than in the olden time.

The Chairman. Have you any Government hospitals in Hawaii?

Mr. Alexander. Yes; we have a very good hospital in Honolulu. It was founded by Kamehameha IV and his queen, founded by subscriptions and supplemented by appropriations. It is a very creditable institution. We have local hospitals in the small towns.

The Chairman, Maintained at Government expense?

Mr. Alexander. Yes. Then we have a hospital for lepers. That is out on an island by itself. They have a receiving hospital for suspected lepers, where they are kept and attended until they become hopeless cases, and then they are sent to Molokai. It is natually fenced off by nature. I think I have a map showing it. (Producing map.) The lepers' settlement is that little flat peninsula there. Here is a line of precipices two thousand and more feet in height.

Senator Gray. Is that island volcanic?

Mr. Alexander. Volcanic.

Senator Gray. Are there any settlements there?

Mr. Alexander. Along the coast there. That peninsula is cut off by precipices.

Senator Gray. Is that where that priest was?

Mr. Alexander. Father Damien? Yes.

Senator Gray. Did you know him?

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

Senator Gray. Is their condition one of suffering from the disease?

Mr. Alexander. They do not suffer much; it is the nature of the disease. The Government has done everything it could for them—they are well housed, doctored, and well fed.

Senator Gray. Did not Father Damien die of it?

Mr. Alexander. He did. Most of the old residents can see how it spreads, can trace its lines. Some doctors maintain that it is not contagious.

The Chairman. But they can see how it was spread in a neighborhood?

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Mr. Alexander. Yes.

Senator Gray. Was that disease known there in olden times?

Mr. Alexander. About 1860. It was unheard of there until I went back from this country.

The Chairman. You understand the Chinese brought it in?

Mr. Alexander. The native name for it is "Chinese disease."

The Chairman. Have you an institution or institutions for the deaf, dumb, and blind?

Mr. Alexander. Not the deaf and dumb, but we have an insane asylum—at the present time in a creditable condition, since the revolution of 1887.

The Chairman. Have you any penitentiary system?

Mr. Alexander. Yes; we have a principal prison at Honolulu; then we have smaller ones in different districts. When they are sentenced they are sent out to Honolulu.

The Chairman. Persons sentenced to hard labor?

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. Are those institutions sustained by the Government?

Mr. Alexander. Yes. By the last census the number of convicts, the number of persons in prison, was about one-third of 1 per cent. That includes drunks locked up. It includes more than the regular convicts. I think it was a pretty good showing.

The Chairman. Is the administration of justice there conducted with strictness?

Mr. Alexander. Yes; I think that is the best feature of our Government. The higher courts have always been above suspicion, and I think justice is more prompt and reliable than in most of the States.

The Chairman. Do they have the jury system?

Mr. Alexander. Yes; murderers are hanged.

Senator Gray. How many executions do you have a year?

Mr. Alexander. Oh, they are very rare.

Senator Gray. Do you have them as often as once a year?

Mr. Alexander. No; formerly they were very rare; of late they are more frequent, because of the foreign element that comes in. Strange to say, of late the Japanese amongst themselves commit most of the murders. The Japanese imported for labor are of the lowest class of people of their country, and the murderers have been because of gambling and quarrels about women. The murders among natives are rare in Hawaii.

The Chairman. Take your school attendance and church attendance, and the absence of mendicancy and poorhouses----

Mr. Alexander. Mendicants are unknown; tramps are unknown.

The Chairman. And the small percentage of criminals necessary to be locked up in the penitentiary, you think you have a pretty high state of civilization in Hawaii, do you not? Taking it all together, is not that your opinion?

Mr. Alexander. I think that life and property are as safe there as in any place in the world.

The Chairman. Are the people turbulent, or are they quiet?

Mr. Alexander. They are a rather quiet people. They were governed by an iron hand under the old chiefs, and they have been accustomed to obey law, and they have not lost that respect for law. They are a law-abiding people.

The Chairman. It is a country in which every right is regulated by law, protected by law, or intended to be?

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

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The Chairman. I was asking you about the food supply. Do you state that it is sufficient; that is, that the native production is sufficient to sustain the population?

Mr. Alexander. Yes. We import a good deal----

The Chairman. I do not mean what you import; I mean what is the capacity of the country for producing a sufficiency of food for the nurture and comfort of man?

Mr. Alexander. Nobody there goes hungry. The resources of the country are only begun to be developed, in my opinion.

The Chairman. Do they have meat as well as farinaceous food?

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. What description of animals; what do you use as meat?

Mr. Alexander. Cattle and sheep.

The Chairman. How about hogs?

Mr. Alexander. They were there before the island was discovered; they had hogs, fowls, and dogs.

The Chairman. The forests in Hawaii, I suppose, furnish sustenance for the hogs—fern and roots?

Mr. Alexander. We have wild hogs and hunt them. Some wild boars are pretty dangerous. But most of the hogs are fed, kept up.

The Chairman. On what?

Mr. Alexander. On vegetables and scrapings of taro, etc.

The Chairman. Can you take a hog and fatten him on taro?

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. And on other like productions of the forests there?

Mr. Alexander. Certainly----

The Chairman. Wild roots, bulbs, arrowroot. Do they eat that?

Mr. Alexander. Yes. But the arrowroot is too expensive.

The Chairman. I do not mean that. If the hog finds it in the woods, would he eat it?

Mr. Alexander. Oh yes.

The Chairman. Where are the cattle grazed?

Mr. Alexander. On the lands that are not so rich—the interior lands, generally.

Senator Gray. Do you have fine, choice stock there?

Mr. Alexander. Yes; we have imported a great many from Australia and the United States.

The Chairman. Have you grazing for them?

Mr. Alexander. The grazing has been overdone by cattle, and much of it ought to be cultivated, and will be.

The Chairman. Does the grazing produce good beef and milk?

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. And poultry—is that an important element in human support in Hawaii?

Mr. Alexander. Well, they had poultry in the islands before they were discovered.

The Chairman. Do they have poultry in any abundance?

Mr. Alexander. I think so—about as in this country.

The Chairman. What grains do they raise in Hawaii?

Mr. Alexander. Rice the principal grain.

The Chairman. Do the Hawaiians feed their poultry on rice?

Mr. Alexander. Sometimes rice and maize, Indian corn.

Senator Gray. Do they raise good crops?

Mr. Alexander. Beginning to. All those things were neglected

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through the sugar craze. When sugar was paying so well they neglected raising these other things.

The Chairman. What I want to know is, whether they sustain the population of the country?

Mr. Alexander. Corn? I know a district where a good deal of land has been cut up under the homestead laws of the last two or three years and where they have raised a good deal of corn. It is the district of Kula. It is interesting to see it.

The Chairman. Good corn crops?

Mr. Alexander. Yes. We can raise wheat. In one district we have produced 25,000 bushels in a year. But they found out they could raise wheat in California, and they changed the production in the other direction. We now import our flour.

The Chairman. You do not import your wheat?

Mr. Alexander. Yes, for our poultry. All our oats we could raise.

The Chairman. How about sweet potatoes?

Mr. Alexander. They always had potatoes. The natives live on them to some extent in some districts.

The Chairman. It is a valuable crop in Hawaii?

Mr. Alexander. It is part of the crops, part of the food of the country. They do not export it.

The Chairman. I am speaking of the capacity. You could make enough Irish potatoes on the ground if you had a market for them?

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. How about peas and beans?

Mr. Alexander. We have a good crop there.

The Chairman. Do the natives like them?

Mr. Alexander The natives do not consume any of them; mostly foreigners raise them.

The Chairman. Sugar cane is a native growth?

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. Have the natives different methods of their own of manufacturing different articles of diet out of the sugar cane?

Mr. Alexander. They never manufacture sugar.

The Chairman. I do not mean sugar—syrups. Do they make them themselves?

Mr. Alexander. I do not think they do.

The Chairman. They could make any quantity they desired, could they not?

Mr. Alexander. They could.

The Chairman. But the capability of the country is great in the production of sugar cane?

Mr. Alexander. Yes; it surpasses any other country in the world. I would not dare to say how much they raise to the acre.

The Chairman. Now we come to taro, as you call it. That is a succulent root?

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. To what dimensions does it grow—the average taro bulb or root?

Mr. Alexander. From 2 to 5 pounds, we call them; sometimes more.

The Chairman. How long do they grow before maturing?

Mr. Alexander. Over a year.

The Chairman. Is there any season of the year at which you have to plant taro?

Mr. Alexander. Any season, I think.

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The Chairman. A continuous crop; so that when a man takes up a taro root he can put another in its place?

Mr. Alexander. Yes. It is said that taro will support more persons to the acre than any other article of food.

The Chairman. Is it nutritious?

Mr. Alexander. Very nutritious.

Senator Gray. Palatable?

Mr. Alexander. Yes, very.

The Chairman. Is it subject to any of the diseases peculiar to vegetables?

Mr. Alexander. Not till lately. In the northernmost island, the Kauai, there is something blighting it, and we are studying it to find out what blights it.

The Chairman. But it is a steady, reliable crop for human sustenance?

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. Are the natives fond of it?

Mr. Alexander. That is their staff of life. When they say food they mean taro.

The Chairman. Do they have it in abundance?

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. No dearth of it, no shortness?

Mr. Alexander. In olden times they had periodical local famines.

The Chairman. Since you have been on the islands?

Mr. Alexander. They have cultivated it more regularly of late.

The Chairman. Have they had any of those famine periods there since you were born?

Mr. Alexander. Yes; I remember in olden times they had periods when taro was scarce.

Senator Gray. Was there any suffering during that period?

Mr. Alexander. Yes. They were improvident; they would overproduce sometimes and neglect to plant.

The Chairman. Is that the first crop in importance?

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. Rice is planted for export?

Mr. Alexander. Yes, for home consumption and about ten millions of pounds a year to export.

The Chairman. At what elevation is that grown?

Mr. Alexander. It is generally grown near the sea. It is an irrigated crop, especially on the Island of Oahu, where we have artesian wells.

The Chairman. Is there a supply of wells on that island?

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. Are they numerous?

Mr. Alexander. I think there may be nearly a hundred by this time.

The Chairman. Are those artesian wells flowing wells in other parts of the islands?

Mr. Alexander. Not yet. They have not made a success of the artesian wells in any other island.

The Chairman. They have been trying to do it, but they have not done it?

Mr. Alexander. Yes, in that island they have a head of 20 to 40 feet above sea level.

The Chairman. Is it fresh water?

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Mr. Alexander. Yes. The rice crop, I suppose, is worth about a half million dollars a year.

The Chairman. Suppose that rice crop were all consumed in Hawaii, would that be a very valuable addition to the country?

Mr. Alexander. It would.

The Chairman. Now about fruits. I believe you mentioned tropical fruits?

Mr. Alexander. The orange does very well there and the banana. We export a good many of the latter. The pineapple we export; in fact, the business is just commenced of raising them. Our chief markets would be Oregon, Washington, and British Columbia.

The Chairman. Have you the guava?

Mr. Alexander. Yes. It grows wild.

The Chairman. Lemons and limes?

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. Cocoanuts?

Mr. Alexander. To a certain extent.

The Chairman. Are they capable of being grown there to any extent?

Mr. Alexander. On a great part of the coast, the sandy part of the coast, they might plant cocoanut trees.

The Chairman. Do cocoanut trees prosper there?

Mr. Alexander. Yes. But we are pretty near the northern limit of the cocoanut. They do not do as well there as near the equator.

The Chairman. Do you raise grapes?

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. Is Hawaii a good grape country?

Mr. Alexander. I think it is.

The Chairman. Equal to California?

Mr. Alexander. I think not. Coffee would be one of our most important crops. The coffee is of a good quality.

Senator Frye. Mr. Spalding, who appeared before the committee, was asked by me about the coffee crop, and he suggested that it was doubtful about raising coffee successfully, because there was a blight on the trees there.

Mr. Alexander. There was a blight on them in the fifties, and the people were discouraged; but it seems now to have nearly disappeared, and it depends on good judgment in cultivation. We are not afraid of it. We never had the blight that they had in Ceylon, nothing like that; our blight is of a different character.

The Chairman. It is an insect, is it not?

Mr. Alexander. Of a vegetable nature, I think.

The Chairman. Parasitic?

Mr. Alexander. Yes. In Ceylon it was very deadly. We have made strict laws about bringing in plants, to prevent more blights. The coffee interest has now taken quite a start in Hawaii.

Senator Frye. And in your opinion it will prove very successful?

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. Does the Government of Hawaii take care of the production of human food by protective laws?

Mr. Alexander. We have a department established, a bureau of forestry and agriculture, which is importing and experimenting with plants, supplying them to farmers, etc.

The Chairman. You have Government farms for raising those?

Mr. Alexander. We have experimental gardens near Honolulu. In fact, we are just beginning.

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The Chairman. How about the vines—melons and pumpkins?

Mr. Alexander. They do very well there.

The Chairman. Ordinary garden vegetables?

Mr. Alexander. They all succeed there. The Chinese monopolize the market gardens, around Honolulu, at least.

The Chairman. Do they succeed in making crops?

Mr. Alexander. Yes, they succeed. With regard to the pumpkins and melons, they are cultivated by natives to a considerable extent.

The Chairman. And tobacco?

Mr. Alexander. And tobacco.

The Chairman. How about it?

Mr. Alexander. It grows there very rank, and the quality is very strong; generally supposed that it might be good tobacco if properly cured and-treated.

The Chairman. Is the raising of tobacco made a regular industry in any part of the islands?

Mr. Alexander. Yes; but does not amount to much for export.

The Chairman. Does it amount to enough to indicate that it is a tobacco country?

Mr. Alexander. Yes. The Government proposes to institute experiments to see whether it depends on the quality of the seed. The Government at one time offered a reward for a proper method of curing tobacco to take out those strong, offensive qualities.

The Chairman. How much railroad have you in Hawaii?

Mr. Alexander. I do not know that I could give the figures. We have 17 miles of railroad in Oahu; have one on Mani, 15 miles; we have one in North Hawaii, something over 20 miles, and others proj ected, besides tramways.

The Chairman. You mean horse railways?

Mr. Alexander. Yes; we have them in all the plantations and street tramways in Honolulu.

The Chairman. Street tramways on all the plantations, you say?

Mr. Alexander. Yes—mule tracks. And some of the plantations have them to connect them with the harbor, the landing.

The Chairman. So that your system is just being projected?

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. Have you telegraph communication between different parts of the island?

Mr. Alexander. Each principal island has a system of telephone running around it; but no interislaud communication, across channels.

The Chairman. No cable between the islands?

Mr. Alexander. Not yet.

The Chairman. What is the method of communication between the islands?

Mr. Alexander. We have twenty—twenty-two steamers, I think, and more than that number of sailing vessels.

The Chairman. Do the natives go from island to island in their canoes?

Mr. Alexander. In olden times they did.

The Chairman. Would those canoes be paddled or under sail?

Mr. Alexander. Both, in olden times.

The Chairman: The Hawaiians were sailors?

Mr. Alexander. Sailors. Sometimes they went out of sight of land and steered by the stars.

The Chairman. They were navigators, then?

Mr. Alexander. Naturally.

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The Chairman. Before they knew anything of the use of the compass?

Mr. Alexander. They have traditions of voyages to other groups. No doubt they made them; but they have not made them for several hundred years.

The Chairman. But they would make those voyages out of sight of land, and steer by the stars?

Mr. Alexander. By the stars.

The Chairman. And without the aid of the compass?

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. You have spoken about the people being fond of water and fond of aquatic pursuits. Is that a characteristic of the islanders?

Mr. Alexander. Yes; a characteristic of the Polynesians generally. They live around the fringes of the islands, and are seamen. They make the best boatmen in the world.

The Chairman. Good swimmers?

Mr. Alexander. Universally so.

The Chairman. Women and children!

Mr. Alexander. All good swimmers.

The Chairman. All good swimmers, and begin very young. It is really taught as a part of their physical education?

Mr. Alexander. I should say so. They perform some extraordinary feats in the water, swimming and diving.

The Chairman. They are divers also?

Mr. Alexander. Yes; formerly, in early times, a great many of them went away, left the country as sailors.

The Chairman. Went away in ships?

Mr. Alexander. In the 40's it was referred to as a serious evil that so many of the young men were sailors—never came back; and they passed a law in 1850 restricting young men from leaving the country without permission of the Government.

The Chairman. I suppose if these islands belonged to the United States we might look to the native islanders as a large source of supply for seamen, could we not?

Mr. Alexander. They would make good seamen.

The Chairman. They are fond of it?

Mr. Alexander. We, as their friends, would prefer to see them in agriculture in the country. At the present time very few of them are sailors.

The Chairman. I am speaking now of the population and the capacity of those people to supply such a want as that.

Mr. Alexander. Yes, they are well adapted to that.

The Chairman. Well adapted to supplying the commercial marine and navy with sailors?

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. Are they obedient men on board ship?

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. Industrious?

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. Are they subservient to discipline without being rebellious?

Mr. Alexander. I think they are. They are not inclined to be mutinous.

The Chairman. Then I take it to be your opinion that a larger population than now exists on the islands, including all, could be sustained

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comfortably and prosperously upon the native capacity of the soil to produce articles of human food?

Mr. Alexander. I think probably five times the present population. There are some districts nearly uninhabited.

The Chairman. And still leave a fair margin for exportation?

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. As exchange to get goods of other countries there?

Mr. Alexander. Yes; wherever we go we find abandoned taro patches and abandoned water courses overgrown with forests, at the same time showing that there was a dense population there hundreds of years ago.

The Chairman. I believe that is all I care to ask you about the general character of that country. I wish now to come to the political side.

Senator Frye. If you will allow me, right there, I want to ask a question. I have in my hand a history of the Hawaiian Islands, written for educational purposes in the islands, a book of 340 pages. Are you the author of this book?

Mr. Alexander. Yes, I am the author.

Senator Frye. Written at the request of the board of education?

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

Senator Frye. And is it to be used in the schools?

Mr. Alexander. It is used in the schools.

Senator Frye. Are you the auther of any other book there—geography?

Mr. Alexander. I was the author of a grammar of the Hawaiian language and of a good many pamphlets and separate papers.

Senator Frye. I see here that you purpose writing certain other books. Have you written any of them?

Mr. Alexander. I have not completed any of them.

Senator Frye. You had a good many conversations with Mr. Blount, did you not?

Mr. Alexander. I did.

Senator Frye. They were not taken down by a stenographer at the time?

Mr. Alexander. No ; they were informal.

Senator Frye. But you gave Mr. Blount a prepared, a written paper of the history of the incompleted annexation treaty of 1854, a history of the general causes that led to the revolution—a political history of Kalakaua's reign until 1888?

Mr. Alexander. Yes; and those have been printed.

Senator Frye. Have you read them since they have been printed?

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

Senator Frye. They are printed correctly, are they?

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

Senator Frye. Did you also prepare a constitutional history of that country since the beginning of the century?

Mr. Alexander. Yes. That has not been published yet.

Senator Frye. Did you give that to Mr. Blount?

Mr. Alexander. I gave him a copy.

Senator Frye. Has that been printed?

Mr. Alexander. No.

Senator Frye. Have you a copy of that constitutional history?

Mr. Alexander. I have the original draft.

Senator Frye. And will you furnish the committee that history?

Mr. Alexander. I will.

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The Chairman. It will not be necessary for you to repeat anything that you have stated in that history to Mr. Blount. You have furnished me heretofore a paper that I must acknowledge I have not read. It is a continuation of the sketch of recent Hawaiian politics, and treats of various things. I will read that in your hearing, and see if you are prepared to depose to it as being correct.

[The preceding narrative is published In Col. Blount's report, part IV, pp.

CONTINUATION OF THE SKETCH OF RECENT HAWAIIAN POLITICS.

THE ROYAL VETO.

"This preceding narrative ended with the revolution of 1887, which was expected to put an end to personal rule in the Hawaiian Islands by making the ministry responsible only to the people through the legislature, by taking the power of appointing the Upper House out of the hands of the Sovereign, and by making officeholders ineligible to the legislature.

"The remaining three and a half years of Kalakaua's reign teemed with intrigues and conspiracies to restore autocratic rule.

"The reform party, as has been stated, gained an overwhelming majority of seats in the legislature of 1887, and had full control of the government until the legislative session of 1890.

"During the session of 1887 a contest arose between the King and the legislature in regard to the veto power, which at one time threatened the public peace. The question whether by the terms of the new constitution the King could exercise a personal vote against the advice of his ministers or not was finally decided by the supreme court in favor of the Crown, Judge Dole dissenting."

He is the present president?

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. "During the following session of 1888 the King vetoed a number of bills which were all passed over his veto, by a two-thirds vote, with the exception of a bill to encourage coflee planting.

"CONSPIRACIES.

"The King's sister, the then Princess Llliuokalani, on her return from England, had charged her brother with cowardice for signing the constitution of 1887, and was known to be in favor of the old despotic system of government."

That was the constitution under which Liliuokalani took her present attitude, or recent attitude as Queen of Hawaii?

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. "Two Hawaiian youths, R. W. Wilcox and Robert Boyd, whom Moreno had placed in military schools of Italy, as before stated, had been recalled towards the end of 1887. They had been led to expect high positions from the Gibson government, and their disappointment was extreme. Hence they were easily induced to lead a conspiracy which had for its object the abrogation of the constitution of 1887, and the restortation of the old regime. They endeavored to form a secret league, and held public meetings to inflame the native mind, but without much success. It is said that the royal guards were won over, and that the three chief conspirators, R. W. "Wilcox. C. B. Wilson, and Sam Nowlien, demanded the King's abdication in favor of Liliuokalani. Several members of their league, however, turned informers,

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and a mass of sworn evidence was collected, but never used against them. The leader, Robert Wilcox, was allowed to go to California, where he remained about a year, biding his time."

Mr. Alexander. The story was that those conspirators cornered the King in a room in the tower of the palace and tried to compel him to abdicate then and there, and Thurston, who was at the head of the Cabinet, stopped it.

The Chairman. Do you speak of stories, or do you speak of the current belief?

Mr. Alexander. In regard to that Mr. Thurston gave me more especial evidence. He had the conspirators examined one by one, took down their statements, and he has them locked up.

The Chairman. In what capacity was he acting at the time?

Mr. Alexander. He was minister of the interior, and virtually premier; leading member of the Cabinet.

The Chairman. Of Kalakaua's Cabinet?

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. What year was that?

Mr. Alexander. I think about the beginning of 1888.

The Chairman. Then you take up the insurrection of 1889?

"Meanwhile a secret organization was being formed throughout the islands, and when some progress has been made, Mr. Wilcox returned to Honolulu in April, 1889, formed a rifle club, and began to prepare for another revolution."

Mr. Alexander. The object was to make him abdicate in favor of the Princess Liliuokalani.

The Chairman. "The meetings of the league were held in a house belonging to the Princess Liliuokalani.

"At the subsequent trial it was proved by the defense, that the King had latterly come to an understanding with the conspirators, whose object was to restore his autocratic power."

Where was the trial held?

Mr. Alexander. In her room.

The Chairman. Was it a judicial investigation?

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. In what court?

Mr. Alexander. The supreme court. I think I speak of that afterward.

The Chairman. "Before light, on the morning of July 30, 1889, Robert Wilcox with about one hundred and fifty armed followers, occupied the Government buildings and the palace yard. No declaration of any kind was made, as they expected the King, who was at the seaside, to come up and proclaim the old constitution of 1864."

Senator Gray. Is that the same Wilcox who was in the cabinet?

Mr. Alexander. No; that was a white man; this was a half white, who was sent to Europe to be educated—sent to school. He went to Italy and became a second lieutenant in the artillery.

The Chairman. What relation is he to the Wilcox who was in the cabinet?

Mr. Alexander. No relation. His father was a white man and his mother was a native.

The Chairman. "The household troops in the barracks remained neutral, and the palace was held against the insurgents by Robert Parker, with 30 men, by the King's orders."

Is that the same Parker who was in the cabinet?

Mr. Alexander. A brother of his.

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The Chairman. "The King, who distrusted the conspirators, had retired to his boathouse in the harbor to await results."

The harbor of Honolulu?

Mr. Alexander. Honolulu.

The Chairman. "The volunteer riflemen promptly turned out, and many of the citizens took up arms for the Government."

I will ask you whether amongst those citizens there was the missionary party?

Mr. Alexander. Some of them.

The Chairman. Did you go into the company?

Mr. Alexander. Two of my sons were members of the rifle company. I went down to the station house and offered my services.

The Chairman. That was in support of the Kalakaua Government?

Mr. Alexander. It was Kalakaua's Government putting down the rebellion against him, although it was believed the King connived at it. You see the conspiracy was planned in Liliuokalani's house, one of her houses, and before daylight in the morning they started from her house. Nobody has any doubt that she was at the bottom of it.

The Chairman. And her purpose was to dethrone Kalakaua?

Mr. Alexander. It was thought later that they came to an understanding; they were not strong enough to carry that out.

Senator Gray. What year was that?

Mr. Alexander. July 30,1889. Kalakaua acted in such a way that, whichever way the affair went, whether success or failure, he would be safe. If they had succeeded he would have gone up and proclaimed the old constitution; as they failed, he denied that he was connected with the movement.

The Chairman. "At the request of the United States minister, Mr. Merrill, a body of marines was landed, and marched up to the legation, where they remained during the day."

Mr. Alexander. The legation was on the hotel premises, quite near to the palace.

The Chairman. "This had a great moral effect. The insurgents were surrounded and isolated from the populace outside."

Where were the insurgents assembled?

Mr. Alexander. In the palace yard. The rifles formed a cordon.

The Chairman. Full-armed?

Mr. Alexander. Yes; they established patrols before daylight.

The Chairman. The military of the two parties were in hostile array?

Mr. Alexander. The insurgents went to the barracks, got cannon and ammunition, and the troops in the barracks were ordered by the Queen to remain neutral. But they allowed the insurgents to go there and help themselves to ammunition and cannon. There was a duel took place between our artillerymen and the cavalry.

The Chairman. "The ministry drew up a written summons to them to surrender, which was served on them by Hon. S. M. Damon, but they refused to receive it, and immediately afterwards the conflict commenced between their three fieldpieces and the sharpshooters in the Opera House and other buildings commanding the palace yard. The result was that their guns were soon silenced and they were driven into a wooden building on the palace grounds, where they were besieged during the afternoon. Towards night a heavy rifle fire was opened upon them and the roof of the building burst in by dynamite bombs, which forced them to surrender."

Mr. Alexander. About the dynamite. The palace was surrounded by a stone wall 8 feet high, and the dynamite bombs were thrown from

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behind that wall by a base-ball pitcher and between 200 and 300 feet. They fell on the roof of the building and burst it in. It was covered with corrugated iron. They did not stay there very long.

The Chairman. That was what building?

Mr. Alexander. Iolani Palace.

The Chairman. "Unfortunately this was by no means a bloodless affair, as seven of Wilcox' deluded followers were killed and about a dozen wounded. It was afterwards known that 10,000 rounds of ammunitions were loaned from the U. S. S. Adams to the Government forces."

What do you call the Government forces, the rifles?

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. And the attacking party?

Mr. Alexander. And the attacking party.

The Chairman. "Wilcox was afterward put on trial for treason, and was acquitted by a native jury, on the theory that what they did was by and with the King's consent."

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. What was the result?

Mr. Alexander. There were three for conviction and nine for acquital.

Senator Frye. Is that regarded as a disagreement of the jury?

Mr. Alexander. Yes. Three-fourths of a jury may convict. The jury system is peculiar there. Foreigners are tried by a jury made up of foreigners, and natives and half-whites are tried by a native jury.

The Chairman. A native jury may be composed of Kanakas or half-whites?

Mr. Alexander. Yes. In late years race prejudices have influenced the juries to a great extent.

The Chairman. But the rule is that three-fourths of a jury may convict?

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. I read: "He became a popular idol, and had unbounded influence over the Honolulu natives for a time. The Princess, Liliuokalani, however deserted him and denied all knowledge of the conspiracy. This unfortunate affair was made the most of by demagogues to intensify race hatred. The license of the native press was almost incredible."

I will ask you whether the press is free in Hawaii?

Mr. Alexander. Yes; free.

The Chairman. Amenable only for libelous publications?

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. "A project of a new commercial treaty with the United States was drawn up in the fall of 1889 by the ministry in conjunction with Hon. H. A. P. Carter. It provided for free trade between the two countries, the perpetual cession of Pearl Harbor to the United States, and a guarantee of the independence of the islands by that power. By working on the King's suspicions, Mr. C. W. Ashford, the Canadian member of the cabinet, induced the King to refuse to sign the draft of the treaty."

Is Mr. Ashford there now?

Mr. Alexander. Yes. He is a royalist at present. He took the ground that the King was not bound, because the cabinet was not unanimous. The rest of the cabinet invited him to resign and he would not.

Senator Gray. Was Mr. Ashford in the cabinet?

Mr. Alexander. He was in the cabinet—attorney-general. And

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he got an opinion of the supreme court to the effect that a majority oi the cabinet should rule. But they defied the opinion of the supreme court.

Senator Gray. Who defied it?

Mr. Alexander. That is, Ashford and the King. The attorney general advised the King that that was an ex parte decision.

Senator Gray. It was not judicial?

Mr. Alexander. It was not judicial. It was not a regular decision.

The Chairman. You speak of Mr. Ashford as the Canadian member. Is he a native of Canada?

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. A naturalized citizen of Hawaii?

Mr. Alexander. No, I think not. But I think they had a way of issuing letters patent, to give a person the privilege of a naturalized citizen without being thoroughly naturalized.

The Chairman. That is called denizenship?

Mr. Alexander. Denizenship. I know they had to be denizens before they could practice law.

Senator Gray. Is not that the case with a great many foreigners?

Mr. Alexander. Not naturalized?

Senator Gray. Yes.

Mr. Alexander. Under the old constitution it was almost impossible for a white man to be naturalized. Under Kalakaua's reign the law required five years' residence, and it was then at the King's discretion; he could sign the naturalization paper or not. And I know cases where white men were refused on political grounds. For example, Mr. Hitt Wallace, brother of General William Wallace, his application was refused because he was opposed to Gibson in politics. Under the old naturalization laws the applicant did not abjure his own nationality; there were cases that came up before the United States commissioner where they claimed that they were still American citizens.

Senator Gray. What I ask is whether during the last few years it is not a fact that foreigners, Americans, Europeans, whatever their nationality, vote and exercise the rights of suffrage without being naturalized?

Mr. Alexander. That is true under the constitution of 1887.

The Chairman: "A copy of the treaty, including an article, canceled by the cabinet, which authorized the landing of United States troops in certain contingencies, was secretly furnished by the King to a native paper for publication, and the cry was raised that the ministry were 'selling the country' to the United States.

Owing to division in the reform party, and other causes mentioned above, a strong opposition was elected to the Legislature, and the reform ministry went out of office on a tie vote."

Mr. Alexander. That is, there were motions brought in of want of confidence. An amendment was proposed to turn Mr. Ashford out of the cabinet. The vote was taken on that amendment, and there was a majority of one for it. The speaker claimed the right to vote and made a tie. So the motion failed.

The Chairman. Was that motion against Ashford personally?

Mr. Alexander. Yes; it was an amendment to turn him out as a traitor. It failed; then the cabinet resigned, and he was obliged to.

The Chairman. "As the parties were so nearly balanced, a compromise cabinet, composed of conservative men, was appointed June 17, 1890, viz: John A. Cummins, minister of foreign affairs; C. N. Spencer,

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of the interior; Godfrey Brown, of finance; and A. P. Peterson, attorney- general."

Is that the same Peterson who is now one of the advisory council?

Mr. Alexander. No; he was a member of the last cabinet. He was the only white man who voted for the lottery bill.

The Chairman. Is he a royalist?

Mr. Alexander. Royalist.

Senator Gray. You were all royalists at that time, were you not?

Mr. Alexander. You might say he was a tory; that would be more correct.

Senator Gray. You were a royalist?

Mr. Alexander. I was not a tory; I was a whig.

Senator Gray. You were a royalist?

Mr. Alexander. Yes; I was a royalist then.

The Chairman. "The King at first proposed to the new premier his old project of a ten-million loan for naval and military purposes, but met with no encouragement. He then published a pamphlet entitled 'A Third Warning Voice,' in which he urged the establishment of a large standing army."

That is the premier did that?

Mr. Alexander. No; the King.

The Chairman. "Another project favored by the King and agitated by the royalist papers was that of convening a convention, to be elected by universal suffrage, to frame a new constitution, in which the white race should be deprived of political power. With great difficulty and by the exercise of much patience and tact, this revolutionary measure was defeated, and certain amendments were proposed, lowering the qualifications required of voters for nobles, etc. After a stormy session of five months the legislature adjourned without undoing the reforms of 1887.

"In order to recruit his failing health, the King visited California in the United States cruiser Charleston as the guest of Admiral Brown in November, 1890. He received the utmost kindness and hospitality, both in San Francisco and in southern California. His health, however, continued to fail, in spite of the best medical attendance, and on the 20th of January, 1891, he breathed his last at the Palace Hotel, San Francisco.

"In spite of his grave faults as a ruler and as a man, he was kindhearted and courteous in private life, and there was sincere mourning in Honolulu when the news of his death arrived there.

"Grave apprehensions were then felt at the accession of his sister, Liliuokalani, which, however, were partially relieved by her promptly taking the oath to maintain the constitution of 1887. Notwithstanding her reactionary views and her dubious record, it was hoped by many that she had enough good sense to understand her true interests and to abide by the spirit as well as the letter of the constitution. These were destined to be disappointed. Her ideal of government was the same as that of her brother, and her determination to realize it brought on the last revolution.

"Her first demand was that the existing cabinet should resign, and leave her to appoint a new cabinet. The cabinet claimed that under the constitution no power could remove them but the Legislature. On her side it was claimed that they were the late King's cabinet and 'died with the King.'

"The dispute was referred to the supreme court, which decided in favor of the Queen, Judge McCully dissenting. This gave her an

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opportunity to make conditions with her appointees and to get control of the patronage in the interest of her favorites.

"Her first and chief condition with the incoming ministry was that C. B. Wilson, a notorious palace favorite (who had been appointed superintendent of water works at her request in 1881), should be appointed marshal of the Kingdom, with control of the entire police force of the islands. During the following year the administration of his department became a national scandal. The marshal openly associated on intimate terms with such criminals as Capt. Whaley, who was one of the owners of the smuggling schooner Halcyon, and was styled 'King of the opium ring,' and those Australian fugitives from justice who came to Honolulu in the yacht Beagle.

"He drew around him a gang of disreputable characters, and the whole police force became more corrupt than ever, while opium joints, gambling dens, and other criminal resorts flourished and multiplied, with its connivance. At the same time it was universally believed that the said Wilson exercised as much influence in the administration of public affairs as any member of the cabinet. To put an end to this state of things, was the chief object both of the members of the reform party and of the so-called liberals in the elections of 1892. " In the spring of 1892 a secret league was formed, headed by V. V. Ashford, R. W. Wilcox, J. E. Bush and others, for the purpose, as they expressed it, of promoting justice and equal rights in the political government of Hawaii."

That is a quotation?

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. From what do you take it?

Mr. Alexander. Their own publications, particularly from Mr. Ashford's. They published a paper, and Mr. Ashford published a statement in it in which he used those words.

The Chairman. Used those words?

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. Have you a copy of that paper?

Mr. Alexander. It is printed in Mr. Blount's report.

The Chairman. It is the same paper that is printed in Mr. Blount's report, the paper to which you have called attention?

Mr. Alexander. I had nothing to do with it; it was given by Mr. Ashford himself.

The Chairman. "Their objects included the removal of all property qualifications for voters, the abolition of the monarchy, and ultimate union with the United States."

At present how many of those men—Ashford, Wilcox, and Bush - are annexationists?

Mr. Alexander. Those leaders are not annexationists. Y. V. Ashford does still claim to be an annexationist; Wilcox and Bush, who were leaders of that insurrection in 1889, to restore absent power, at this time are extreme royalists.

Senator Gray. Is Ashford a royalist?

Mr. Alexander. He calls himself a United States annexationist.

Senator Gray. Would you call him a royalist?

Mr. Alexander. Not a royalist as the other gentlemen are.

Senator Gray. You did speak of Ashford as a royalist?

Mr. Alexander. I believe that C. W. Ashford is on the side of the Queen. C. W. Ashford has changed sides so many times it would be hard to keep run of him.

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The Chairman. "These measures were then advocated in a newspaper published by J. E. Bush, who has since become a royalist."

Mr. Alexander. Bush and Wilcox were against white suffrage— white influence in the Government, all the time. That was their motive all the time.

The Chairman. "It is said that the league numbered over 300 members, mostly natives and half-whites. There is good evidence that at the same time the Queen's party were preparing a despotic constitution, similar to that of Kamehaineha V, except that it gave the Sovereign the power of dismissal and appointment of the justices of the supreme court. At first they endeavored to form an alliance with the equal-rights league, both parties being opposed, for different reasons, to the reform constitution of 1S87. Their overtures, however, having been finally rejected, the marshal proceeded to arrest the principal members of the league, under charges of treason and conspiracy. The result of the trials was that all were finally discharged, but the weakness of the league was exposed and its leaders lost much of their prestige."

Senator Gray. When was that trial?

Mr. Alexander. June, I think, 1892. Quite a number of the rank and file, principally Germans, form part of the Provisional Government's army.

The Chairman. "I do not care to give the details of the eight months legislative session of 1892. During most of the session, the liberal party, comprising most of the leaders of the above-mentioned democratic league, acted with the reform party to break the power of the palace, or Wilson party, combined, as it was, with the powerful opium and lottery rings. Three cabinets in succession were voted out, because they were considered to represent these latter elements, and to be in sympathy with the marshal."

"After a struggle of four months, the Queen temporarily yielded, and appointed a cabinet composed of conservative men of high character, who possessed the confidence of the country."

The Chairman. State who were there.

Mr. Alexander. George Wilcox.

The Chairman. Give his office.

Mr. Alexander. He was minister of the interior; P.C.Jones, minister of finance; Mark Kobinson, half-white and of high character, minister of foreign affairs; and Cecil Brown, an Englishman, attorney generai.

The Chairman. "This cabinet distinctly declared its policy in regard to the lottery fiat paper money and other subjects, but did not choose to act on the 'burning question' of the marshalship while the Legislature was in session. Its course on this point, and the fact that the radical party was not represented in it, so exasperated the leaders of the so-called liberal party that they joined hands with the palace party and voted for measures which they had denounced on the floor ot the House.

"The lottery bill, which had been referred to a committee early in the session, was brought up and passed, to the surprise and horror of the community, by lavish and shameless bribery, only one white man voting for it. By the same voters an opium license bill was passed, and the ministry was voted out two days before the close of the session."

Senator Gray. You make a broad statement there. What was the evidence of the bribery that was practiced?

Mr. Alexander. It was never brought before the courts, but it was

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notorious. There were four native members who stood fast, could not be bought nor browbeaten. One of those natives said that they were offered $300 apiece and a small annuity from the lottery company after it should become established. I think that was a thing universally admitted. One of the members most active in the support of the lottery, Mr. White—I did not hear him say it directly—he boasted that he went down there to the Legislature with $2 in his pocket and went back with $800 and plenty of clothes. And I heard of his hiring a house and a piano, and before that he had been without visible means of support. And I heard of the Queen sending for certain native members and laboring with them. That was more in connection with the voting out of the ministry. Mr. Dreier, who was a German, but who had a native wife—she labored with him without success.

The Chairman. When you say that this bill was a surprise to the community, do you mean the white community, or native, or the general population?

Mr. Alexander. Say rather the better elements, both white and native. If it had been put to a vote of the populace it could have been passed. A special election was held in October for representatives from Honolulu, and the lottery men were elected. That was the early part of October.

Senator Gray. Avowed lottery men?

Mr. Alexander. They shirked the question as it was put them. Probably the lottery was the real issue in the minds of the voters. I think the majority of the populace in Honolulu would have voted for it.

The Chairman. "The Queen immediately appointed a cabinet, three of whom were rejected members of former cabinets, and one the agent of the lottery ring in purchasing legislative votes."

Who was he?

Mr. Alexander. John Colburn.

Senator Frye. Who were the other three?

Mr. Alexander. Colburn, minister of the interior; Cornwell, minisister of finance; Sam Parker, minister of foreign relations, and Arthur Peterson, attorney-general.

The Chairman. "The liberal leaders were left out in the cold. The cabinet now consisted of S. Parker, minister of foreign affairs; W. Cornwell, minister of finance; Arthur Peterson, attorney-general, and John Colburn, minister of the interior. The public indignation was intense, but no revolutionary action was yet thought of."

Do you mean that public indignation was intense among all classes of people?

Mr. Alexander. So far as I could see all the papers had opposed the lottery bill, and the chamber of commerce had passed a very strong memorial unanimously and sent it to the Queen.

The Chairman. How about the masses of the people; were they also excited about it?

Mr. Alexander. About the lottery bill?

The Chairman. Yes.

Mr. Alexander. I think the lower class was not opposed to it. The lower class of the natives were not particularly opposed to it, and some of the half whites said that the white men had made money and the Kanakas had not made money, and it was wrong not to give them a chance. And one or two speakers in the House said the lottery "would make money plentiful in Honolulu."

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The Chairman. Were these lottery and opium bills passed in the House before the change of the ministry?

Mr. Alexander. Before the change. I remember Wilcox and Bush said they voted for it in order to compel the ministry to step out.

Senator Frye. The old ministry?

Mr. Alexander. Yes. The old ministry could not remain in oflice and execute that law. However, they did not resign, and within a day or two a vote of want of confidence was had. There was great difficulty in getting a vote of want of confidence; it required 25 votes. At last the Queen labored with different members, and Berger, a German member, who married a daughter of Mr. , having been assured that his father-in-law could have the naming of the new cabinet— although he had promised his friends that he would not vote for the bill—went over and made the twenty-fith vote. And Mr. , who had opposed the latter bill, was won over. He came in with a wreath of flowers around his neck, half drunk, and made the motion, and he and another native gave their reasons: "How can we trust this cabinet to carry out the lottery bill? How do we know that they will favor the change, the new constitution—carry out the wishes of the Queen in regard to the new constitution?" I remember that, because that alarmed the people.

The Chairman. Was that the first declaration you heard in regard to the new constitution?

Mr. Alexander. I had not dreamed of such a thing as a coup d'etat. The constitutional convention had been talked of and voted down in convention. Then this speech was made; that sounded menacing.

The Chairman. Were these bills, the lottery bill and the opium bill, signed by the Queen and any of her cabinet before the change of her ministry?

Mr. Alexander. I think not. The lottery bill passed on the 12th, the ministry was voted out the next day, the following day the new cabinet was formed. I suppose the volume of the laws of 1892 will show which minister countersigned the bill.

The Chairman. It was not the ministry that was voted out on the 13th that signed the bill?

Mr. Alexander. No. Some little time passed, because I remember petitions were carried to the Queen in the interim, begging her not to sign it. The ladies of Honolulu went to her with a petition begging her not to sign it. She received them cordially, answered their prayers, I believe, but she did not lose any time in signing the bill.

The Chairman. "The coup d'etat, which was sprung upon the country by the Queen on the following day, took the community by surprise, and found it entirely unprepared."

Do you mean by that the prorogation of the Legislature and attempt to promulgate the new constitution?

Mr. Alexander. I mean by that the promulgation of the new constitution. That was a surprise.

The Chairman. "Undoubtedly the plot had been deeply laid long before, to be executed at the close of the legislative session."

What reason have you for stating that?

Mr. Alexander. One reason is that at the trial of Robert Wilcox and Bush, particularly Wilcox, they brought in evidence to show that Sam Parker had made overtures to them on the part of the Queen to join with her to do away with the new constitution. They claimed that that had been done by a coup d'etat before the Legislature met.

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The Chairman. It was before that evidence came out, which informed the people that there was an existing purpose or plot to dispense with or overthrow the constitution of 1887.

Mr. Alexander. There was sworn evidence. The Queen, I presume, denied it.

The Chairman. That was the cause of the public belief?

Mr. Alexander. That was one cause. It was known, came out afterward, that the Queen signed the constitution very reluctantly, indeed.

Senator Frye. The old constitution?

Mr. Alexander. Yes. She said so in her statement. She was taken by surprise. The King's dead body arrived, and she was called upon to sign it. She did it very unwillingly, and with a mental reservation.

Senator Gray. Did she say "with a mental reservation?"

Mr. Alexander. She did not say so.

The Chairman. Then you go on to say: "The lottery was expected by the Queen to be a source of revenue; to render her independent of loans. It was also expected that the lottery company, being outlaws in the United States, could be relied upon to oppose any movement looking towards annexation." "The story of the revolution, which followed, will form the subject of a separate paper." Have you a separate paper?

Mr. Alexander. I did not think there was in sufficient evidence to make a judicial summary of the evidence.

The Chairman. As to the story of the revolution which resulted in the present Government?

Mr. Alexander. It is a very tangled story, and there is not enough evidence in from both sides to make a judicial story.

The Chairman. "The pains taken by the Queen to destroy all known copies of her proposed constitution show how much she dreaded the effect of its publication, but its main points are well known."

How did they become known?

Mr. Alexander. By statements of Mr. Colburn, Paul Neumann, and Ned Bush, which do not entirely agree with one another.

Senator Frye. Paul Neumann is supposed to have drafted it; that is, it is so rumored?

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

Senator Gray. Who was Paul Neumann?

Mr. Alexander. He was a German by birth. I do not know his early life. He was a lawyer in California, a member of the legislature from Sacramento. He ran for Congress and was defeated—defeated by his record, which was scandalous. He was charged with doing things for which he should have been disbarred. Soon after that he went down to the islands and became Attorney-General with Gibson, in 1883. He is supposed to have been a Spreckels man at tha time.

Senator Frye. Bright man, is he not?

Mr. Alexander. Bright, but unscrupulous—a Bohemian, and with it a bonhomie which pleases the people. They did not take him seriously. He has done things which were condoned—things which would surprise you. He is not taken seriously.

The Chairman. "Its success would have realized her dream of reestablishing a barbaric despotism in the islands, and it was to have been followed by a clear sweep of all the offices. An unfortunate feature of the easels that the lower class of the natives, from race prejudice, would prefer such a despotism to a civilized government controlled by white men."

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That is your belief, is it?

Mr. Alexander. Yes; that is unfortunately true.

The Chairman. I think it would be well enough for you to sit down and prepare the paper to which Senator Frye has referred, stating your own personal observations, your own knowledge in regard to the events which succeeded the prorogation of the Legislature, commencing with that date, so that we can get the benefit of your own personal knowledge and observation of what occurred there. You are not to take up public opinion or hearsay evidence, what other people say about it, but we want to get a knowledge of exactly what you saw.

Mr. Alexander. Do you prefer it in writing?

The Chairman. I would prefer you to make it up deliberately, and the committee would not like to sit longer today.

Senator Gray. I understand the time has not arrived at which the professor could give a clear judicial history of the matter after the point at which he had arrived in his statement. Is that so?

Mr. Alexander. I could state what I saw and my means of knowing it, which is only a small part of it.

The Chairman. That is what we want. I do not care to have you write a judicial history upon the whole evidence.

Senator Gray. We want your evidence as a witness so far as it goes. If you do not know, do not say.

Mr. Alexander. I was not behind the scenes; I was not a member of the committee of safety.

Senator Gray. But you were in Honolulu?

Mr. Alexander. Yes. I saw a great deal of it.

Senator Frye. You were at both meetings?

Mr. Alexander. Not of the committee of safety.

Senator Frye. But both the mass meetings?

Mr. Alexander. Mass meetings; yes.

Senator Frye. So that you can say what you saw and heard?

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

Senator Frye. You saw the troops, where they were located, and the difficulties they had of obtaining a location, and you know whether they were visible on the streets or not?

Senator Gray. Mr. Alexander will be here after he makes his statement?

The Chairman. We propose to meet tomorrow, so that he can complete his statement. The points to which I wish particularly to direct your attention are the facts—within your knowledge, of course—which show whether or not, prior to this prorogation of the Legislature and this attempted proclamation of the abrogation of the constitution of 1887 and of different constitutions, there was any understanding or agreement, any conspiracy for the purpose of overthrowing the Queen, or for the purpose of annexing Hawaii to the United States—getting rid of the monarchy as an established form of government. These are the points to which I would like you to direct your attention.

Adjourned until to-morrow, the 4th inst., at 10 o'clock, a. in.

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FOURTH DAY.

Thursday, January 4, 1894.

The committee met pursuant to adjournment.

Present: The Chairman (Senator Morgan) and Senators Butler, Gray, and Frye.

Absent: Senator Sherman.

SWORN STATEMENT OF WILLIAM DE WITT ALEXANDER—Cont'd.

The Chairman. I have a paper here prepared by Prof. Alexander. Suppose I read it to the committee, and the professor can make any corrections he may desire. It is as follows:

"PERSONAL RECOLLECTIONS OF THE REVOLUTION OF 1893.

"In continuation of my former narrative of recent Hawaiian politics, I will begin with the morning of Saturday, the 14th of January, 1893.

"That morning the Legislature held a brief session (none of the white members being present), in which it was announced that the Queen had signed both the lottery and opium license bills."

I will ask you right there whether that was before or after the vote of want of confidence in the cabinet?

Mr. Alexander. The second day after.

The Chairman. What do you call that cabinet?

Mr. Alexander. The Wilcox cabinet. That was Thursday; I think this was Saturday; and it was after the formation of the succeeding cabinet.

The Chairman. The succeeding cabinet came in on Friday, and this was Saturday. What do you call the succeeding cabinet?

Mr. Alexander. The Parker cabinet.

The Chairman. "The prorogation ceremonies at noon were generally boycotted by the white people, except a few tourists, and most of the diplomatic corps were absent. A few U. S. naval officers were present, the "U.S.S. Boston" having arrived that forenoon from Lahaina. I attended the ceremony as a Government officer, and because I regarded it as an interesting historical occasion."

What office were you holding?

Mr. Alexander. Surveyor-general, and I was privy councillor.

The Chairman. "A native political society, the 'Hui Kalaiaina,' some forty in number, attended wearing black broadcloth suits and tall silk hats. I did not, however, suspect the object of their attendance."

What was the purpose of that political organization?

Mr. Alexander. It had been arranged by the Queen that they should abrogate that constitution and go through the form of asking her to proclaim it.

The Chairman. What was the nature of that political organization? Was it secret or open?

Mr. Alexander. I should say it was open.

Senator Gray. Is that a matter of your own personal knowledge?

Senator Frye. The professor said he was there.

Senator Gray. No, he was not.

Mr. Alexander. No; I was at the palace.

The Chairman. What is the name of that political society?

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Mr. Alexander. The "Hui Kalaiaina." That is the native name.

The Chairman. What does it mean?

Mr. Alexander. "Hui," society, and "Kalaiaina," political.

The Chairman. "After the ceremony they followed the Queen to the palace, together with most of the native members of the Legislature."

What palace do you speak of?

Mr. Alexander. Iolani palace, right across the street.

The Chairman. "I was not an eyewitness of the memorable scenes which took place inside of the palace that afternoon. Meanwhile I went down town, and had gone into Mr. Waterhouse's store, when I was told of a rumor that the Queen was going to proclaim a new constitution that very afternoon. I expressed my disbelief of it, saying: 'She has carried the lottery and opium bills; she has turned out an honest, independent cabinet and put in her own creatures; she has prorogued the Legislature, and now has the game in her own hands for a year and a half. What more can she want?'

"A few minutes after I met my assistant, Mr. C. J. Lyons, who had just come from the Government building, and who informed me that the rumor was true; that the household troops were drawn up in line from the front steps of the palace to the west gate, in fighting trim, with their belts full of cartridges, and that a large crowd had gathered to hear the new constitution proclaimed. On my way up I noticed that citizens were gathering at Hon. W. O. Smith's office. On arriving at the Government building I was told that a conference was going on upstairs in the attorney-general's office between three members of the cabinet and some of the leading residents. I saw Minister Stevens and Major Wodehouse get into a carriage at the east entrance of the Government building and drive off together. I was told that they had advised the cabinet to stand firm in opposing the Queen's revolutionary project.

"I then went to my office and informed some of my friends by telephone about the critical state of affairs. On returning to the Government building I found a crowd of spectators watching the palace with intense anxiety. Civil war seemed to be impending. "We saw Mr. J. Richardson and Sam Parker come over from the palace to confer with the other three members of the cabinet, who were said to be still in the attorney-general's office. It was said that they had left the palace from fear of their lives. Later on we saw the four ministers return to the palace, and the excitement among the spectators was increased. After another long interval, near 4 p.m., there was evidently a movement taking place in the palace, and the soldiers, part of whom had stacked their arms, hastily took up arms and re-formed their line. In a few minutes we saw the Hui Kalaiaina pour out of the palace and form in front of the steps. Then the Queen attended by some ladies in waiting, came out on the balcony and made a brief speech, the purport of which was repeated to us by a native, who came out of the palace yard. It gave us a sense of temporary relief. Bill White, the lottery champion, came out on the palace steps."

Senator Gray. Do you state there what the native told you was the purport?

Mr. Alexander. No. He told us that she had given way to the advice of her ministers not to proclaim the new constitution, but to go home and wait, and some one of these days she would carry out their wishes—that they could trust to her.

Senator Gray. That is the purport as it appeared to you?

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Mr. Alexander. That is what was repeated to me.

The Chairman. That is what was repeated to you?

Mr. Alexander. That is the substance; yes.

The Chairman. "And began an incendiary harangue to the assembled crowd, but was persuaded to desist by Col. James Boyd.

"We were told at the time that he had urged the crowd to lynch the ministers on the spot as traitors. The Hui Kalaiaina then marched out, carrying a Hawaiian flag, and appearing very much downcast.

"Soon after this Messrs. Parker and Cornwell came over to the Government building together, looking as if they had passed through a very severe ordeal. As they entered the building they were complimented by several persons for the stand which they had made. Mr. Thurston, who stood by, however, said: 'Must we continue to live in this way, with this peril hanging over our heads, uncertain whether we may not wake up any morning and find our liberties gone?'

"It was shortly after this that the meeting of citizens was held at W. O. Smith's office, which appointed the committee of safety, but I had no knowledge of it at the time. The next day, which was Sunday, passed off quietly on the surface, but we had intimations that a revolutionary movement was in progress.

"On Sunday afternoon posters were out calling for a mass meeting of citizens to be held at 2 p.m., the next day, at the Armory, on Beretania street. The next morning another call was issued by the ministry for a counter mass meeting on Palace Square, and between 10 and 11 a. m., a by authority notice was also posted about the streets and sent to the members of the diplomatic corps, which contained an apology for the Queen; alleging that she had acted on Saturday under stress of her native subjects, and a promise that "any changes desired in the fundamental law of the land will be sought only by methods provided in the constitution itself." This retraction came too late.

"It was considered by many as a humiliating evidence of panic on the part of the Queen's Government. Her conspiracies during her brother's reign, and her treacherous course in regard to the lottery bill had destroyed all confidence in her word, so that her promise produced but little change in the situation.

"As 2 o'clock drew near all business was suspended, stores were closed, and but one subject was talked of. I attended both mass meetings. The meeting at the Armory comprised probably not less than 1,500 persons, and the unanimity and enthusiasm shown surpassed all expectation. As a full account of the proceedings has been published I need not spend time on them.

"The so-called 'law and order' meeting on Palace Square I estimated at the time to number about 500 natives. It was a tame and dispirited meeting, the speakers being under strict orders to express themselves with great caution and moderation. A resolution was adopted accepting the assurance that the Queen would not again seek to change the constitution by revolutionary means, the very thing which no doubt most of them desired her to do. It seemed unnatural to hear R. W. Wilcox and Bill White exhort the natives to keep quiet, and not to provoke the 'haoles' to resort to violent measures.

"About 5 p. m. I happened to be near the post-office when the troops landed from the Boston, and saw them march up Fort street. A party of 30 or 40 marines went up to the U. S. legation, on Nuuanu street, and a guard was left at the U. S. consulate, while the main body marched up King street, past the Government building, and bivouacked in Mr. Atherton's grounds until late in the evening; quarters were

S. Doc. 231, pt 6----42

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secured for them in the 'Arion House,' a low one-story wooden building west of the Music Hall, a large brick building which intervenes between it and the palace. In this connection I take the liberty of saying that I can not see how Arion Hall would be exposed to fire in the event of an attack upon the Government building from the direction of the palace.

"After the mass meeting the tension of feeling was extreme. What was chiefly feared was incendiarism during the following night. To my knowledge, warnings had been given by friendly natives that preparations were making to set houses on fire. As it was, two incendiary fires were started during that night. The knowledge that the troops were on shore undoubtedly gave the white residents a grateful feeling of relief and security.

"Here I will explain that an organization of four rifle companies had been brought to a high degree of efficiency in 1887 and had crushed the insurrection of 1889. This organization, which had been disbanded in 1890, was now revived, with some changes in personnel. It embraced many of the best class of young men in Honolulu.

"On Tuesday morning 1 was informed of this fact, and that Judge Dole would lead the movement. It was rumored that the crisis would take place at 4 p. m. The Queen's supporters were believed to be panic-stricken and divided among themselves.

"I happened to visit the main Government building (Aliiolani Hall) about a quarter to 3 p. m., when I found that the proclamation of the Provisional Government was being read at the front entrance.

"I have since been told that 3 o'clock was the time originally set. Perhaps the shooting affray on Port street hastened the movement. I saw but one rifleman standing in the corridor. Several Government clerks and one native member of the legislature were also listening to the reading. As soon as it was over the new councils convened in the interior office, and proceeded to business. I walked over to my office in another building within the same inclosure, and passed Company A, a German company, under Capt. Ziegler, arriving on the double quick, in company order, to the number of 40 or 50. I told my assistants in the office what had happened, and directed them to close it for the day. On returning to the other building, I found that a large part of Company B, composed of Americans and Englishmen, had arrived. The grounds were then cleared of spectators, and guards set at the gates, and less than half an hour there were 100 riflemen drawn up in front of the building, awaiting orders. An hour later I estimated that there were about 200 present. The officers told me at the time that the United States marines had orders to remain neutral."

What officers did you speak of?

Mr. Alexander. Officers of the volunteers. Capt. Potter, of Company B, said that word had been ascertained from Lieut. Swinburne— I think that was his name.

The Chairman. "I did not see any ol them on the street, and my impression is that some of them without arms were in the veranda of Arion Hall."

Mr. Alexander. Referring to the sailors.

The Chairman. "The men were expected to fight, and their spirit and confidence was such that I had no doubt of the result."

Mr. Alexander. It should have been the volunteers. That should have been corrected. "Many of them had been in the affair of 1889, and they also believed that nearly all the foreign community would back them.

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"One C J. McCarthy had been placed by Wilson in charge of the Government building, but waited there in vain for a force that never came. Several thousand cartridges were found in the foreign office, intended for the defense of the building.

"I can not speak from personal observation of the number of men collected in the station house and barracks, but was told by eye witnesses that there were about 80 men in each place.

"For several hours it looked to us as if a bloody contest, and perhaps a siege, would be necessary. Messengers were coming and going, but when I left the place to do patrol duty in the eastern suburb it was not known whether Mr. Wilson would surrender or not.

"As much importance has been attached to President Dole's letter to Minister Stevens, written in the afternoon of January 17, in which he suggested the cooperation of the United States marines with the citizen volunteers in maintaining order during the night, I will add that the event showed this request to have been wholly unnecessary.

"During the afternoon several hundred names of volunteers had been registered. These were organized in squads and during the following night the whole district including the city was strictly patrolled, as a precaution against fires or disturbance of any kind. These volunteers were on duty some time before the surrender of the station house by Wilson was reported. The palace was given up on the morning of the 18th, and the barracks that evening."

W. D. Alexander.

"ADDENDUM.

"In regard to the Government building, Aliiolani Hall, I wish to say that it has always been considered the visible seat of Government. Together with the two smaller buildings attached to it, it contained all the offices of the departments of Government, the chambers of the supreme court and the court records, the land office and the registry of conveyances, the Government archives, and the treasury.

"The action of the late cabinet in abandoning it and seeking refuge in the station house went far to show that they had given up all hope of maintaining their authority.

"W. D. Alexander."

Senator Gray. Do you know what time that evening—can you fix precisely the time the barracks were given up?

Mr. Alexander. I heard that it was after dark.

Senator Gray. You do not know the hour?

Mr. Alexander. No. That would be in Mr. Soper's testimony.

Senator Gray. You were not present at any meetings of the committee of safety on the evening of the 17th?

Mr. Alexander. I was not.

Senator Gray. Or of the advisory councils?

Mr. Alexander. I suppose, being an officer of the old Government, they did not take me into their confidence.

The Chairman. When you speak of yourself as being one of the privy council, what were your functions in that office?

Senator Gray. Were you ex officio a privy councillor, being surveyor- general?

Mr. Alexander. No.

Senator Gray. Not necessarily privy councillor because of your being surveyor-general?

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Mr. Alexander. No. I was appointed in the previous reign, Kalakaua's reign. Their principal functions were to act as the board of pardons.

Senator Gray. You were a member of the board of pardons?

Mr. Alexander. Yes; most of the other powers had been taken away from them.

The Chairman. But as a privy councillor you were a member of the Queen's Government?

Mr. Alexander. Yes, and as surveyor-general.

The Chairman. You have had an acquaintance with Hawaiian affairs and with the people. I suppose your acquaintance with Honolulu is very complete; know a great many people?

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. Your membership in the school board would bring you in contact with the people, I suppose?

Mr. Alexander. Yes, and other ways.

The Chairman. Being surveyor-general and also a member of the board of pardons----

Mr. Alexander. I was always out of politics.

The Chairman. You were never a member of the Legislature?

Mr. Alexander. No.

The Chairman. Never held any political office?

Mr. Alexander. I did not; I rather devoted myself to science; I am also some what of an antiquarian.

The Chairman. Did you hear of or are you aware of any combination amongst any of the people of Honolulu or of the Hawaiian country prior to the announcement of this new constitution by the Queen to break down the monarchy, or overthrow the constitution, or revolutionize the Government?

Mr. Alexander. I did not. I do not think there was any existing.

The Chairman. Do you think it is possible that such a movement as that could have occurred amongst what is called the missionary element in Hawaii without your having some knowledge of it?

Mr. Alexander. I should think not. I think their idea was that they had great confidence in the cabinet appointed at the beginning of November, and expected tbe Government to go on very smoothly until 1894.

The Chairman. And if any new movement was to take place in Hawaii at all it would be developed between that period and 1894. I suppose that is your meaning?

Mr. Alexander. Yes; we did not know what kind of Legislature might be elected in 1894.

Senator Gray. Was there any sentiment at all of a demonstrative character in favor of annexation prior to this emeute?

Mr. Alexander. That subject had been discussed for a good many years. It was considered ultimate destiny in the future.

Senator Gray. Was there any demonstrative action?

Mr. Alexander. No, except that conspiracy, that organization of Ashford, Wilcox, Bush, and others. That took place in the spring of 1892. But that was discountenanced by the conservative people; the best people had no confidence in it.

The Chairman. Was that a movement for annexation?

Mr. Alexander. lt was rather for a republic. The leaders were not respected. They used very gross language about the Queen.

Senator Gray. Was there any native propaganda of annexation sentiment prior to the events you have recited?

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Mr. Alexander. I should say not any native propaganda. The Advertiser, a paper published and edited there by a radical man, was challenged by the organ of the other side to define its position on the question. The editor of the Advertiser said that annexation would be better for the country; that whenever the native people wished it, were ready for it, he would favor it.

Senator Gray. He was what you call a radical annexationist?

Mr. Alexander. That is, more outspoken. Dr. McGrew and others were always in favor of it.

Senator Gray. But the general sentiment there prior to those events was one of content and quiet so far as the Government under the cabinet was concerned?

Mr. Alexander. The general sentiment was that so long as we could have a stable government, one that could paddle its own canoe, they were satisfied. They thought their own interests would be better managed by their own people, and the planters were influenced by a desire for cheap labor, whilst others did not like the McKinley tariff, did not want to come under it. They did not want to undergo again what they had undergone under Kalakaua.

Senator Gray. The state of feeling was quiescent?

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

Senator Gray. And the disposition was manifestly one to be content with the then state of things?

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. In regard to this change in the form of government there, the revolution was, according to your opinion, belief, and judgment caused more by the passage of the opium and the lottery bills, or by the action of the Queen in attempting to change the constitution?

Mr. Alexander. More by the latter.

The Chairman. Do you think the people of Hawaii would have set on foot a revolution in order to get rid of the lottery bill or opium bill, or both, if the Queen had not attempted to promulgate the new constitution?

Mr. Alexander. I think not. They would have tried to remedy it in some constitutional way, within the constitution.

Senator Butler. You speak of the Queen having expressed her intention of withdrawing her purpose to promulgate the new constitution. Did you not say that in your written statement?

Mr. Alexander. Yes; she announced that on Monday morning.

Senator Gray. You heard that on Saturday afternoon?

Mr. Alexander. Her language then was only for a short time, only temporarily.

Senator Butler. Is it your opinion that that announcement by the Queen would have restored order to this interference of which you speak?

Mr. Alexander. It came rather too late, and there was very little confidence in the Queen's word, or in the cabinet.

The Chairman. Tlie people distrusted the Queen and the cabinet?

Mr. Alexander. They considered it an extremely weak cabinet.

Senator Butler. You think, then, it was too late to check the movement that had been set on foot?

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

Senator Butler. Against her and against her cabinet?

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

Senator Butler. You think the withdrawal of her purpose or retraction

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of her purpose, withdrawal of the new constitution, was too late to check this?

Mr. Alexander. I was at the first mass meeting and heard the first two speeches, and then went to the other. I think it was Mr. Young who spoke to the meeting. He said, "Can we trust her?" and the cry was "No," all over the hall. It was the large skating rink where the meeting was held.

Senator Gray. Are the proceedings and speeches of that meeting published in the papers?

Mr. Alexander. Yes; you have it in a pamphlet.

Senator Gray. In some document we have in print here there are extracts, what purport to be extracts from a paper in Honolulu, giving the proceedings of that meeting. Have you seen them?

Mr. Alexander. I have seen them; I presume they are correct.

Senator Butler. Is it your opinion that the lives and property of American citizens would have been put in jeopardy in the then state of feeling in Honolulu but for the United States marines?

Mr. Alexander. I think there were reasons to apprehend that at the time.

Senator Butler. You say there were reasons to apprehend it?

Mr. Alexander. At the time, yes. Looking back on it now, I think probably the white people would have been strong enough to have protected themselves. But there was sufficient reason at the time.

The Chairman. Was the apprehension based upon the fact that mobs in favor of the Crown might rise in hostile opposition to the opposing element, or was it based upon the apprehension that the transitory condition of the Government would let the evil characters loose upon the community—characters disposed to burn and mob?

Mr. Alexander. Rather the latter. The city was paralyzed. There was an interregnum in the law, in the authority on the part of the existing Government, and the new Government had not become organized, and there were warnings about incendiarism. I do not exactly like to use names.

The Chairman. Do you mean of individuals?

Mr. Alexander. Yes. A white lady has told me that a half-white lady came to her and told her that natives were putting kerosene in bottles, and getting cloth, and explained how they would use it to set houses on fire by wrapping it around the posts, etc.

Senator Gray. Did not the danger or apprehension of danger of which you speak originate in the fact that the revolutionary project had already been set on foot by this white element which afterward established a Provisional Government? I do not mean that they were dangerous characters, for I understand you perfectly that they were the better class; but that their activity and proclaimed intentions brought about the condition of things which made the danger.

Mr. Alexander. I suppose if the community had quietly submitted on Saturday the danger would not have existed.

Senator Gray. Exactly. That made the danger, and that making the danger you think was the reason for the presence of the United States troops?

The Chairman. When the resistance became a fact, then, I understand you to say, the apprehensions of danger were not from mobs rising amongst the opposing political elements of the native people or others, but from the paralysis of authority there, which encouraged the licentious classes, the criminal classes, to exploit their operations against private property and against human life?

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Mr. Alexander. Well, the race hatred. Yes, I take it that way. Race hatred might have led to the commission of isolated outrages. I did not expect any organized violence from the natives. Judge Hartwell expressed fear, and gentlemen like him might have told Minister Stevens. I never had the fear of natives that others did; I thought I knew them better.

The Chairman. Let me ask you of the general characteristics of the people of Hawaii. Are they given to forming mobs?

Mr. Alexander. Not generally. I have seen one great mob, in 1874.

The Chairman. Was that a political occasion?

Mr. Alexander. Yes; when Kalakaua was elected they mobbed the court house, where the legislature was assembled, broke in and clubbed the legislature and commenced to sack the building. The ministry had warning of danger taking place, but they made light of the danger, and when the crisis came the native police were of no use.

The Chairman. Was that mob led by white people?

Mr. Alexander. No; by the natives.

The Chairman. It was a mob composed of Queen Emma's adherents?

Mr. Alexander. Yes. They were careful not to attack the white people, except in one case, because there were two American and one English warship in the harbor. They considered that it was amongst themselves. Capt. Belknap had been informed about the danger, and so was the American minister, and they were ready. After a good deal of vacillation the ministry sent the American minister a note. Marines from the two American men-of war joined by a body of marines from the English man-of-war, perhaps 200 or more, marched up and quelled the mob very quickly. They held the city for a week.

The Chairman. Did these soldiers have any conflicts with the population?

Mr. Alexander. They made many arrests.

The Chairman. There was no violence used by the troops?

Mr. Alexander. No. The rioters were struck with fear; they ran out of the court-house like rats out of a burning building.

The Chairman. That riot was between the adherents of Queen Emma and those of Kalakaua?

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. And one in which the white people had no preference?

Mr. Alexander. It was considered that they would prefer Kalakaua.

The Chairman. The Legislature was in session, you say?

Mr. Alexander. The Legislature had just elected Kalakaua.

The Chairman. And was still in session?

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. And they were attacked by this mob of natives?

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. And the mob was repressed after some killings had taken place, I suppose?

Mr. Alexander. Nobody was killed; they were pretty severely clubbed over the head, and one died afterward.

The Chairman. And that was suppressed soon afterward by marines from two American ships and one British ship?

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. And the troops held possession of the city for a week?

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. And then went back to their vessels?

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Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. Did the marines bring any flags with them?

Mr. Alexander. I do not remember. I gave an account of that in a paper I furnished Mr. Blount.

Senator Butler. You have been a long while in Honolulu. What is your opinion of the sentiment of the people, taking them as a whole, in regard to the form of government they would prefer, whether a monarchy or a republic?

Mr. Alexander. In Honolulu itself, I suppose a majority of the natives, at the present time, would prefer a monarchy.

Senator Butler. A majority of the natives woufd prefer a monarchy?

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. By natives you mean Kanakas?

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

Senator Butler. What about the whole population?

Mr. Alexander. There is always a large number of natives very indifferent, always a large number wanting to be on the winning side, whatever it may be—awaiting events. I think there is less of race feeling on the other islands than in Honolulu. That has always been the headquarters of the Palace party, and for some reason or other the race antagonisms are stronger in Honolulu than anywhere else. On the island of Kauai, for instance, the feeling might be the other way.

Senator Butler. Outside of the native population, you do not think the sentiment is or was?

Senator Gray. Was prior to this affair.

Mr. Alexander. I think that probably seven-eighths of the Americans are on the side of the Provisional Government; nearly all the Germans: all the Portuguese, without exception. In regard to the English, they are divided. I think a majority of the English would probably favor a monarchy from jealousy of the Americans.

Senator Butler. A majority of the Americans, I understood you to say, would favor the Provisional Government or more liberal government?

Mr. Alexander. Seven-eighths of them.

Senator Frye. Professor Alexander did not say a majority.

Senator Butler. What did he say?

Mr. Alexander. Seven-eighths.

Senator Butler. Seven-eighths of the American population are in favor of the Provisional Government?

Mr. Alexander. That is my impression.

Senator Gray. How many votes were in that island under the constitution that existed prior to this emeute?

Mr. Alexander. According to the census and the registration of 1890, under the constitution of 1887, there were about 13,000.

The Chairman. Are you speaking of the island of Kauai?

Mr. Alexander. No, the whole islands.

Senator Gray. How would the vote have been, in your opinion, in regard to this Provisional Government, prior to this emeute?

Mr. Alexander. I think it has varied from time to time.

Senator Gray. How do you think it would have been. Do you think a majority of those voters would have been in favor of the Provisional Government?

Mr. Alexander. At the time it was formed?

Senator Gray. Yes.

Mr. Alexander. Probably not. Later it gained in strength. Along

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about August or September the annexation club had 6,200 names on its rolls including about 1,200 natives. Probably at the present time there is a reaction the other way, among the natives, at least.

Senator Gray. Against the Provisional Government. But you think at the time the Provisional Government was formed the people who had the right to vote were in favor of it?

Mr. Alexander. Yes, if you counted noses. There was a number registered. I noticed in the election of 1890 the number of votes cast was actually 11,072; in the election of 1892 it was 10,000 or 11,000 actual votes.

The Chairman. What proportion of the enlightened property-holding element in Hawaii, taking the whole of them together, do you believe was in favor of this Provisional Government at the time of its establishment?

Mr. Alexander. Well, I think about seven-eighths. I judge that from a list that was published in the papers of the tax-payers, who pay taxes on property above a certain valuation, which list gave their names. It was footed up. I remember the footing gave about that result. I think it is safe to say three-fourths.

The Chairman. You are the author of this little history of the Hawaiian people. It is by W. D. Alexander, and is a brief history. Have you carefully examined the facts upon which you have made the historical statements contained in this book?

Mr. Alexander. I have. I spared no means to verify every statement.

The Chairman. And you are satisfied that these historical statements are correct?

Mr. Alexander. Yes. In regard to your asking about the property-holding class?

The Chairman. Well?

Mr. Alexander. I would like to add one word, that the most intelligent natives, those of the best character, independence of character, were on the side of the Provisional Government when I left the islands. I think two-thirds of the native preachers and those members of the Legislature who had independence enough to vote against the lottery bill, and many of those whom I consider the best natives, are on that side. It required a good deal of moral courage on their part, because they were called names, traitors, by their fellow-countrymen, and were threatened in case the Queen came back that it would go hard witli them (and it was confidently believed that the Queen would be restored); that element of the natives has been ignored by some writers on the subject.

The Chairman. Were you in Honolulu at the time that Mr. Blount gave the order to the commander of the Boston to order the American flag hauled down and brought back to the ship by the marines?

Mr. Alexander. Yes; I was a spectator.

The Chairman. Was there any commotion amongst the people on account of that order?

Mr. Alexander. There was not. There was a large crowd of spectators— the feeling was intense, but it was suppressed.

Senator Gray. What sort of feeling?

Mr. Alexander. Well, it depended upon the party to which they belonged.

Senator Gray. There were two feelings, then?

Mr. Alexander. Yes; very intense, or both sides, but suppressed. It was a very impressive scene.

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Senator Gray. The feelings of the friends of the Provisional Government against the Queen were very intense?

Mr. Alexander. Yes. On my part I thought it was a mistake to have declared a protectorate; I thought it was unnecessary.

Senator Gray. You thought it a mistake to raise the flag?

Mr. Alexander. Yes; it tended to put the Provisional Government in a false light. The events following showed it was unnecessary. But, being there, one could not see the flag hauled down without deep emotion.

Senator Butler. Then you think it was unnecessary to have hoisted the American flag?

Mr. Alexander. It was.

Senator Butler. In other words, the Provisional Government could have sustained itself without it?

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. After that time, was there any outbreak on the part of the populace against the Provisional Government.

Mr. Alexander. No; there was not.

The Chairman. No disturbance of the peace?

Mr. Alexander. It was supposed that there was a class, principally composed of white men, which was only deterred by the display of force.

The Chairman. At the time of the hauling down of that flag, what was the strength of the military that was supporting the Provisional Government?

Mr. Alexander. About 200.

The Chairman. Armed men?

Mr. Alexander. Yes; and behind them a very large number of citizen reserves.

The Chairman. You say a very large number. What number do you think?

Mr. Alexander. It had not been organized until about the time I left.

Senator Gray. When did you leave?

Mr. Alexander. In August. I presume that on short notice 400 men could have been collected then.

The Chairman. In addition to the 200 already under arms?

Mr. Alexander. Yes. Later they formed an organization of the citizen guards. About the 1st of October they numbered 800 men. I presume it is larger now.

The Chairman. The Provisional Government was supplied with guns and ammunition for an army of as many as a thousand men?

Mr. Alexander. I do not think they were as thoroughly armed as that when the revolution broke out.

The Chairman. No, at the time this flag was hauled down.

Mr. Alexander. I do not know. I doubt whether they could have armed a thousand men.

The Chairman. At the time you left Hawaii, in August, could they have armed a thousand men?

Mr. Alexander. I think they could. They had imported arms. Arms were on the way when the flag was hauled down.

The Chairman. The Government was importing arms and ammunition?

Mr. Alexander. Yes; I remember I heard the remark.

The Chairman. Was the Provisional Government put into possession

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of all the arms that had theretofore belonged to the Royal Government?

Mr. Alexander. That was doubted. I went to the barracks the next day after the surrender and they showed me the arms. There were 90 Springfleld rides, 75 Winchesters, 4 field pieces, and 10,000 rounds of ammunition. It was rumored that some arms were kept back. I do not know whether it was true.

Senator Butler. Were there any other ammunition or arms of that Government in the hands of the Provisional Government? I mean, were the men supplied with arms and ammunition?

Mr. Alexander. Not that I know of.

The Chairman. Were there any armed forces except in Honolulu and Oahu?

Mr. Alexander. Not now.

The Chairman. The whole force of the Kingdom was concentrated at Honolulu?

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. Were there any fighting ships, called ships of war, belonging to that Government?

Mr. Alexander. None.

The Chairman. Had the Government any ships at all?

Mr. Alexander. No, except steam tugs. These steam tugs towed vessels in and they belonged to the Government.

The Chairman. At Honolulu?

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. And other ports there also?

Mr. Alexander. No.

The Chairman. They had no revenue-marine service?

Mr. Alexander. No. To prevent the opium smuggling they needed a revenue marine.

Senator Butler. Is it your opinion that this Provisional Government could have been established without the interference of United States officials?

Mr. Alexander. Yes, I think so. But I think it is probable that it would not have been done without bloodshed.

Senator Butler. But it could have been established and maintained itself without any interference on the part of the United States officials?

Mr. Alexander. I think so.

Senator Butler. Now, there is only one point—I am speaking for myself only—on which I care to have information, and if you can give any I would be very glad to have you do so, and that is, to what extent the represenatives of the United States Goverment interfered in the affairs of Honolulu. Have you any information which you can give on that subject.

Mr. Alexander. You mean with this last revolution?

Senator Butler. Yes.

Mr. Alexander. They have interfered before on several occasions.

Senator Butler. The United States troops did?

Mr. Alexander. You refer to the last one?

Senator Butler. I refer to the last one. To what extent did the United States Government, through the diplomatic, civil, or naval officials, interfere in the affairs of Hawaii?

Mr. Alexander. I suppose the landing of the troops on Monday night, which was done without asking permission of the ministers, might have been considered an interference.

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Senator Butler. When?

Mr. Alexander. Monday afternoon, at 5—-without asking permission of the ministers, the cabinet.

Senator Butler. The ministers of the Hawaiian Government?

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. Without the permission of the Queen's Government?

Mr. Alexander. Yes. That is the principal point. As to the right or wrong of it, it is not for me to say.

Senator Frye. The Senator asked you if the United States officials did anything.

Mr. Alexander. Simply landed. They did nothing.

Senator Frye. You were asked if they did anything to aid the Provisional Government or the Queen, or anything else.

Mr. Alexander. Their presence on shore, had a moral effect on the natives. They did not know what was going to happen.

Senator Butler. I think I understood you to say that, in your opinion, the landing of those marines was not necessary for the protection of the lives of American citizens?

Mr. Alexander. I would not be positive about that. I think there was reason enough for apprehension to justify their landing. If those things had happened which justified their landing and they had not landed the United States authorities would have been to blame. There is some difference of opinion about it.

The Chairman. Would you undertake to say that it was the opinion among the better class of citizens in Honolulu that there was sufficient occasion to require the intervention of these troops?

Mr. Alexander. I have heard that opinion generally expressed.

The Chairman. Would you say whether or not that was the general opinion there at that time, at the time of the landing of the troops and before?

Mr. Alexander. I am inclined to think so.

Senator Gray. Among that class of the people described by the chairman?

Mr. Alexander. Yes, they felt the insecurity.

Senator Gray. You say the opinion of that element was in favor of the establishment of the Provisional Government?

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. You spoke about the interference of the officers of the Government of the United States on previous occasions. State to to what occasions you refer.

Mr. Alexander. I had in mind the landing to quell the courthouse riot in 1874, and I had in mind the landing of the marines in 1889, in which they did not take part, however, but at which time the Wilcox insurrection was suppressed.

The Chairman. Those were two occasions. Were there any more?

Mr. Alexander. Those were the only ones prior to this.

The Chairman. Were they the only ones where the Government of the United States landed troops for the purpose of protecting the lives of people or for the purpose of protecting the public peace?

Mr. Alexander. I think so.

The Chairman. Was there more or less apparent interference on the part of these troops which were landed on the two occasions you have mentioned than there was on this last occasion?

Mr. Alexander. There was more; because in 1874 they proceeded to arrest the ring leaders of the mob, and they stood guard over the public buildings for a week.

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The Chairman. That was the mob raised to dethrone Kalakaua?

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. And enthrone Queen Emma?

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. Well, the other occasion?

Mr. Alexander. In 1889 they went further than they did at this time, because they loaned 10,000 rounds of ammunition to the Government troops, the white troops that were putting down this insurrection.

The Chairman. Kalakaua's troops?

Mr. Alexander. Nominally, yes; really, the same men who were upholding the Provisional Government. But at that time they were the legal government.

The Chairman. They were upholding it both as against Kalakaua and Liliuokalaui?

Mr. Alexander. That is what is believed—that they connived at Wilcox.

The Chairman. That is, Kalakaua and Liliuokalani?

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. That is, that they were conniving at the movement against the Wilcox cabinet?

Mr. Alexander. It was in Wilcox's report. I know there was a difference between his case and the other; I know the other two had a form of commission from the other Government.

The Chairman. What other men-of-war were in the harbor of Honolulu when these troops landed in January, 1893?

Mr. Alexander. No other men-of-war except the American man-of war.

The Chairman. No British?

Mr. Alexander. No other nation.

The Chairman. So that there was no chance to appeal to any outside power?

Mr. Alexander. No other nation represented.

The Chairman. Do you know anything about the fact of the recognition of the Provisional Government by the ministers of the other powers then located in Honolulu?

Mr. Alexander. I know by hearsay and what I saw in the papers; that is, that Minister Stevens recognised it the afternoon of the 17th, and the others, the German consul and the Portuguese minister, recognised it the next morning, and Mr. Wodehouse verbally recognized it.

Senator Gray. Who is Mr. Wodehouse?

Mr. Alexander. The British consul general. He verbally told them he recognized it, but he did not send in his official recognition until Thursday afternoon.

NOTES ON COL. BLOUNT'S REPORT.

Prof. W. D. Alexander had several informal conversations with Col. J. H. Blount in Honolulu, which were not taken down by his stenographer.

At Col. Blount's request, Prof. Alexander prepared written papers on the history of the uncompleted annexation treaty of 1854, on the general causes which led to the late revolution, on the political history of Kalakaua's reign until 1888, and on the constitutional history of the country since the beginning of this century.

All of these were printed except the last. He also furnished him pamphlets on the land system, the census, etc.

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Col. Blount's sketch of the causes of the late revolution on pp. 3-15 of his report betrays a total misconception of Hawaiian history and of the nature of the political contest that has been going on during the last fifteen years or more.

E.g., on p. 5 he charges to the reciprocity treaty "a new labor system," which preceded it by twenty years, and the "alienation between the native and white races," which had shown itself long before, and the causes of which I have briefly explained in my second paper, and the "many so-called revolutions," which really had no relation to that treaty. On p. 6 is an extraordinary statement about the division of the lands in 1848, which for the first time in history is called "discreditable." He says the Kanaka at that time "generally read and wrote English," which few adults can do now.

His remarks about the descendants of missionaries seem to be borrowed from C. T. Gulick and Nordhoff. The sneering use of the term dates from the days of the "beach-combers" and Botany Bay convicts, who preceded the missionaries in those islands. The descendants of the latter are hated chiefly for their adherence to the principles of their fathers and their endeavors to preserve the constitutional lines on which the Government was administered under the Kamehameha dynasty.

Col. Blount's total misapprehension of history is shown by his astonishing statement on page 7, that the ex-Mormon adventurer Gibson was "free from all suspicion of bribery."

On page 8 he speaks of several criminal acts, proved in open court, as "alleged," and says that the "alleged corrupt action of the King Kalakaua could have been avoided by more careful legislation," when the whole difficulty lay in the autocratic power of the King, which enabled him to appoint the upper house and to pack the lower house of the Legislature. He ignores the fact that it was impossible for a white man to be naturalized unless he was a tool of the King. He passes very lightly over the outrages which caused the uprising of all white men and of the more decent natives in 1887.

On page 10 he omits the vital change made in section 20, which struck at the root of the King's power to pack or bribe the Legislature.

It also should be borne in mind that naturalization in the Hawaiian Kingdom never had included abjuration of one's former citizenship.

Col. Blount is grossly misinformed in regard to the character of the election held after that revolution, 1887. It was the first fair and free election by really secret ballot held for many years. No intimidation whatever. The law was improved afterwards, on the Australian system, by the reform party. The appointment of the upper house was taken from an irresponsible semi-savage monarch and vested in citizens possessing a moderate property qualification. Otherwise all the great financial interests of the country would have been at the mercy of an ignorant populace.

Throughout this sketch he ignores the real distinction between the two principal parties, which for fifteen years have divided the country, the one in favor of reaction in politics, religion, and morals, in favor of free liquor, hulalula dances,sorcery, gambling, gin, opium, and lotteries, and personal government; the other in favor of clean, honest, responsible, and economical government. The former may command a majority of votes in the seaport of Honolulu, but the latter is supported by the property-owners, the leaders of industrial enterprises, and by those who support and carry on all the educational, charitable, and religious work in the country.

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Statesmen will take such facts into account, as well as the anti-American animus of the reactionary royalist party.

PORTUGUESE.

Col. Blount shows a singular hostility to the Portuguese, who form one of the most valuable elements in the islands, the most moral as shown by the reports of the attorney-general and chief justice, and perhaps the most industrious people in the country, and the most easily Americanized. He even goes so far as to say that they ought not to be classed as Europeans.

A colony of these people exists in Jacksonville and Springfield, Ill., where they bear a good character. Their crime, in his eyes, may be their unanimous support of the Provisional Government and their admiration of American institutions.

KANAKA LANDS.

On the other hand, his account of the native race is surprisingly incorrect and superficial, although ample statistics relating to lands, property, occupations, accounts of native character, etc., were before him. He says the "majority (of the common people) received nothing" in the way of land. The fact was that all heads of families received homesteads, if they applied for them, and the census shows that 10 per cent of the natives, counting women and children, are even now landowners. Between 1850 and 1860 a large proportion, 40 per cent, of the Government land was sold, mainly to natives, at nominal prices, and every effort was made to encourage habits of thrift among them. Many are now living on the rents of their lands. The chiefs died out, leaving no heirs in many cases, and their lands were largely purchased by foreigners.

ON THE KANAKAS.

Of the utter incapacity of the Kanaka for business, his improvidence, instability, fickleness, duplicity, and indolence, Col. Blount must have been informed. Accustomed from time immemorial to absolute despotism, they (the Kanakas) ought not to have been expected to become fit for self-government in one generation. Besides, they have been too much petted and pauperized by the Government and their white friends, to develop habits of self-reliance.

E. g., about one-tenth of the native girls are in boarding schools, three-fourths of whom are supported by benevolent white people, with rather unsatisfactory results.

The revival of heathen superstitions under the late dynasty for a political object, is ignored by the commissioner. It is too true that their capacity and progress have been grossly overrated from various motives. They need to be cared for like children. If intrusted with supreme power, they would soon involve themselves and their white benefactors in a common ruin, as was shown in Kalakaua's reign. If it was left to them, they might abolish segregation of lepers, and vote for the lottery and fiat paper money. Of course there are honorable exceptions. In regard to the decrease of the native population Col. Blount's conclusions differ from those of all those who have made a study of the subject on the islands. The reports of births and deaths during the present year, unfortunately, show a constant decrease. It is generally

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estimated at 2 per cent per annum. In order to save them, President Dole and his colleagues have elaborated a plan for giving the Kanakas homesteads out of the Crown lands, not transferable, on condition of occupation.

CONSPIRACY OF 1892, THE "LIBERALS."

To return to Col. Blount's report, p. 14, his statement of the three parties in the late Legislature is very wide of the mark. Col. V. V. Ashford's statement might have helped him to understand it, if he had been willing to use it. I have written a brief sketch of Hawaiian politics from 1887 to 1893, but have lent or given away all my copies of it. Col. Ashford's account, which is in the main correct (although colored by personal animosity and disappointed ambition), describes the conspiracies of 1888 and 1889, in which Liliuokalani was an accomplice. Her own testimony shows how reluctantly she took the oath to the constitution, and how little conception she had of constitutional government.

The revolutionary movement of 1892 (in regard to which Mr. Stevens wrote his letter of March 8, 1892, p. 178, Sen. Doc. 77) was not countenanced by the better class of people, who considered it uncalled for, and had no faith in the unprincipled adventurers at the head of it, most of whom are now royalists. Their dream was a Kanaka democracy, in which they would hold the offices. The Queen's faction, who had a coup d'etat under consideration, tried to form an alliance with them, which was rejected. C. B. Wilson then arrested a large number of them and broke up the conspiracy.

The Queen had made it a condition in appointing her ministry in 1891, that her favorite, Wilson, the Tahitian half white, should be marshal of the Kingdom.

LEGISLATURE OF 1892.

He (Wilson) associated on intimate terms with Capt. Whaley, part owner of the schooner Halcyon and King of the opium smugglers, and with other like characters, and collected around the police headquarters a gang of disreputable individuals, while opium joints and gambling-houses flourished with his connivance, as was believed. At the same time it was well understood that his influence in the administration was greater than that of any cabinet minister.

The so-called liberals in the Legislature of 1892 joined hands with the reformers (who lacked a few votes of a majority), in order to break the power of the palace party and opium ring, and to remove their enemy, Wilson. Three cabinets were voted out as representing this latter element, and as being in complicity with the lottery.

The British commissioner took an active interest in the struggle and encouraged the Queen to resist.

After a four months' contest she yielded temporarily, and appointed a cabinet of conservative reformers, highly respected and trusted by the community.

This cabinet declared itself against the lottery bill and a fiat paper money bill, which was killed, but did not choose to act on Wilson's case till after the adjournment of the legislature. This weakness on their part and the fact that the liberals were not represented in this cabinet so exasperated the latter that they united with their enemies, the palace party, and voted for measures which they had denounced."

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The Chairman. You have prepard a statement in respect of the different constitutions of Hawaii, which statement you have in manuscript?

Mr. Alexander. I have.

The Chairman. And it is correct?

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

Senator Frye. I see Mr. Blount says: "A part of the Queen's forces, numbering 224, were located at the station house, about one-third of a mile from the Government building. The Queen, with a body of 50 troops, was located at the palace, north of the Government building about 400 yards. A little northeast of the palace and 200 yards from it, at the barracks, was another body of 272 troops. These forces had 14 pieces of artillery, 386 rifles, and 16 revolvers."

Are those facts?

Mr. Alexander. I could not state from personal knowledge. I think the other gentlemen who will be here can state.

Senator Frye. You stated that, so far as you had any information, there were 80 soldiers, known as the Queen's Guard, and 60 policemen.

Mr. Alexander. A gentleman will come before you as a witness by and by who was at the station house. My opinion about it would have no weight.

Senator Gray. On page 5 there is a paragraph in Mr. Blount's report which is marked "Not so."

Mr. Alexander. Those are not my marks.

Senator Gray. As your statement was read, my attention having been directed to the marks, I noticed this paragraph, it being the first one. The paragraph is this:

"From it" [that is the reciprocity treaty] "there came to the islands an intoxicating increase of wealth, a new labor system, an Asiatic population, an alienation between the native and white races, an impoverishment of the former, an enrichment of the latter, and the many so-called revolutions, which are the foundation for the opinion that stable government can not be maintained."

That is the paragraph to which you took exception?

Mr. Alexander. It is erroneous in several points.

Senator Gray. Did there come to the islands after the reciprocity treaty "an intoxicating increase of wealth?"

Mr. Alexander. That is one point that is true.

Senator Gray. And was not that the source of a great many evils that followed?

Mr. Alexander. I think it was source of some evils.

Senator Gray. The source of a great many evils?

Mr. Alexander. It led to extravagance on the part of the white people and turned the heads of the natives.

Senator Gray. That increase of wealth which came after the reciprocity treaty was not very evenly or equally distributed over the islands among the population?

Mr. Alexander. Not equally; but it raised wages and increased the rent rolls. The natives as well as the white men profited by it.

Senator Gray. Then you think that paragraph is true?

Mr. Alexander. Yes; I did not except particularly to that. In my history I refer to that.

Senator Gray. Then, with regard to the "new labor system and Asiatic population?"

Mr. Alexander. In regard to the labor system, it dates back to the sixties.

S. Doc. 231, pt 6----43

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Senator Gray. I find in your history the closing paragraph, page 311, you say: "It is to be feared that the recent extraordinary prosperity of the country has not been an unmixed blessing."

Mr. Alexander. I freely agree with that.

Senator Gray. And so far you agree with Mr. Blount?

Mr. Alexander. Yes; the tendency to large estates is not very good; I do not like the system of labor; but it dates back beyond the reciprocity treaty.

The Chairman. Do you think the incoming of Chinese, Japanese, and Portuguese laborers into Hawaii is really a threat against the preservation and prosperity of the Kanaka race?

Mr. Alexander. I think it is injurious. For example, the mass of the Chinese and a majority of the Japanese are unmarried men. That increases the great disproportion between males and females in that country. The Chinese particularly set up little shops all over the country and sell liquor and opium when they can get customers—sell it on the sly, and do a great deal to demoralize the natives.

Senator Butler. Do the Chinese come there to remain or do they generally return home?

Mr. Alexander. Generally return home. I might say that on that point we have a pretty strict law on Chinese immigration. Since 1876 the Chinese have diminished from 23,000 down to less than 14,000—13,000 now.

The Chairman. The policy of Hawaii has been to discourage Chinese immigration?

Mr. Alexander. Yes; and in lieu of that to import Japanese.

The Chairman. Are those Japanese imported with the expectation of their becoming inhabitants of the country?

Mr. Alexander. They are under a three years' contract. The Japanese consul retains three-fifths of their wages to furnish them money to go home.

Senator Butler. Is not that because of this reciprocity treaty?

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. Is it true that what is called the missionary element in Hawaii really desires, and shows that it really desires, by its conduct and dealings with the people, to preserve the Kanaka race?

Mr. Alexander. Decidedly; yes.

The Chairman. You think that that is the real purpose of that element?

Senator Gray. What element?

The Chairman. The missionaries and their associates.

Mr. Alexander. I say that that element supports the charitable and educational institutions of the country.

The Chairman. Is it the disposition of that element to see the Kanaka element go out of the country, or is it their disposition to build the Kanaka element up?

Mr. Alexander. I think the missionary element comprises the strongest friends of the Kanakas.

The Chairman. Is it, according to your understanding, the real purpose or desire on the part of the missionary element to build up and sustain the Kanaka element?

Mr. Alexander. Yes, it is.

The Chairman. Was that the cause of the passage of the restrictive laws on Chinese immigration?

Mr. Alexander. That was one cause.

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The Chairman. You found that the foreign oriental population was building up the country too rapidly?

Mr. Alexander. Yes; the Chinese and the Japanese, come into competition with the white and Kanaka mechanics and shop keepers. They do not remain laborers; they serve out their contracts and try to make a living in some other way.

The Chairman. Suppose the reciprocity treaty were continued with all the benefits which were had before the arrival of the McKinley bill, which you say was a blessing in disguise to the Kanaka people----

Mr. Alexander I suppose many disagree with me about that.

The Chairman. Suppose that condition of things would produce a continuous supply of Oriental people as laborers, what would be the ultimate result of that on the Kanaka people?

Mr. Alexander. They would be displaced gradually and the islands would become a Mongolian colony.

The Chairman. And the Kanakas would disappear?

Mr. Alexander. They would decrease.

The Chairman. There is a decrease there, and you think the ultimate effect would be the disappearance of the Kanakas?

Mr. Alexander. Yes; the liquor and demoralization would hasten the decline of the Kanaka race.

The Chairman. Is there not a purpose, a policy, amongst the missionary element, the more enlightened property-holding element in Hawaii, to prevent that result?

Mr. Alexander. Yes; they are very anxious to save the native race—have made sacrifices of money, time, and labor for the natives. The paper referred to by the Chairman awhile ago is as follows:

SKETCH OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL HISTORY OF THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Organization of the Government under Kamehameha I

After the conquest of the group by Kamehameha I, he consolidated and reorganized the government, and it may properly be said that an unwritten constitution existed. All the lands in the Kingdom were claimed by the conqueror and apportioned among his followers according to their rank and services, on condition of their rendering him military service and a portion of the revenues of their estates. He broke up the old system of district chieftains and appointed governors, kiaaina, over the principal islands. These governors, subject to his approval, appointed tax-collectors, heads of districts, and other petty officers. They also dispensed justice for their respective circuits. The four great Kona chiefs who had raised him to the throne and aided him in all his wars, viz, the twin brothers Kameeiamoku and Kamanawa, their half-brothers, Keeaumoku and Keaweaheulu, were his recognized counselors, and, with Kalanimoku, his treasurer, may be regarded as his cabinet. John Young and Isaac Davis also had great influence with him.

Knowing the worthless character of his heir, Liholiho, Kamehameha by his will, 1819, appointed Kaahumanu, his favorite queen, as kuhina nui, or premier, to exercise equal authority with Liholiho, with a power of veto on his acts.

A general council of chiefs was convened on several occasions, as when Liholiho left for England in 1823; again on the arrival of the news of his death in 1825, to settle the government, in order to make

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a treaty with Commodore Jones, in 1826, to enact the first written laws in 1827, and on other occasions.

On account of the long minority of Kauikeaouli, or Kamehameha III, the council of chiefs had greater weight in the government than formerly and was easily constituted a house of nobles. Up to this time the common people were not considered as having any political rights whatever.

The First Written Constitution, 1839-'40.

Kamehameha III and his chiefs early became convinced that their system of government needed to be remodeled, and wrote to the United States in 1836 for a legal adviser and instructor in the science of government. Failing to procure such a person, in 1838 they chose Mr. Richards to be their adviser and interpreter. He accordingly was released from his connection with the American mission, and entered upon his duties in 1839 by delivering a series of lectures on the science of government to the King and chiefs of Lahaina.

The declaration of rights and the first code of laws were drawn up at that time. At first a draft was made by a graduate of the Lahainaluna Seminary, section by section, at the direction of the King. This was then read to the King and several of the chiefs, who spent two or three hours a day for five days in discussing the proposed constitution and laws, after which the draft was revised and rewritten.

The revised draft then passed a second reading at a meeting of the King and all the important chiefs of the islands, at which some further amendments were made.

It afterwards passed a third reading and was unanimously approved, after which it was signed by the King and published in a pamphlet of 24 pages, June 7, 1839.

Having been composed in the Hawaiian language, the laws show unmistakable marks of their origin. (Haw. Spectator, July, 1839.)

In 1840 the first constitution was drawn up in a similar manner and approved in a general council of the chiefs. It was then signed by the King and the premier, Kekauluohi, and proclaimed October 8, 1840.

The declaration of rights plainly shows the influence of the Bible and of the American Declaration of Independence.

The whole of this constitution gives unmistakable evidence that it was originally composed in the Hawaiian language, and by Hawaiians.

The preliminary declaration of rights, published in 1839, produced a feeling of security unknown before, and formed the first step in establishing individual property in land. It also guarantied religious liberty, and led to the edict of toleration which was issued by the King June 17, 1839.

This constitution declared that no land could be conveyed away without the consent of the King. Land forfeited for nonpayment of taxes should revert to him. He should have the direction of the Government property and of the various taxes. It should be his prerogative to make treaties and receive ambassadors. He should be commander in chief of the army, and "have power to make war in times of emergency, when the chiefs could not be assembled." He should be the chief judge of the supreme court.

The singular office of Kuhina nui or premier was continued. The premier's office was to be the same as that of Kaahumanu, by the will of Kamehameha I. All business shall be done by the premier, under the authority of the King. All Government property should be reported to

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him or her, and he or she should make it over to the King. "The King shall not act without the knowledge of the premier, nor the premier without the knowledge of the King, and the veto of the King on the acts of the premier shall arrest the business." "The King could transact no important business of the Kingdom without the approbation of the premier."

The four governorships, instituted by Kamehameha I, were perpetuated. Each governor was to have the direction of the tax collectors of his island, who were appointed by the King. He had power to appoint the district judges. He was to have charge of the military and of the war material of his island, and of public improvements.

The Legislative power was vested in the house of nobles, composed of 14 hereditary nobles, together with the King and premier, and certain representatives to meet annually, to be elected by the people. The number of representatives was afterwards fixed by law at seven. The two houses could sit separately or consult together at their discretion. "No new law should be made, without the approbation of a majority of the nobles and also of a majority of the representative body," as well as the approval and signature of the King and premier. A supreme court was established, consisting of the King and premier, and four judges, to be appointed by the Legislature.

Amendments of the constitution could be made by the nobles and representatives with the King's concurrence, after a year's notice of said amendments had been given.

But at the next session, held May 31, 1841, an act was passed which gave "the King, the premier and the nobles resident near" authority in special cases to enact a law which should stand until the next meeting of the Legislature, which could confirm or amend it. Under this grant, the King and privy council often, during the next few years, exercised legislative functions.

Organization of the Government 1845-'47.

As has been seen, this first constitution was extremely simple and loosely drawn up.

On the 28th of November, 1843, the two governments of France and England united in recognizing "the existence in the Sandwich Islands of a government capable of providing for the regularity of its relations with foreign nations." But it was soon perceived by the friends of the nation that much yet remained to be done in order to organize a civilized government, worthy of such recognition.

On the 20th of May, 1845, the Legislature was formally opened for the first time by the King in person, with appropriate ceremonies, which have retained ever since. At this session Mr. John Ricord, the attorney-general, made a masterly report on "the inferences of the constitution," and the implied powers and duties of the King, showing the necessity that existed for a series of organic acts, defining the said duties, and creating five departments of the executive, viz, those of interior, of finance, of foreign affairs, of public instruction and of the attorney-general.

By order of the Legislature he afterward drafted two volumes of statute laws, organizing not only these departments but also the judiciary department, which laws were enacted in 1846 and 1847, and form the basis of the present civil code. In fact there has been little change in the machinery of the Government as then set in operation.

By the first act the privy council was constituted, to consist of the

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live executive ministers, the governors, and other honorary members appointed by the King, and its powers were defined.

By the third act the district justices' courts appointed by the governors, the circuit courts created by this act, and the supreme court, were organized, and their respective jurisdictions defined.

Thus, from the crude coustitutional sketch of 1840, a complicated system of government was evolved by the genius of this young lawyer.

On the 30th of June, 1850, an act was passed increasing the number of representatives of the people in the legislative council to 24, and entitling ministers to seats and votes in the house of nobles. Another act was then passed to regulate the elections.

Constitution of 1852.

On the 20th of June, 1851, a joint resolution was passed by both houses of the Legislature and approved by the King, providing for the appointment of three commissioners, one to be chosen by the King, one by the nobles, and one by the representatives, who were to revise the existing constitution, to publish the changes which they should recommend, on or before December of that year, and to submit the same to the next Legislature.

Accordingly the King chose Dr. Judd, the nobles John Ii, and the representatives Chief Justice Lee. The draft which had been prepared chiefly by Judge Lee, and embodied the main points of the organic acts of 1846-'47, was submitted to the Legislature of 1852, where it was discussed article by article.

After receiving several amendments, it was finally approved by both Houses of the Legislature, June 14, 1852, signed by the King and Kuhina, and went into effect December, 1852.

This constitution was well suited to the time, erring, if at all, on the side of liberality, and has served as the basis for all succeeding constitutions.

The declaration of rights in it was elaborate, consisting of 21 articles. The executive, legislative, and judicial powers were to be preserved distinct; "the two last powers cannot be united in any one individual or body."

The King was declared to be the supreme executive magistrate of the Kingdom.

His person was declared to be "inviolable and sacred." His ministers are "responsible."

"All laws that have passed both Houses of the Legislature shall be signed by His Majesty and the Kuhina Nui. All his other official acts shall be approved by the privy council, countersigned by the Kuhina, and by the minister to whose department such act may belong."

He was to be commander-in-chief of the army and navy; "but he shall never proclaim war without the consent of his privy council."

It was by and with the advice of his privy council that he should grant pardons, convene the Legislature, make treaties, appoint ambassadors, appoint and remove the several heads of the executive departments.

The office of Kuhina Nui, as a kind of Vice-King, was retained out of deference to the feeling of the chiefs. The Kuhina Nui was to be "the King's special counsellor on the great affairs of the Kingdom." "The King and Kuhina Nui shall have a negative on each other's acts." During any temporary vacancy of the throne, the Kuhina Nui should act as regent.

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Section III treats of the privy council. The members of the privy council were appointed by the King, and held their offices during his pleasure. The ministers and the governors were ex officio members of the privy council.

Section IV treats of the King's ministers, who were appointed by him and held office "during His Majesty's pleasure." They held seats ex officio in the house of nobles. Each of them was to make an annual report to the Legislature of the business of his department.

Section V treats of the governors. They were commissioned by the King, by and with the advice of his privy council, for the term of four years. The governors "by and with the advice of the justices of the supreme court," appointed the district justices of their respective islands, for the term of two years.

The Legislature was to meet annually in April. The members of the house of nobles were appointed by the King for life, but their number should not exceed thirty. The house of nobles was empowered to sit as a court to try impeachments made by the House of Representatives against any public officers.

The house of representatives should consist of not less than 24, nor more than 40 members, to be elected annually by universal suffrage. All revenue bills should originate in the lower house.

The supreme court was remodeled, to consist henceforth of a chief justice and two associate justices. They held their offices for life, subject to removal upon impeachment. Their compensation could not be diminished during their continuance in office. Circuit courts, not less than four, were ordained, the circuit judges to be appointed for life, during good behavior, subject to impeachment. The higher judges were to be appointed by the king by and with the advice of his privy council.

Amendments to this constitution had to be approved by a majority of one legislature, published for three months before the next election, and finally passed by two-thirds of both houses, and signed by the King.

The King had practically an absolute veto on legislation, but this and other theoretical powers were exercised only in accordance with English precedents by the sovereigns of the Kamehameha dynasty. For example, they never arbitrarily dismissed a minister or ministry from office, or made changes in the civil service except for good cause.

The Working of the Constitution of 1852.

During the next twelve years the constitution worked as well as ought to have been expected. The office of attorney-general was not filled from 1847 till 1863, but district attorneys were employed, while the department of public instruction was made a bureau in 1855 under the board of education.

In 1856 an amendment to the constitution was adopted, which made the sessions of the Legislature biennial instead of annual.

In the session of 1862, among other amendments approved and laid over for final action at the next session, was one which made the right to sit as representative depend on the possession of $250 worth of real estate or an income of $250 per annum.

There was considerable friction between the two houses, especially on money bills, the lower house at that time being decidedly the more business-like and dignified of the two. In 1862 it compelled the resignation of an incompetent and intemperate minister of finance.

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The royal brothers, Alexander and Lot, were extremely jealous of American influence, and had never approved of the radical changes made during Kamehameha Ill's reign, believing them to be wholly unsuited to the Hawaiian people. They were also displeased with the independent spirit shown by the lower house, and its investigating committees.

The Coup D'Etat of 1864.

Prince Lot Kamehameha had resolved never to take the oath to maintain the constitution of 1852, but to seize the opportunity to make such changes in it as would increase the power of the Crown. Accordingly, immediately after the death of his brother, on the 30th of November, 1863, he was proclaimed King, without taking the oath, under the title of Kamehameha V. He was careful not to convene the regular Legislature of 1864, but issued a proclamation May 5 for the election of a constitutional convention, to be held June 13. Meanwhile, accompanied by Mr. Wyllie, Kalakaua, and other reactionaries, he made a tour through the islands, explaining and defending the changes which he desired to make in the constitution.

The convention met July 7, being composed of sixteen nobles and twenty-seven elected delegates, presided over by the King. After a week's debate it was decided that the "three estates" should sit together in one chamber.

The next question was whether this convention had the right to proceed to make a new constitution. It was strongly argued that the "only legal method in which the constitution can be referred back to the constituting powers is prescribed in that instrument itself." "Any other method is revolution, and revolutions do not generally claim to be constitutional." After several days' debate the question was decided in the affirmative, on which four delegates resigned their seats. The convention then went on with the revision of the constitution, but on the subject of the property qualification it was found to be intractable. After a long discussion of the article the King lost all patience, and on August 13 he declared the existing constitution to be abrogated and prorogued the convention.

On the 20th of August, 1864, he promulgated a new constitution upon his own authority, which was never submitted to ratification by the people, but continued in force for 23 years.

Constitution of 1864.

The constitution of 1864 was merely a revision of that of 1852, and there were fewer changes in it than had been expected. It was understood at the time that it was drawn up by Mr. C. C. Harris, the attorney-general.

In the bill of rights, the clause guaranteeing elections by ballot was stricken out.

The clause forbidding the union of the legislative and judicial powers in one person was altered to read, "and no judge of a court of record shall ever be a member of the Legislature."

The useless office of Kuhina Nui was abolished, and provision made for a regency in case of the minority of the heir to the throne, or of the absence of the sovereign from his Kingdom. The chapter relating to governors was omitted, and the subject left to be regulated by statute. The nobles and representatives were thenceforth to sit together in

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one house, to be styled the Legislative Assembly. The number of the nobles was now limited to 20, while that of representatives remained as before, not less than 24 nor more than forty, to be elected biennially. No person should be eligible for representative unless he owned real estate within the Kingdom worth over and above all incumbrances at least $500, or had an annual income of at least $250.

Every voter was required to own real property worth over and above all incumbrances $150, or a leasehold on which the rent was $25 per annum, or to have an income not less than $75 per annum. These property qualifications might be increased by law. He was also required, if born since 1840, to know how to read and write.

In regard to the status of judges, the old constitution had provided that any judge of the supreme court, or of any other court of record, might "be removed from office for mental or physical inability by a concurrent resolution of two-thirds of both branches of the Legislature." In the new constitution the latter part of this sentence was changed to read, "on a resolution passed by two-thirds of the Legislative Assembly, for good cause shown to the satisfaction of the King."

The powers of the privy council were considerably diminished. Its approval was no longer required for appointment to office. Its chief remaining functions were to pass on pardons, grant charters, or appropriate money "when, between the sessions of the Legislative Assembly, the emergencies of war, invasion, rebellion, pestilence, or other public disaster shall arise."

The governors were given by statute nearly the same powers and duties as were secured to them by the old constitution. They appointed the tax collectors, subject to the approval of the minister of finance and district justices, "by and with the advice of the justices of the supreme court." Their chief duty under the law was to superintend the collection of taxes in their respective islands. In point of fact they acted as the King's personal agents, especially in elections.

The Constitution of 1864 under Lunalilio and Kalakaua.

Lunalilo's election was in great part due to the popular discontent with the arbitrary rule of Kamehameha V. On his accession to the throne several amendments to the constitution were approved at the special session of the Legislature held in January, 1873. The most important of these were one to abolish the property qualifications of voters and another to restore the division of the Legislature into two houses sitting separately.

The subject came before the next Legislature for final action, in July, 1874, when the former amendment was duly ratified by a two-thirds vote, but the latter failed to pass.

The number of representatives had been fixed by law at 28 in 1868. An act increasing the number of justices of the supreme court to five was passed in 1886.

The evil tendencies which had begun to show themselves during Kamehameha V's reign went on increasing during the reign of Kalakaua.

At the legislative session of 1884 a law was passed giving the King the sole power to appoint the district justices, through his creatures, the governors, by striking out the clause "by and with the advice of the justices of the supreme court."

At the elections of 1886 almost all the candidates of the King's party were officeholders.

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The personal interference of the King in politics was carried to an extent unthought of before, while the constitutional precedents of former reigns were wholly disregarded. The Government was in danger of becoming an Asiatic despotism like that of Johore, when the revolution of 1887 took place and Kalakaua was compelled to sign and proclaim a new constitution July 6, 1887.

The Constitution of 1887.

The constitution of 1887, like that of 1864, was merely a revision, but for different objects, viz, to put an end to personal government by making the ministry responsible only to the people through the Legislature, and to widen the suffrage by extending it to foreigners, who were practically debarred from naturalization under the existing law.

The declaration of rights remained unchanged except an important addition to art. 20, viz: "and no executive or judicial officer, or any contractor or employe' of the Government, or any person in the receipt of salary or emolument from the Government, shall be eligible to election to the Legislature of the Hawaiian Kingdom. And no member of the Legislature shall, during the time for which he is elected, be appointed to any civil office under the Government except that of a member of the cabinet."

Article 39: "The King's private lands and other property are inviolable," was dropped.

A more important change was made in article 42. The minister, instead of holding office during His Majesty's pleasure, "shall be removed by him only upon a vote of want of confidence passed by a majority of all the elective members of the Legislature, or upon conviction of felony, and shall be subject to impeachment."

The cabinet were to hold seats, as before, in the Legislature, with the right to vote, "except on a question of want of confidence."

The time of meeting of the Legislature was changed from April to May. In article 48 the King's veto power was limited. If he disapproved of a bill, he was to return it to the Legislature, with his objections, within ten days, and if on reconsideration it should be approved by a two-thirds vote of all the elective members it shall become a law.

The number of nobles was increased from 20 to 40. Instead of being appointed by the King for life, the nobles were henceforth to be elected for six years, and serve without pay, one-third of them going out every two years. A candidate for the office of noble was required to own taxable property of the value of $3,000 over and above all incumbrances, or to have an income of not less than $600 per annum, and to have resided in this Kingdom three years.

The same property qualifications and term of residence were required of electors of nobles.

The number of representatives was fixed at 24. No change was made in the property qualification or term of residence of representatives. The compensation of representatives was increased to $250 for each biennial term.

Article 62, on the qualifications of voters, was altered by substituting for the words "male subject, etc.," the words "male resident of the Kingdom, of Hawaiian or European birth or descent, who shall have taken the oath to support this constitution and the laws."

The above provision excluded Asiatics from voting. The other conditions of one year's residence, and of knowing "how to read and

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write either Hawaiian, English, or some European language," were waived for the first election in 1887, but have been enforced ever since.

No change was made in the articles relating to the judiciary. The privy council was retained, but was given even less power than before. Its chief remaining function is to act as a board of pardons.

A new and most important article was added as follows: "Art. 78. Wherever by this constitution any act is to be done or performed by the King or the Sovereign, it shall, unless otherwise expressed, mean that such act shall be done and performed by the Sovereign by and with the advice and consent of the cabinet."

The office of governor was abolished by the Legislature of 1888, and its duties divided between the sheriffs and tax collectors.

The number of judges in the supreme court has been since reduced to three.

Notwithstanding article 78, it was decided by a majority of the supreme court in 1888, that the King, under article 48, could exercise a personal right of veto, in opposition to his ministers.

After the death of Kalakaua, it was also decided by the Court, February 25, 1891, that the new sovereign had a right to demand the resignations of the former cabinet and to appoint a new one.

Most of the changes in the constitution made in 1887 are in strict accordance with the principles of representative constitutional government. That they could have been brought about by regular amendments of the constitution of 1864 is universally admitted to have been impossible.

As the constitution proposed to have been proclaimed January 14, 1893, has been sedulously concealed by its author, I am unable to give any exact information in regard to it.

Respectfully submitted,

W. D. Alexander.

Adjourned to meet on Tuesday, January 9,1894.

WASHINGTON, D. C, January 9,1894.

The subcommittee met pursuant to adjournment.

Present, the Chairman (Senator Morgan) and Senators Butler, Gray, and Frye.

Absent, Senator Sherman.

SWORN STATEMENT OF PROF. WILLIAM DE WITT ALEXANDER—Continued.

Mr. Alexander. I have taken some pains to make a correct estimate of the expenditures for education in the Hawaiian Islands for the biennial period 1890-'92. It is to be a part of my oral testimony given the first day. The total per annum is $284,000.

Senator Butler. I suggest that the statements be printed.

Mr. Alexander. Here is the petition for the lottery. [Producing paper.]

The Chairman. I will read it to the committee. It is as follows:

"THE PETITIONS FOR THE LOTTERY.

"Mr. Nordhoff has attempted to break the effect of the passage of the lottery bill and its signature by the Queen by referring to certain

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petitions in its favor, which have been published at the end of Col. Blount's report, but without date.

"The impression which is sought to be made is that these petitions were sent in shortly before the passage of the said bill, and influenced the mind of the Queen in signing it."

Mr. Alexander. I should have inserted the words "by Mr. Nordhoff," so that it would read: "The impression which is sought to be made by Mr. Nordhoff," etc. I might give a wrong impression if those words were omitted, and I should be sorry to make an insinuation against Mr. Blount. That completes the historical part.

The Chairman. I continue:

"The facts are that these petitions were signed before the first introduction of the lottery bill, which was on the 30th of August, 1892, four and a half months before its final passage.

"The signatures were obtained by a rapid secret canvass, before publicity had been given to the movement, and before any discussion of its effects had taken place. Many signed without reflection who afterward deeply regretted it. As soon as the bill was printed a powerful opposition sprang up, which resulted in its being shelved, as was supposed, forever. Still it was known by some that the Queen and Wilson had been in favor of it from the first, and that the snake had been only 'scotched,' not killed.

Near the end of the session, in the absence of six of its opponents, the bill was suddenly revived, rushed through and signed in the face of a strong and unanimous protest by the chamber of commerce, and numerous memorials and petitions from all quarters.

"The passage of that bill, the voting out of an upright ministry, and the attempted coup d'etat were all parts of one plan to corrupt and destroy honest constitutional government in Hawaii. As it was only one white man dared to vote for it.

"W. D. Alexander."

Is there anything else?

Mr. Alexander. That is all.

SWORN STATEMENT OF LIEUT. LUCIEN YOUNG, OF THE BOSTON.

The Chairman. You belong to the Navy?

Mr. Young. Yes; I am a lieutenant in the Navy, on duty at present in the Navy Department engaged in the work of compiling the Naval War Records of the late rebellion.

The Chairman. Were you on the cruiser Boston in January, 1893?

Mr. Young. Yes; I was on the Boston during her entire stay in Honolulu.

The Chairman. When did the Boston first arrive there?

Mr. Young. On or about the 24th of August, 1892.

The Chairman. Did she remain in the harbor during all the time?

Mr. Young. She only left the harbor twice; once in October, I think it was, we went out to look up some shipwrecked Americans who had been cast upon the large island of Hawaii. We found them and brought them back to Honolulu. Then, on the 4th of January we went to Hilo, on the island of Hawaii, for target practice, and returned to Honolulu on the 14th of January.

Senator Butler. How long were you on that first trip?

Mr. Young. I think five days.

The Chairman. Did Minister Stevens go with you on your second cruise?

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Mr. Young. Yes; he and his daughter went with us.

The Chairman. The one who was subsequently drowned?

Mr. Young. Yes. I helped her into the boat as she was going ashore.

The Chairman. Where were you?

Mr. Young. Off the island of Hawaii. She had been visiting one of the sugar estates there. It was in lowering her into the boat for passage from shore to the Inter-Island steamer, which was done in a cage, that she was drowned. One of the natives told me that he believed she was killed before she struck the water; that the waves struck her and she was killed in the cage. She was to take passage for Honolulu on a little island steamer, not the Boston. We landed her at the same place where she was drowned and then proceeded to Hilo.

The Chairman. Do you remember the date of her death?

Mr. Young. I can get that. We went down on the 4th; returned on the 14th, and her death must have been on the 18th, I should say. I think the minister got the news of the death about the time the revolution was going on.

The Chairman. I will ask you whether or not at the time you first left there you had some acquaintance with the state of public feeling and the situation of affairs generally in Honolulu?

Mr. Young. Yes.

The Chairman. Was there any evidence of a commotion or outbreak?

Mr. Young. When we left none whatever, everything appeared to be settled. And that was the reason that justified us in leaving to get this target practice which we were in need of.

The Chairman. Prior to that time was there any agitation in Honolulu?

Mr. Young. Yes; a good deal of agitation in reference to the voting out of the several ministrys by the Legislature and persistent appointment by the Queen of others inimical to American interests unsatisfactory to the intelligent members of the Legislature and wealthy classes on the islands. This involved a good deal of diplomatic trouble between the American and British ministers in reference to the interests of their respective countries, and I have seen the latter on the floor of the Legislature while in session lobbying. Finally a cabinet was appointed representing the wealth and intelligence of the islands, and also in favor of American interests. When they attempted to vote them out by a vote of want of confidence they failed to do so, and it left the matter looking like they were there to stay and we went away.

Senator Frye. That was the Wilcox cabinet?

Mr. Young. Yes.

The Chairman. So that the situation when you left Honolulu on that cruise was one of quiet, peace, and composure?

Mr. Young. Yes; everything was perfectly quiet when we left the harbor.

Senator Frye. It was the expectation that the Wilcox ministry was to continue for a long time?

Mr. Young. Yes. Minister Stevens told Capt. Wiltse in my presence that he believed the Wilcox ministry would continue, but Capt. Wiltse said that he did not think so.

Senator Frye. Minister Stevens believed it would continue?

Mr. Young. Yes; so he stated to me, and Capt. Wiltse based his opinion on what I heard on shore and reported to him. I heard from

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one of the ministers, Mr. Parker, that all the native members of the Legislature were willing to have this cabinet out, and they expected to get one or two of the whites to go with them, and to vote them out very shortly.

Senator Frye. That was Parker?

Mr. Young. Sam Parker, yes; a former minister of foreign affairs.

The Chairman. Did you communicate that to Capt. Wiltse?

Mr. Young. Yes; I told him that myself.

The Chairman. But the minister did not believe there would be a disturbance of the cabinet, and he went away on this cruise?

Mr. Young. Yes; he did not believe there would be any disturbance at all.

The Chairman. And took his daughter with him?

Mr. Young. Yes; he believed that the ministry had come to stay and they could not be removed.

Senator Gray. What was the date of this cruise?

Mr. Young. Fourth of January when we left Honolulu.

The Chairman. Did Minister Stevens have any other part of his family with him?

Mr. Young. Yes; his wife and another daughter were in Honolulu.

The Chairman. They did not go with you on the cruise?

Mr. Young. No; they remained at home.

The Chairman. Where did you first go?

Mr. Young. The first to Hilo, the port of entry, situated on what is known as the island of Hawaii, the largest of the group, and we returned to Lahaina, on the island of Maui. An intimate friend of mine came on board near midnight from the island steamer that had left Honolulu the afternoon preceding and communicated to me that the Wilcox ministry had been voted out the day before and another one appointed in its stead. I told Captain Wiltse and Minister Stevens. At the time we were getting up steam to return to Honolulu in obedience to orders the evening before that we might arrive there in the daytime.

The Chairman. Is there any telegraphic communication between those islands?

Mr. Young. No; they attempted to construct an inter-island cable, but it soon corroded and was rendered useless.

The Chairman. You have to depend on steamers for communication between the islands?

Mr. Young. Yes, the inter-island steamers. They make their trips twice a week. One is the Widler Company and the other is the Inter- Island Steam Navigation Company.

The Chairman. How many days were you getting into Honolulu from Hilo?

Mr. Young. We left Hilo and returned to Lahaina and were there two days. We left Lahaina at 12 o'clock on the 13th of January, and we arrived in Honolulu at 10:30 o'clock on the morning of the 14th of January—Saturday.

The Chairman. Did Minister Stevens immediately go ashore?

Mr. Young. I am not sure about it. I was sent for by the captain, at least, I was off duty and he requested me, which was equivalent to an order, to put on full dress uniform and accompany the consul-general to the ceremonies of the prorogation of the Legislature. Before the ship was secured even, I left the ship.

The Chairman. Who was the commander of the Boston troops that landed?

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Mr. Young. Lieut. Commander Swinburn; he is down at Annapolis.

The Chairman. Had you been invited to attend the ceremonies of the prorogation of the Legislature?

Mr. Young. We had been invited; yes.

The Chairman. That is customary?

Mr. Young. Yes.

The Chairman. A matter of ceremony?

Mr. Young. Yes.

The Chairman. Did you attend the prorogation?

Mr. Young. Yes.

The Chairman. Were you with any troops?

Mr. Young. There was no one but myself; I was in full-dress uniform.

The Chairman. Do you know whether Minister Stevens left the ship before you did?

Mr. Young. No. My impression is I left before he did.

The Chairman. Did you go immediately to the Government house?

Mr. Young. I went first to the consul-general's and we drove together to the Government building.

The Chairman. That is not Iolani palace?

Mr. Young. No; it faces it, some little distance from it.

The Chairman. About how many yards ?

Mr. Young. I should say about 400 yards.

The Chairman. As much as that?

Mr. Young. It may be less—about 300 yards. The palace is situated in a large square, and King street passes in front of the palace. There is a kind of yard in front of the Government building, I should say between 300 and 400 yards very nearly.

The Chairman. Had you seen the consul-general before that day?

Mr. Young. No; I went to the consulate to meet him.

Senator Frye. Who was the consul-general?

Mr. Young. Mr. Severance. I went direct to the consul-general's office, and we together went to the Government building.

Senator Butler. You mean the consul-general of the United States?

Mr. Young. Yes.

Senator Butler. Was this Government building where the legislature met?

Mr. Young. Yes, sir; that is where the Legislature sits, but it was also the supreme court chamber and the other offices in the same building; but the large hall was the legislative hall. The Legislature was composed of nobles and representatives sitting in joint session.

The Chairman. Did you proceed immediately with the consul-general to the Government building?

Mr. Young. Yes.

The Chairman. What was going on when you got there?

Mr. Young. When I got there there was quite a crowd around the rear end of the building, and two or three leading Americans and Judge Hartwell, who was one of the leading lawyers of the place and minister under Kalakaua, informed me that the Queen contemplated the promulgation of a new constitution immediately after the adjournment of the Legislature, and asked me if I would not go on board ship and inform Captain Wiltse. I went in to speak of it to Consul-General Severance, and he laughed and said, "I do not believe a word of it." I went in and was shown the seat assigned me in the legislative hall, a little to the left and in front of the rostrum where speaker used to

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sit, and which the Queen used when she read her proclamation. After waiting some little time they commenced, and I believe it was about the funniest affair I ever saw in my life—a circus.

The procession was headed by two or three lackeys, and then followed the governor of Oahu, father to the heiress apparent, dressed in a gaudy uniform covered with gold and orders; the chamberlain with attendants all dressed up in uniform, and then came Her Majesty, with a long train, and four lackeys in knee breeches carrying the train, and then the two royal princesses, ladies in waiting, a staff, the four ministers, and other attendants. It was a very amusing scene. Afterwards the proclamation was handed to her in a portfolio, when she stepped to the front of the rostrum and began reading, first in English and then in Kanaka. I do not believe there were more than one or two white members of the Legislature present at the time. The Kanakas and every one were decorated with the various orders of Kamehameha I and Kalakaua, consisting of great big stars stretched out on the breast. It was quite a circus and very amusing.

The Chairman. Were any of them wearing wreaths of flowers?

Mr. Young. No; I did not see any of them.

The Chairman. Do you know what that signifies in Hawaii—the wearing of wreaths of flowers?

Mr. Young. No, I do not. I have heard a great many reasons. But the nearest I could get to it was simply a decoration and ornament. A natural passion for flowers.

The Chairman. Not a badge of office?

Mr. Young. No; simply an ornament—decoration.

The Chairman. Do you remember the Queen's proclamation of prorogation of the Legislature?

Mr. Young. No. I think it was simply to thank them for the faithful performance of their duty, and now that the Government was at peace with everybody, etc., she thanked them for their attendance, and so on—really a complimentary affair; and then wound up by declaring this Legislature prorogued.

The Chairman. That meant that there was to be a new election?

Mr. Young. Yes; the Legislature meets every two years.

Senator Butler. How long had that been in session?

Mr. Young. We arrived in Honolulu about the 24th of August, and I think they had been in session since about the 1st of July. They continued in session up to January 14.

Senator Butler. When it was prorogued by the Queen?

Mr. Young. Yes.

The Chairman. The two houses sit together?

Mr. Young. Yes.

The Chairman. Nobles and representatives?

Mr. Young. Yes.

Senator Butler. IS that the usual way?

Mr. Young. Yes.

Senator Butler. The Queen always appears and prorogues the Legislature?

Mr. Young. Yes. The nobles and representatives sit in joint session

Senator Gray. Vote together?

Mr. Young. Yes; and the ministers sit with them and vote.

Senator Gray. The vote is not taken in each house separately; the roll is not called separately?

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Mr. Young. I have been there and I thought they voted right along as they called the roll.

Senator Gray. And questions are decided by a majority of the whole vote?

Mr. Young. Yes; I have also seen them vote aye and no, by holding up their hands.

The Chairman. Immediately after this legislature was prorogued, what became of the Queen? Where did she go?

Mr. Young. She passed into a large room on the left facing the rostrum; a large reception room about twice as large as this, where she held her reception.

The Chairman. Did you go in?

Mr. Young. Yes; I passed on through the door. The consul told me he was going back to the office. I told him I was there in an official capacity, and I felt it my duty to go through with it.

Senator Gray. You wauted to see the sights of the side circus?

Mr. Young. Yes; the Governor of Oahu, Mr. Cleghorn, stopped me at the door and talked to me in a nervous strain as though to retain me. I passed in and bowed to the Queen and her ministers standing on the right, her aids, and passed on through the door. The Queen looked at me rather savagely, and did not return my salutation with any cordiality at all. I noticed that she acted in a peculiar way. First when she was reading her proclamation I thought she had a little stage fright, but in this reception room I saw that she was under the influence of a stimulant, in fact she was drunk. There is no question in my mind about it at all. Then I passed out into the yard and started to go over into the palace, and I was advised not to go. Then I was told again on the outside that as soon as the Queen came over to the palace she was going to promulgate the new constitution. I was also informed that at the palace the night before there had been placed four or five pieces of artillery, enfilading the approaches to the palace, and that the Queen's household was said to be under arms. I thought affairs looked very serious, and that it was my duty to go immediately on board ship and inform my commanding officer, which I did.

The Chairman. Who told you that?

Mr. Young. Different people.

The Chairman. Can you name them?

Mr. Young. Yes; Judge Hartwell was one who told me, and I was also told by a half-white Kanaka. I do not know his name. I was told by two or three persons.

The Chairman. Did you see those brass pieces?

Mr. Young. Yes.

The Chairman. Where were they?

Mr. Young. I did not see them that day.

The Chairman. Where were they when you did see them?

Mr. Young. Down in the yard of the palace when I saw them.

Senator Butler. Is that palace located in an open reservation?

Mr. Young. Yes; it is a square, a perfect square, and right in the center of this square is the palace. In the top of the palace, the upper part of the palace, there are two halls. They cross each other at right angles. I had this statement confirmed afterward by some of the people stationed there. Wilcox, who was asked to take command of these pieces but refused, told me so afterwards. They were planted at the end of each one of these corridors.

Senator Butler. Is the palace surrounded by streets on each side?

Mr. Young. Yes.

S. Doc. 231, pt 6----44

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Senator Frye. The Wilcox you reter to was C. P. Wilcox?

Mr. Young. He was a young man who was sent by Kalakaua to Italy to be educated in the military school there. The Queen asked him to take charge of these pieces in the palace, and he declined to do it, and they were then placed under the command of Nowlein, who was in charge of the Household Guards, and he took charge. He told me he had men stationed there all the time.

Senator Butler. Where did you go?

Mr. Young. I went aboard ship and reported to Capt. Wiltse what was going on, and he ordered me to go on shore in citizen's clothes and learn all I could and keep him posted. I went on shore and I found what I had heard before had become general throughout the town.

Senator Butler. What about the promulgation of the new constitution?

Mr. Young. Yes; and also that a large meeting was in progress at W. O. Smith's office, on Fort street. I went in there and I made some inquiries, and I was told that two of the ministers had appealed for protection, and that the Queen had threatened to shoot them.

Senator Frye. They were the Queen's present ministers?

Mr. Young. Yes; Mr. Peterson and Mr. Colburn. Mr. Peterson and Mr. Colburn told me afterwards that they believed the Queen would have had them shot if they had not gone out.

Senator Butler. Out of the palace?

Mr. Young. Yes.

Senator Butler. Where were the troops located?

Mr. Young. In the palace grounds, inside of this reservation, and the police were down at the police station. And there was quite a number of people in W. O. Smith's office, most of them white, a good many Kanakas; I should say there were three rooms packed and jammed with people. I could not get into the inner rooms from the crowd, and they appointed a committee of safety.

The Chairman. How far was this office from the police station?

Mr. Young. Not more than 800 to 1,000 yards.

The Chairman. How far from the Government buildings?

Mr. Young. About three-quarters of a mile.

Senator Butler. Is that this place, put down on the maps as the barracks?

Mr. Young. No; different place. [Indicating on the diagram.] I passed on down King street and went into the palace grounds after leaving Smith's office. I met several gentlemen, and asked them for information. When I went into the palace grounds there were two natives on the balcony of the palace haranguing the Kanakas, the overseer standing near them; and a man there, who interpreted what was said, stated that the Kanakas were stating to the crowd that the ministry, under the influence of the whites, had prevented the Queen giving them a new constitution, and they were appealing to the crowd and asking them to rise and shoot the crowd, whites and all.

The Chairman. That was afterwards interpreted to you?

Mr. Young. Interpreted to me at the time.

The Chairman. By those Kanakas?

Mr. Young. Yes, at the time.

The Chairman. As the statements were being made were these two men standing by the Queen?

Mr. Young. Yes.

The Chairman. Were they on the balcony?

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Mr. Young. Standing on the balcony.

Senator Butler. This meeting at Smith's office was in sympathy with the Queen.

Mr. Young. No; in sympathy with the old ministers. Coleburn and Peterson came down town and appealed to these people to protect them, stating that the Queen had threatened to shoot them, and it was threatened that they were to be locked up. A great many people, more people, came on in this place. The rooms were crowded; there were 250 to 300 persons there.

Senator Butler. In Smith's office?

Mr. Young. Yes, and gathered around the door. I stayed in there a short time and then passed on down to the palace, and after I got a cab and drove around town, came back to the business portion of the town, and I sent three or four messages over to Capt. Wiltse, telling him what was going on. I stayed on shore until 12 o'clock that evening.

The Chairman. Or night?

Mr. Young. At night. At night quiet crowds gathered arouud town and also in the club, and in the conversation all who had been the Queen's supporters were bitterly denouncing her acts, and there was nothing indicating anything but an effort to stop the Queen from promulgating her constitution. I met Chief Justice Judd, who stopped me and told me he had been in the palace some three or four hours, somewhere in that neighborhood, and he said that they had finally persuaded her not to promulgate the constitution that afternoon, but she insisted that she would do it in two or three days. But Chief Justice Judd said: "The trouble is over, and I think we may be able to stop it yet."

Senator Butler. You were in citizen's dress?

Mr. Young. Yes.

The Chairman. Is Mr. Judd the chief justice of the supreme court of Hawaii?

Mr. Young. Yes.

The Chairman. He was not disturbed in his office?

Mr. Young. No. The only officials removed were four of the cabinet and also the marshal, and also of the guards.

The Chairman. When you speak of having gone from Smith's office to the palace grounds where you heard translated what these Kanakas said, did you see any artillery or other arms?

Mr. Young. The Household Guards were all under arms.

The Chairman. How many were there of them? Mr. Young. About 60 of them.

The Chairman. Where were they?

Mr. Young. In front of the palace, drawn up in lines near the approach to the palace, and some of them were on sentry duty back in the yard.

Senator Butler. Do you know of your own knowledge whether they were supplied with ammunition or not?

Mr. Young. Yes.

The Chairman. Did you find any other persons on that occasion?

Mr. Young. No.

The Chairman. Did you find any society or body of men in array?

Mr. Young. None at all.

The Chairman. Were there many citizens, and if so, how many, around the palace building at that time?

Mr. Young. One part of the palace grounds was crowded.

The Chairman. With whom?

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Mr. Young. Kanakas and whites both, and also King street down facing Palace Square.

The Chairman. Were they making any demonstration?

Mr. Young. No.

The Chairman. Any cheering, hurrahing?

Mr. Young. No. On the contrary the natives themselves even stopped these two Kanakas from speaking. They went up and tried to stop them. One of them, named White I think, they caught him and pulled him down from the balcony, and as they did he continued to screech, out and holler his remarks as they pulled him down from the balcony.

Senator Gray. Was he sober?

Mr. Young. I do not think he was.

The Chairman. Did you get what he said after they pulled him down from the balcony?

Mr. Young. Yes. I was told that he said, "I will not stop; I will continue until we get the constitution, or we will drive every white off the island."

The Chairman. That was while the Kanakas were pulling him down from the balcony?

Mr. Young. Yes.

The Chairman. How high was that balcony where the Queen stood above the ground?

Mr. Young. About ten or fifteen feet.

The Chairman. These persons who pulled down this Mr. White, did they climb up?

Mr. Young. Yes; it is near the stairway.

The Chairman. Was the Queen near the stairway?

Mr. Young. Yes; right by the door.

The Chairman. Ss that she was accessible to the persons from the outside?

Mr. Young. Yes.

The Chairman. Did you see any of the artillery around the palace at that time?

Senator Gray. When was the first time after that that you saw these little brass pieces?

Mr. Young. It was some little time after. The new Government got them down when I saw the pieces.

Senator Butler. This was the 14th?

Mr. Young. On the 14th.

Senator Butler. The day of your arrival?

Mr. Young. Yes.

Senator Butler. What time of day?

Mr. Young. About 5 o'clock.

Senator Butler. In the afternoon?

Mr. Young. Yes.

Senator Butler. You had been in yonr uniform and attended the prorogation?

Mr. Young. Yes.

Senator Butler. And then you returned aboard ship and returned in citizen's dress ?

Mr. Young. Yes; under the orders from the captain.

Senator Butler. That was how long after the prorogation?

Mr. Young. They prorogued the Legislature about 11 o'clock; this was about 5—5 or 6 o'clock, afterwards.

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Senator Butler. After the Queen had retired from the Government building to the palace?

Mr. Young. Yes. She had gone to the palace about 1 o'clock, after the reception.

The Chairman. This collection of the people around the palace relates to the palace of Iolani?

Mr. Young. Yes.

The Chairman. Not to the Government building?

Mr. Young. Not to the Government building.

The Chairman. After the prorogation of the Legislature the Queen went to her palace?

Mr. Young. Yes. She has a place on Beretania street.

The Chairman. How far is the Queen's palace from the Legislature?

Mr. Young. About 300 to 400 yards.

The Chairman. What time did you get on board ship that evening?

Mr. Young. About a few minutes before 12 o'clock.

The Chairman. In the meantime had you received any instructions from Captain Wiltse?

Mr. Young. I simply received a return message to a message from me, telling me to continue and get all the news I could.

The Chairman. Was that a verbal message?

Mr. Young. Yes.

The Chairman. Not in writing?

Mr. Young. Not in writing.

Senator Frye. Have you completed your statement of the information you secured up to the time you went back aboard ship?

Mr. Young. Yes, that is about the whole of it.

The Chairman. That was on Saturday?

Mr. Young. Yes.

Senator Gray. The 14th of January?

Mr. Young. The 14th.

The Chairman. Did you report to Capt. Wiltse when you got back?

Mr. Young. Yes.

The Chairman. Did you give him information of what you had seen after you got on shipboard?

Mr. Young. Yes.

The Chairman. As you have stated it here?

Mr. Young. Yes.

The Chairman. Did you state to Capt. Wiltse that peace could have been preserved without the intervention of the troops?

Mr. Young. Yes; I told him there would be no trouble that day, but it would come; that from the temper of the people if the Queen attempted it there would be an uprising. I had heard conversations to that effect all over the city, even by her own adherents.

The Chairman. How long did you remain on board ship before you returned on shore?

Mr. Young. Until Monday afternoon, when I returned with the battalion.

The Chairman. Were you in command of any part of the battalion?

Mr. Young. Yes, the artillery.

The Chairman. What time did you get orders?

Mr. Young. At about half past 10 o'clock I was on duty—we were washing down ship after the cruise—about half past 10 Capt. Wiltse sent for me and told me the condition of affairs and what he had heard and it looked like they were going to have trouble; that the government

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could not under any circumstances protect life and property, and that he felt that he would have to land the troops. He asked me how long I would be before I could land two Gatling guns and two 37 revolving cannon. I told him, a half hour. He said, very well, and told me to look around and see that everything was all right, "I think I will have to land the troops." I remarked to him, "I think they should have landed the evening before from what I heard," and he said he did not want to do it until it was necessary. I got one Gatling gun and one 37 R. C. and a caisson of ammunition all ready to land.

Shortly afterward I was sent for by Capt. Wiltse, and Capt. Wiltse always took me in his confidence in pretty nearly everything he did. He closed his door and read me his confidential letter of instructions from the Department and also from Admiral Brown. We discussed the matter, and he stated under the circumstances—he wanted to discuss the matter with me—I made the remark that in case we landed we would have to be very careful or we would be accused of taking part with one side or the other.

The Chairman. The letter from the Department of which you speak was from the Navy Department?

Mr. Young. Yes.

The Chairman. Where was Admiral Brown1?

Mr. Young. Admiral Brown was on the San Francisco and in command of that station at the time of delivering his instructions.

The Chairman. Where was Admiral Brown at the time?

Mr. Brown. I think Norfolk, Va., at the time. When he left Honolulu he left instructions with Captain Wiltse, as the admiral in command of the station, to be followed out in his absence.

The Chairman. These papers were read to you?

Mr. Young. Yes.

The Chairman. Have you any copies of them?

Mr. Young. No.

The Chairman. Would the ship's papers show copies of them?

Mr. Young. No, they were not in Capt. Wiltse's letter book. They are of a confidential nature and were kept locked up in a separate drawer. They could be found in the Department, I suppose, with the official papers of the ship.

The Chairman. Can you remember the instructions of the Navy Department to Capt. Wiltse?

Mr. Young. They are extracts from the confidential instructions that were sent to Minister Stevens.

The Chairman. By whom?

Mr. Young. By the State Department. I do not remember the gist of them. We discussed the landing more than we did the paper. My recollection is that the paper stated that you will use every means and endeavor to act in concert with the minister to preserve and protect our treaty rights with the Sandwith Islands, even if necessary to use force. My recollection is that is about the gist of it.

The Chairman. Now, the instructions given by Admiral Brown?

Mr. Young. Simply a memorandum of the instructions of a similar nature, and also to land the forces once a week for drill and exercise; that they had permission from the Government to land the men under arms for that purpose?

The Chairman. At Honolulu?

Mr. Young. Yes.

The Chairman. Had there been drills of that kind?

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Mr. Young. Every week. We landed once a week on the permission of the Government and used the baseball grounds. They drilled there often, and a great many people came down to see them, it seemed to be a kind of pleasure to the inhabitants of the city when things were favorable. We had one of the best battalions I have ever seen.

The Chairman. What is the strength?

Mr. Young. Three companies of blue jackets, one of artillery, and one of marines, making 154 all told, and about 10 officers.

Senator Butler. How many marines?

Mr. Young. Thirty-two marines, I think.

The Chairman. What time did you leave ship?

Mr. Young. About 5 o'clock—I suppose about a quarter of 5. We were ordered to land at 4, and our battalion was gotten together immediately after dinner, which was between 12 and 1. That was Monday, the 16th. On Saturday the Legislature was prorogued; on Sunday the agitation was kept up, and on Sunday night the volunteer forces around town began to arm.

Senator Butler. Were you on shore then?

Mr. Young. Yes, sir; on Saturday and Saturday night. They met at two rendezvous, 1 was informed, one on Emma street and the other on Nuuana avenue.

Senator Frye. They were the Provisional Government's volunteers?

Mr. Young. I never heard of any Provisional Government or intimation of it until Monday morning.

Senator Frye. They were the whites?

Mr. Young. They were the whites armed, as I understood, to protect themselves against the promulgation of the new constitution, which constitution, I was told, deprived them of all rights and franchises.

Senator Gray. Were you present at those rendezvous?

Mr. Young. No; I was told about it by informants, and after by participants.

The Chairman. I want to know if any troops left the ship before the detachment which you commanded.

Mr. Young. No; we landed in a body.

The Chairman. You went first?

Mr. Young. Yes.

The Chairman. That was 5 o'clock in the evening?

Mr. Young. Five o'clock in the evening. We got the men armed and equipped for heavy marching order—knapsacks and double belts of cartridges holding from 60 to 80 rounds. And I had the caisson filled, taking in all about 14,000 rounds of caliber .45 for the rifle and gatling, 1,200 rounds of caliber .38 for the revolvers, and 174 common explosive shells for the revolving cannon. Each one of these belts carried from 60 to 80 rounds. About 3 o'clock Minister Stevens came on board and was in consultation with Capt. Wiltse. The captain sent for the officers going with the battalion, and had a conference in his cabin.

The Chairman. Did you hear it?

Mr. Young. Yes. Minister Stevens told the captain that there was a very large massmeeting that afternoon in the old armory on Beretania street, and they had agreed to support the report made by the committee of safety to abrogate the monarchy; and that there was a counter mass-meeting held by low whites and Kanakas in Palace Square, whose action indicated an opposition to them, and that these things indicated that trouble was to take place; that the committee of safety through him had asked Capt. Wiltse if he would land the troops to

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protect life and property. He remarked to the captain that he need not apprehend any danger of being fired upon, because nothing of the kind had ever been done under any circumstances. After a few minutes Capt. Wiltse turned to him and said, "I have decided to land the troops already, and I will land them at 4 o'clock; they are all ready to land, and here is an order I have written to the commanding officer, Lieut-Commander Swinburn." The order was taken almost bodily from the confidential letter to Captain Wiltse.

Then one of the officers present made the remark, "Captain, in case there is a change in the situation and we should be attacked by any one of the contending parties how far are these orders to extend; what shall we do under such circumstances?" Capt. Wiltse then supplemented his written order by the verbal statement, "The situation is such that it will require a great deal of judgment on the part of you officers who are going on shore; you have been here a number of months, and know all the Americans and their property; that is what I want to protect, and I want you to be careful and remain as neutral as you can." Those were the oral instructigns. Mr. Stevens then made the remark, "I am very glad you are going to land them, because I think it is absolutely necessary." Mr. Stevens then left the vessel and returned to the shore.

The Chairman. How far from the coast was the Boston at that time?

Mr. Young. About a half mile. We were anchored, moored, at least, in what is known as the Naval row in the harbor.

The Chairman. Did you change the position of the ship?

Mr. Young. No, not at all: she remained in the same position all the time.

The Chairman. Were the guns trained on the city in any way?

Mr. Young. No.

The Chairman. When you came out how many boats did it require to bring your men, the whole detachment?

Mr. Young. We could have brought them in fewer boats; but we divided them in platoons, and each platoon took a boat.

The Chairman. How many boats did it take?

Mr. Young. Four companies making 8 platoons, and each platoon had a boat.

The Chairman. Were they landed in a body?

Mr. Young. Yes, they formed immediately on getting on shore with the artillery in the rear.

The Chairman. Who was in command?

Mr. Young. Lieut. Commander Swinburn, the executive officer of the ship.

The Chairman. Where was the company ordered to go?

Mr Young. We had no definite point at all. We landed at Brewer's wharf, and marched up to the corner of Fort and Merchant streets, where the consul general's office was, and there left a marine company, which was to protect the American legation and consulate. The rest of the battalion turned and marched down King street in front of the palace, and as we passed the palace the Queen was standing on the balcony, when we gave her the royal salute by drooping the colors and four ruffles on the drums. We passed the palace 250 yards, and there waited until we could find some place to go into camp. We made an effort at first to get the old armory near the landing, so as to be near our base of supplies and throw out pickets in case of emergency. But we failed to get that, and then tried to get the opera house. They were the only two buildings near the center of the town, and not being able

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to get them we went to the yard of a white man named Atherton, and there we bivouacked under the trees in the rain until 9.30 p.m, when the aid to Capt. Wiltse reported they had secured a little hall in the rear of the opera house, known as Arion Hall, which is used as a Mormon temple now, I believe. We marched there and went into camp.

Senator Gray. Inside the building?

Mr. Young. Inside the building; yes. And the yard was turned over to us also. I was detailed as officer of the day, and stationed my pickets and guards around inside the inclosure and not out. I then patroled myself in front the opera house, where I could get a view of the vicinity of the fortified police station and center of the city along King street and the cross street cutting in at Palace Place, also the vicinity of the Government barracks across the Palace Square, the approaches to the armory occupied by the revolutionary forces, and the grounds surrounding the Government buildings. I sent out men to get all the information that I could. I know that when we marched through town I never saw a policeman; but when I went outside to get men to obtain information for me, I was informed that the police to the number of about 80 were fortified in the station house, and 60 troops were in the barracks, all under arms, and afraid to come out.

The Chairman. The Queen's troops?

Mr. Young. The Queen's troops. And there was nobody out on the streets to protect any one, to prevent incendiarism and pilfering. I had a full view down King street and of the approaches to this police station; also to the heart of the town down the other street, which puts in there from Fort street.

Senator Butler. Did you carry your artillery with you?

Mr. Young. It was all in the park. From there I had a view down to the police station; and across here [indicating on diagram] I could see. Here [indicating] is the armory; that [indicating] is where the barracks are, where the Government troops were; they were stationed principally in the palace grounds. I heard them drilling all night long, giving orders. I could see across this square [indicating], and across this place here [indicating]. I could control down there [indicating]. There were 2 alarms during the night, fire alarms of an incendiary nature, and I called out the guards ready for action till I got information they were not needed. I sent off a courier to find out what this fire was, and finding it was not American property I made no further move, but returned the guard to their quarters.

The Chairman. How far away from the camp were those fires?

Mr. Young. One on Emma square, which is about two squares off; the other on Beretania street, about a mile off. I have no doubt that the drawing up of the guard inspired confidence among the people. The Government troops were 80 and 60, and those were all the troops they ever had at any time. Mr. Wilson showed me a statement where he claimed that he had 800 men. I told him that I had been informed by participants, and I had verified their statements, that he had only 80 and 60, and he laughed and told me of course he had not that number; but he had appointed a number of men around town as spies, who gave information, and he knew a lot of Kanakas he could call in to make up the number. He never had but 80 and 60 under his command.

Senator Frye Of the Queen's guard and police?

Mr. Young. Queen's guard and police. At the same time there were 175 men under arms of the volunteer force. They were quartered in the appointed rendezvous on Emma street and at the old armory, and 50 more down at the other rendezvous on Nuuana avenue.

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Senator Butler. How many men did you land?

Mr. Young. We landed 154 men and 10 officers.

The Chairman. Who had command of the troops at the Queen's palace.

Mr. Young. Nowlein.

The Chairman. They were the Queen's army?

Mr. Young. Yes.

The Chairman. She had no other army but that?

Mr. Young. No.

The Chairman. Who had charge of these troops at the police station?

Mr. Young. Wilson, the marshal.

The Chairman. He was commander in chief, next to the Queen?

Mr. Young. Yes. The Attorney-General was over him; but he was at the head of the troops.

The Chairman. I suppose you took rations with you over to the camp?

Mr. Young. Yes. We took only enough to last that evening, and we detailed cooks the next morning to send our rations from the ship.

The Chairman. Already cooked?

Mr. Young. Yes.

The Chairman. How soon after getting there did you first see Capt. Wiltse on shore?

Mr. Young. I saw Capt. Wiltse in the evening, just shortly after we arrived at Arion Hall, and I had some little talk with him.

Senator Butler. Did he appear in full uniform?

Mr. Young. Yes; he was in uniform at all times. In conversation he intimated to me that he supposed he would have to follow out all other precedents in order to prevent any incendiarism, pilfering, injury to life and property, and would have to stop all fighting in the streets.

The Chairman. Did Capt. Wiltse go back on shipboard that night?

Mr. Young. Yes.

The Chairman. When did you again see him there?

Mr. Young. The next morning—next forenoon.

The Chairman. Did he make any change in his orders the next day?

Mr. Young. None at all.

The Chairman. Where did you remain on Tuesday?

Mr. Young. In Arion Hall two days, and then we went down to the old Bishop building, on King street, not over 300 yards from there. Arion Hall was only a temporary affair, because we could not get anywhere else.

The Chairman. How long did the troops remain at Camp Boston?

Mr. Young. I left with a contingent of the artillery on the 3d of February; then there was one company on the 4th of March returned to the ship and the rest reembarked on the 1st of April.

The Chairman. Under whose orders did you leave?

Mr. Young. Under the orders of Capt. Wiltse.

The Chairman. From whom did he receive orders?

Mr. Young. No one at all. He was the senior officer present.

The Chairman. He did not receive any instructions from Mr. Blount?

Mr. Young. He was not there then. Admiral Skerrett received instructions from Mr. Blount?

The Chairman. That was later.

Mr. Young. That was the last of April.

Senator Butler. At what time did Admiral Skerrett arrive there?

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Mr. Young. Admiral Skerrett arrived somewhere at out the middle of February.

Senator Butler. The San Francisco was his flagship?

Mr. Young. The Mohican was his flagship; and after the Mohican left he transferred his flag to the Boston, and then to the Philadelphia after it arrived to relieve the Boston.

The Chairman. These troops remained how long on shore?

Mr. Young. The first were withdrawn on the 3d of February. We landed on the 16th of January, and remained there until the 3d of February, when I withdrew, went on board with the main portion of the artillery; another company left about the middle of March, and all of them were withdrawn on the 1st of April.

The Chairman. Who was in command of the fleet there at the time these respective detachments were withdrawn?

Mr. Young. Admiral Skerrett.

The Chairman. All the time?

Mr. Young. No. I returned on board with the artillery before Admiral Skerrett arrived.

The Chairman. Under the orders of Captain Wiltse?

Mr. Young. Yes. After Admiral Skerrett arrived I landed with my men and junior officer for inspection, and returned on board the same day.

The Chairman. Did you land for the purpose of inspection?

Mr. Young. That is all.

The Chairman. And did not go into camp?

Mr. Young. No.

The Chairman. These troops under Admiral Skerrett remained there how long?

Mr. Young. Until the 1st of April, when they were ordered to return aboard ship by Mr. Blount.

The Chairman. Those were the last of the troops?

Mr. Young. Yes.

The Chairman. Before that they had been returned in detachments?

Mr. Young. Yes.

The Chairman. What men returned on the 1st of April?

Mr. Young. A company of blue jackets and company of marines that were still on shore.

The Chairman. On the 1st of April?

Mr. Young. Yes.

The Chairman. When you got to Camp Boston did you erect a flagstaff?

Mr. Young. Yes.

The Chairman. That was to indicate that it was the camp of the American troops?

Mr. Young. Yes; and also closed all the approaches to it, and no man was allowed out of that camp without leave of absence, except the officers, and they had to be in by 9 o'clock at night. We simply confined ourselves to that camp, and confined the men there.

The Chairman. You had strict military discipline?

Mr. Young. Military discipline, and drills there the same as any camp. Late in the evening we would go down to Palace Square, where we would have more room, for dress parade, and were witnessed by everybody. After we first went into Camp Boston we sent out a grand guard—that is, a company in one direction and then in another—for the purpose of seeing that American property had not been injured or

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touched, and also to prevent any incendiarism or anything of that nature.

Senator Gray. Let the people know that you were there?

Mr. Young. Yes; which we had done on all occasions of that nature.

Senator Butler. Did you send out a detachment to patrol over the city at any time?

Mr. Young. No; no patrol beside that.

Senator Butler. Beside the grand guard?

Mr. Young. No.

Senator Butler. No separate patrol?

Mr. Young. No; they were the only ones.

The Chairman. Did you post any sentinels over the city—over the buildings?

Mr. Young. None until the protectorate was declared and the flag was raised over the Government building, when we left a marine guard there. That was to protect the building; nothing to do outside. All the police duty was done by the Provisional troops; all our marines remained in the camp.

The Chairman. Where was their camp?

Mr. Young. Inside the legislative hall. They took that for their barracks.

Senator Butler. What troops were those?

Mr. Young. The company of marines.

Senator Gray. They were camped in the Government building?

Mr. Young. Yes.

Senator Gray. When did they go there?

Mr. Young. When they hoisted the flag. When the flag was hoisted I have forgotten now; I think it was the 1st of February.

Senator Gray. You mean the American flag over the Government building.

Mr. Young. Yes; and the staff is there still, not taken down.

The Chairman. During the time that this guard of marines remained at the Government building, were the offices there occupied by the Provisional Government?

Mr. Young. Yes.

The Chairman. Was there any guard of the Provisional Government there?

Mr. Young. Yes; they did all the guard duty out in the yard.

The Chairman. Where did the marines do guard duty?

Mr. Young. Only right there, in their own quarters. They had no sentries out, to my recollection. There was an orderly kept in front of the building.

The Chairman. By whose order was that flag put up at the Government building, and on what day?

Mr. Young. It was put up by the order of Capt. Wiltse, and our men did it. There was a proclamation issued declaring a temporary protectorate, etc., signed by the minister and approved by Capt. Wiltse. It was read by the adjutant at the time of raising the flag, and immediately the Boston fired 21 guns, with no flag exhibited at the masthead. In firing a salute we always have the flag of the nation we salute at the masthead.

The Chairman. What was the cause of firing this salute?

Mr. Young. To salute our flag.

Senator Gray. If you had been saluting the Hawaiin Government you would have had the Hawaiian flag at the masthead?

Mr. Young. Yes.

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The Chairman. At the time you fired this salute there was a protectorate proclaimed?

Mr. Young. Yes; a temporary one.

The Chairman. Signed by the minister and approved by Captain Wiltse?

Mr. Young. Yes.

The Chairman. And read to the troops at Camp Boston?

Mr. Young. No; we left Camp Boston at 8:30 and were drawn up in line at the Government building when the flag was hoisted.

The Chairman. What day was that?

Mr. Young. The 1st of February. There were Provisional troops that flanked our troops on the left and rear.

Senator Butler. Do you know whether Capt. Wiltse reserved a copy of that proclamation?

Mr. Young. Undoubtedly. It would be in his letter book.

The Chairman. Do you remember the substance of the proclamation?

Mr. Young. I have forgotten exactly how it started, but the gist was "Hereby declare a temporary protectorate over the Hawaiian Islands, pending negotiations in Washington."

The Chairman. Was there any change in or withdrawal of that proclamation between that time and the time that Mr. Blount directed the troops to go aboard ship?

Mr. Young. None at all; remained in that situation until Mr. Blount ordered the troops aboard ship and ordered Admiral Skerrett to haul down the flag.

The Chairman. What was the state of the public mind during this period of the occupancy by the United States troops from the time the flag was raised until it was withdrawn? I speak now in respect of the arrangement of the people there—whether there was any excitement or irregularity.

Mr. Young. While it was hoisted there was no irregularity or disturbance, nor did I hear any but favorable comment about it.

The Chairman. What do you estimate, or do you know anything about it, the military strength of the Provisional Government at the time that flag was ordered returned on board ship by Mr. Blount?

Mr. Young. They had 100 men under pay; they had an artillery company of 60 men, volunteers; they had two companies of volunteers, consisting of about 30 men to the company, and then they had what they called a home guard. That was composed of the leading citizens all around town, divided up into corporals' squads, and each squad had its rendezvous at different places in the city. The man in command of them showed me his books and he had 400 names on them.

Senator Butler. That was the home guard?

Mr. Young. Yes.

The Chairman. Was the home guard armed?

Mr. Young. Yes.

The Chairman. Taking the whole mass together, what would be the whole number of the armed forces?

Mr. Young. I should say, between 700 and 800.

The Chairman. Was there any artillery?

Mr. Young. Yes; four pieces of artillery, breech-loaders, and also four Austrian guns.

The Chairman. Any others?

Mr. Young. Two short Gatling.

Senator Butler. No horses, I suppose, for the battery?

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Mr. Young. No. The large pieces were intended for horses, but they moved them by drag ropes.

Senator Butler. They were moved by hand?

Mr. Young. Yes; drag ropes. I wrote the drill they have, at their request; a little friendly act.

The Chairman. Did you take any charge of these troops?

Mr. Young. No, not at all.

The Chairman. After the United States troops were withdrawn on shipboard, on the 1st of April, I will ask you how long you stayed there after the 1st of April.

Mr. Young. In Honolulu?

The Chairman. Yes.

Mr. Young. Until the 20th of September last.

The Chairman. During that period of time was there at any time any outbreak amongst the citizens?

Mr. Young. There was no outbreak; but one evening there was a disturbance between some Japanese contractors and laborers. About 400 of them came into town one evening armed with their machetes from the plantation, and they were instigated to it by some of the adherents of the Queen, who told them that in case the United States had anything to do with these islands their contracts would be perpetual and they would be slaves the rest of time.

Senator Butler. Who were they ?

Mr. Young. Contractors and laborers on estates about 20 miles from Honolulu. And the people had a great deal of apprehension from these Japanese, and finally the Japanese minister sent a vessel down to Hawaii to put a stop to these movements.

The Chairman. When you got back to Honolulu from this cruise to Hilo and Lahaina, what ships did you find in the bay—ships of war?

Mr. Young. I do not think there was but one man-of-war, and that was the Japanese school ship Congo.

The Chairman. Did any come in afterwards?

Mr. Young. Yes, the Naniwa, a Japanese cruiser, came in afterward. That is the vessel whose model we took to build the Charleston by. It is exactly the same, except that the Charleston is a heavier beam, larger by an inch in beam.

Senator Butler. A pretty formidable ship?

Mr. Young. Yes. She was built by Armstrong, of England.

The Chairman. How many others?

Mr. Young. An English ship, the Nymphe came. I think it was the Nymphe. She remained about two or three weeks. That was before the revolution. There was another English vessel there. I have forgotten her name. I know Capt. McArthur was in command. They passed on south. They only remained in the harbor a few days.

Senator Butler. Were they ships of war?

Mr. Young. Yes; gunboats—English gunboats.

Senator Butler. Were you present when the flag was hauled down on the 1st of April?

Mr. Young. I was on board ship.

Senator Butler. You were not on shore?

Mr. Young. No.

Senator Butler. Did you go on shore after that?

Mr. Young. Yes.

Senator Butler. Was there any demonstration at all by the people of the town?

Mr. Young. There was no demonstration of any forces at all; but I

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heard a great many people, particularly the leading ones, make, the remark that they were afraid it would give them a great deal of trouble, and they were afraid in the event of other vessels coming in they might land some forces in the city.

Senator Butler. What do you mean? Some foreign government?

Mr. Young. Foreign government; yes. Their expression was that they did not feel secure under the situation.

Senator Butler. No other troops were landed from foreign vessels?

Mr. Young. They made an effort to; but the Government declined to let them land—the Japanese and the English Governments—for the purpose of drilling; but they declined to allow them.

The Chairman. You mean that the Provisional Government declined to allow them?

Mr. Young. Yes.

Senator Butler. When was that?

Mr. Young. Along about the last of January or early in February.

Senator Butler. Did they ask permission to land to drill?

Mr. Young. Yes.

The Chairman. And the Government declined to grant it?

Mr. Young. Yes.

Senator Butler. And they did not land?

Mr. Young. No.

The Chairman. State whether during the fifteen or sixteen days of January, and before the troops went ashore from the Boston, there was any offer on the part of Capt. Wiltse to send troops ashore which had been rejected by the Provisional Government?

Mr. Young. No.

The Chairman. Nothing of that sort occurred?

Mr. Young. No. We had been landing troops once a week for drill.

The Chairman. Do you know what time the first request of Minister Stevens was received by Capt. Wiltse in regard to landing the troops?

Mr. Young. The only information I have of any request at all of Capt. Wiltse was at 3 o'clock on Monday, after the battalion was ready to land.

The Chairman. That was after Minister Stevens came on board?

Mr. Young. Yes.

Senator Frye. Mr. Stevens came after Capt. Wiltse had given orders?

Mr. Young. Yes.

Senator Butler. Am I to understand you as saying that Capt. Wiltse pursued that course because of orders received from Admiral Brown?

Mr. Young. No. Because of the condition of things on shore, of which he received information at the time. There were two mass-meetings, in opposition to each other, at the time.

Senator Butler. I thought you had referred to some secret instructions which Captain Wiltse had received from Admiral Brown, and which were substantially the instructions which he had received from the Navy Department?

Mr. Young. Yes; his instructions were substantially those received from Admiral Brown.

Senator Butler. But the instructions under which he acted were received from the Navy Department?

Mr. Young. The Department; yes. No; his instructions

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Senator Butler. I am speaking of the time you went ashore on the 16th of January.

Mr. Young. He simply landed on his own responsibility. We had no orders to land, except that Capt. Wiltse's confidential instructions were to protect our treaty interests even if force was necessary.

Senator Butler. And Capt. Wiltse was to be the judge as to when that exigency arose?

Mr. Young. Yes.

Senator Gray. When you were summoned to Capt. Wiltse's cabin on the morning of the 16th, which was about half-past 10, you say?

Mr. Young. Yes.

Senator Gray. Did he make any statement.

Mr. Young. No. He told me that affairs were looking very serious on shore, and "I believe I will have to land the troops."

Senator Gray. Capt. Wiltse had been ashore that morning?

Mr. Young. Yes. It was shortly after he came back from the shore.

Senator Butler. I believe it is true that a naval officer is not bound to obey an illegal order. Is not that so under your regulations?

Mr. Young. No; on the contrary, an officer is supposed to obey all orders emanating from an immediate military superior. Yet in doing so he has to exercise discretion and is held personally responsible for his own acts as to the results following the execution of the order. Admiral Worden in giving an interpretation of that at the Naval Academy told us that "whenever you receive an order, before executing it determine whether you will receive more punishment for obeying that order than you would by disobeying it. If you find that you will receive less punishment by obeying it, do so." I think the admiral was right.

Senator Butler. What I want to get at is this: If you are in command of a ship at a foreign port with general instructions, as in this case, to protect treaty rights of this Government with the foreign government, and you are in doubt as to the propriety of landing troops, you solve that doubt in favor of landing?

Mr. Young. I would try to find out the situation, weigh the matter all over, and I would have that doubt removed before I acted.

Senator Butler. Suppose the condition were such that you could not have an absolute removal?

Mr. Young. Then I would give the benefit of my judgment as to landing.

Senator Butler. That is what I want. You would solve that doubt by landing for the purpose of preserving treaty rights?

Mr. Young. Yes.

Senator Butler. That would be the usual course of a naval officer where he was in doubt?

Mr. Young. Yes.

Senator Butler. And where there was no possibility of solving the doubt in his mind, he would land for the purpose of protecting life and property?

Mr. Young. Yes.

Senator Butler. Would that be the rule of the naval officer?

Mr. Young. Yes; I think it would.

Senator Butler. And I suppose that was about Captain Wiltse's situation, was it not?

Mr. Young. No; Capt. Wiltse was actually informed, knew himself, and from others, that the condition of affairs on shore was such as to render it necessary for him to land at that time. And I think he made a mistake in not landing on Sunday, because of the condition. of danger

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to life and property and incendiarism. It was such on Sunday night, even; but he deferred it until the very last minute. The Government was not in any condition to preserve life and property in the city; they were encamped in these two places, and they were afraid to come out of them.

Senator Frye. I want to call your attention to the time that you left Honolulu on the ship, the 4th of January, with our American minister on board. You had a conversation with Minister Stevens, did you not?

Mr. Young. Yes.

Senator Frye. Did Mr. Stevens at that time express himself as confident that there was no further trouble, and that he was to be permitted to terminate his term of office and leave the Hawaiian Islands in quiet and undisturbed peace?

Mr. Young. Yes; his language to me on the quarter-deck in conversation I remember almost verbatim. It was that "I am glad to know that all is settled, and that we now have a cabinet in power in favor of the American interests, representing the intelligence and wealth of the islands, and that they will stay there, and that I will be able to complete my residence here and devote my days to my literary interests. Those were his remarks. And Sam Parker and others, I told him, would get the Kanaka votes of the Legislature; that they had been all secured, and they were now making an effort to get some of the whites to vote with them to make a majority to vote out this ministry, and I believed they would vote them out before the Legislature adjourned. Mr. Stevens said, "I do not see how they can do it; they have come in to stay during this Legislature and the next, and they will look out for American interests." Those were, as nearly as I can remember, his remarks, and I think almost verbatim.

Senator Frye. When you landed the troops, did you land them with any intention to aid either party?

Mr. Young. Not at all.

Senator Frye. Were you invited to aid either party?

Mr. Young. No. We were asked by President Dole. He sent over and asked Capt. Wiltse to recognize him.

The Chairman. When was that?

Mr. Young. After they formed the Government, and on the same day.

The Chairman. When was it?

Mr Young. The 17th. I was sent over with a message from Capt. Wiltse, with his compliments to President Dole, to ask him if he had absolute control of the Government, police force, and everything, and if he did not, he, Capt. Wiltse, would have nothing to do with them. I told Capt. Wiltse that Judge Dole had possession of the archives and Government building, but that President Dole said, "We have not control of the military forces and police, but we have a sufficient force to maintain us," and that I replied, "If you have not charge of the Government, I am requested to inform you that we can have nothing to do with you," and I returned and reported to Capt. Wiltse.

Senator Frye. When you were taken to Arion Hall, that was the only place you could go?

Mr. Young. Only for that evening.

Senator Frye. It was only a temporary occupancy?

Mr. Young. Yes.

Senator Frye. Were any of your soldiers allowed outside of the hall to parade the square or anywhere else?

Mr. Young. Not at all, confined exclusively to the camp.

S. Doc. 231, pt 6----45

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Senator Frye. You remember the situation of Arion Hall, the Government buildings, etc. Mr. Blount in his report—I do not know whether it was his opinion—says that it was impossible for the royalist troops to make any attempt to dislodge the people from the Government building without shooting your troops. Was that true at all?

Mr. Young. They could have fought all they pleased out in Palace Square and out in the Government grounds without ever affecting us in the slightest. But I doubt if we would have allowed them to fight out on the street down below, from the way Capt. Wiltse spoke. This American property in front of us, the Opera House, is owned by Americans, and all the residences off to the left was American property and some to the right of the palace was American property.

Senator Frye. From your observations when you were sent ashore for the purpose of observing, was not there a necessity, regardless of any request made by the Provisional Government or American minister, for the landing of the troops to protect American life and property?

Mr. Young. It was absolutely necessary, and I thought it was so on Sunday evening.

The Chairman. Allow me to ask you right there, had you ever been in Honolulu before?

Mr. Young. No; this was my first visit there. But I have landed from the ship on a good many occasions, and we simply did here what we have done before in other places.

The Chairman. In what other places?

Mr. Young. In Panama and Venezuela; and I also landed in Nicaragua once.

The Chairman. You speak now of occasions when you were present?

Mr. Young. Yes.

Senator Frye. I do not know but that I misunderstood your language. You said in your testimony—I understood you to say—that Mr. Blount ordered Admiral Skerrett to haul down the flag?

Mr. Young. And to return the troops on board the ship.

Senator Frye. Did you mean that Mr. Blount gave an order to an Admiral of the United States Navy to do that?

Mr. Young. He gave a written order to that effect.

Senator Frye. Signed by himself?

Mr. Young. Signed by himself, and Admiral Skerrett's order to the Boston was in obedience to the orders of Commissioner Blount— "You will return troops on board ship by 11 o'clock."

Senator Frye. In your experience did you ever know a minister of the United States with or without the authority of the Secretary of the Navy or officer of the Navy giving orders to an admiral?

Mr. Young. No; I never heard of it before. A minister has no authority to give orders to an admiral while a ship is in any port.

Senator Frye. Under the regulations of the Navy, if a ship is in Honolulu, the disposition of the ship and the landing of the troops is entirely with the discretion of the officer in command?

Mr. Young. He is absolutely responsible for his own acts.

Senator Frye. And he cannot be compelled to land troops by any one except a superior officer ?

Mr. Young. A military superior.

Senator Gray. I suppose if you got an order from the President of the United States.

Mr. Young. He is commander in chief of all the military forces.

The Chairman. Suppose that that order emanate from the minister plenipotentiary at a foreign port?

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Mr. Young. Then the commanding officer would be held absolutely responsible for his own act if he obeyed.

Senator Gray. Suppose he receive instructions from the Secretary of the Navy in a given emergency, given time, to conform his action to the order, if you please, of a person holding diplomatic relations with the Government, would that relieve him of responsibility ?

Mr Young. No.

Senator Gray. It would not?

Senator Butler. Do you mean to say that if the officer obeyed his orders through a civil officer, he would not be relieved of responsibility?

Mr. Young. If it was a written order accompanied by the minister's direction, he would still exercise his own discretion.

Senator Gray. If he receive instructions from the Secretary of the Navy that he must act under the order, advice, whatever you might call it—of the diplomatic person on shore when that request, order, or advice come?

Mr. Young. Still I do not believe it would relieve him entirely.

Senator Gray. Then you do not believe that the President of the United States is commander-in-chief?

Mr. Young. Yes; and that the Secretary of the Navy is the immediate military head of the Navy.

Senator Gray. When you receive an order by the Secretary of the Navy through the minister, do you not understand that the order is from the President of the United States?

Mr. Young. Yes.

Senator Gray. And yet you say receiving such order, direction, or instructions from the Secretary of the Navy in a given contingency, you are not bound to obey?

Mr. Young. Of course we must obey the Secretary's order, but the channel through which it is received would question its authenticity; the officer in command is not freed of his responsibility.

Senator Gray. I mean, the Secretary of the Navy having in general directions sent to the commander of a ship instructing him when a certain contingency arises—not commanding through the usual channel, but through any channel through which the instructions come—would you consider that he should obey it?

Mr. Young. Yes; I would consider that he should obey it, so far as it does not involve the loss of life, the destruction of property, or precipitate war.

Senator Frye. Suppose the Secretary of the Navy should order Capt. Wiltse under any contingencies to follow the discretion and obey the orders of William P. Frye, who was then resident in the island of Hawaii, would Capt. Wiltse be bound by that order at all?

Mr. Young. He would be compelled to exercise a great deal of judgment in the matter, and would be still held responsible for his acts.

Senator Butler. I understand you to make this distinction—which, of course, any military man understands at once—that an order emanating from civil officers, whether diplomatic or any other civil branch of the Government, to a military or naval officer, that military or naval officer is not bound to obey it; and if he do, it would be on his own responsibility?

Mr. Young. Yes.

Senator Butler. On the other hand, if the Secretary of the Navy, who is the military head of the Navy, transmits an order to a naval officer, if he be on the ship, he would be bound to obey?

Mr. Young. He would be bound to obey it. At the same time, if he

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order me to fire on the town, I should not obey any such order unless I was clearly informed of the necessity.

Senator Butler. That is an extreme case.

Mr. Young. But I would obey the order of any minister or civil officer of an ordinary nature to avoid friction where it would not involve the loss of life or destruction of property.

Senator Butler. If you should receive an order from the Secretary of the Navy to fire on a town?

Mr. Young. I would fire; I would not hesitate a minute, not the slightest; but if it were sent through an improper channel I would have to see it in writing and the signature to it as well as satisfied of the necessity for so doing.

Senator Butler. That is a matter of discretion.

Senator Gray. It would be the exercise of a good deal of discretion if the President of the United States, or the Secretary of the Navy, were to give him an order and he should refuse to obey it.

Mr. Young. Of course, if the President should give me an order to organize a body guard for his protection or move a ship, etc., I would undoubtedly obey it; yet should he order me to shoot an inoffensive citizen, I would disobey, for the reason that disobeying would involve dismissal only, whereas, if I shot the man, the civil courts would try me for murder, and being adjudged guilty I might be hanged, unless the President were in office to pardon me.

Senator Gray. About this instruction from Mr. Gresham to Mr. Blount: "To enable you to fulfill this charge." This is the language of the Secretary of State in his letter of instructions to Mr. Blount.

"To enable you to fulfill this charge your authority in all matters touching the relations of this Governmont to the existing or other Government of the islands, or protection ot our citizens therein, is paramount, and in you is vested full discretion and power to determine when such forces should be landed and withdrawn."

Now, suppose as commander-in-chief of a ship you got an instruction from the Secretary of the Navy in which you informed that such an instruction were given by the President to the minister, and that you were to conform yourself thereto, and the minister should request you to land the forces—ordered you; whatever you may call it—advised you, would you consider yourself bound to obey?

Mr. Young. I would do it, for the simple reason that it would not involve any loss of life or property, and if I disobeyed it I would receive a greater punishment than if I obeyed it.

Senator Frye. You would still hold that it was in your discretion?

Senator Gray. What discretion?

Mr. Young. Whether it involved any loss of life or destruction of property which would hold me accountable for my acts.

The Chairman. Suppose the orders came through the channel spoken of by Mr. Gray, and you were ordered to fire on Honolulu, would you doit?

Mr. Young. No.

Senator Gray. That is not what I have called for.

The Chairman. I did.

Senator Gray. Whether your punishment was greater if you obeyed or if you disobeyed?

The Chairman. What we are discussing here is a question of law, as to how far the President can delegate his authority to a private citizen to take command of troops on ships in the strict military sense, and to use them for the purpose of hostility.

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Senator Gray. The question was raised not by me whether it be proper. I am anxious to find out what the opinion of representative naval officers may be. Lieut. Young is in that respect an important witness. I do not mean that this matter is to be settled by a naval officer, because it is a question of law. I did not introduce it, but I really want to know whether the lieutenant thinks, as a naval officer, that his discretion (which is a wide one under certain circumstances) extends so far as to disobey the instructions of the Secretary of the Navy where those instructions involve cooperation with a diplomatic officer on shore, or, taking the very language of these instructions to Commissioner Blount, whether he thinks he would be authorized, if he were in command of a ship, to disobey the request, order, or advice given to him after receiving notice from the Secretary of the Navy that he was to obey such instructions either to land or to withdraw troops.

Mr. Young. I would obey the order just the same as Admiral Skerrett did.

Senator Frye. And when you hauled down the flag, I suppose you would say, as Admiral Skerrett did, "I do it in obedience to Mr. Blount's orders?"

Mr. Young. That is what was done, I believe.

Senator Gray. And if you put the flag up, you would say, "I did it in obedience to Mr. Stevens' orders?"

Mr. Young. No.

Senator Gray. What did you do?

Mr. Young. We would not put it up under his orders.

Senator Gray. I understood you to say that the protectorate was established by a proclamation made by Mr. Stevens and approved by Captain Wiltse?

Mr. Young. Captain Wiltse approved and carried it out. The law requires a naval officer, immediately after arriving in a foreign port, to put himself in communication with the diplomatic representative in that port, and by intercourse, conversation, requests, or otherwise find out the absolute state of affairs and to act according to his own responsibility.

Senator Gray. That is the ordinary rule when you go into a foreign port?

Mr. Young. Yes.

Senator Gray. Where the circumstances are not exceptional, but where the commissioner is under special directions from your Government, and through the ordinary channels of communication you receive from the naval authorities, from the President through the proper naval channels, orders to conform your action to certain requests that may be made by the minister, do you not think you would be obliged to obey it?

Mr. Young. I would obey if it were an ordinary affair; but I would not consider it a legal order.

Senator Gray. Do you think your duty as a naval officer in command of a ship in a foreign port in which a United States protectorate had been established would require you to-day to obey orders conveyed to you from the Government at Washington as to the continuance or discontinuance of that protectorate?

Mr. Young. The continuance or discontinuance?

Senator Gray. Yes.

Mr. Young. Of course, I would have to obey the orders that were sent from the Department.

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SWORN STATEMENT OF E. K. MOORE.

The Chairman. What was your duty on shipboard?

Mr. Moore. I was navigator of the U. S. S. Boston.

The Chairman. In January, 1893?

Mr. Moore. January, 1893; yes.

The Chairman. Before your cruise down to Hilo and Lahaina had you been ashore often?

Mr. Moore. I had.

The Chairman. Were you acquainted with the state of public opinion then as to the political affairs of the Government in Honolulu?

Mr. Moore. Somewhat; I can not say that I was thoroughly acquainted with the political status.

The Chairman. Did you observe any agitation or commotion amongst the people in respect to a change of government, or in respect to annexation, or any other matter that was of a serious character?

Mr. Moore. This was before we went to Hilo?

The Chairman. Before.

Mr. Moore. No, I did not. I heard annexation spoken of prior to our departure, and as far back as twenty years ago.

The Chairman. You were there at Honolulu twenty years ago?

Mr. Moore. I was there twenty years ago this coming February; yes.

The Chairman. What ship were you on?

Mr. Moore. The United States ship Portsmouth.

The Chairman. Under whose command?

Mr. Moore. S. J. Skerrett, now Rear-Admiral.

The Chairman. What year was that?

Mr. Moore. 1874; I was there the latter part of 1873 and early part of 1874.

The Chairman. Who was then King of Hawaii?

Mr. Moore. In 1873, when I was out there, Lunalilo was King. In 1874, about the time of our arrival, February, 1874, David Kalakaua was elected King.

The Chairman. The agitation that occurred at that time was the controversy, as you understand it, over the election of Queen Emma as the successor of Lunalilo, or Kalakaua?

Mr. Moore. It was.

The Chairman. Was there any commotion there at the time?

Mr. Moore. There was great commotion.

The Chairman. Was it confined to the natives, or was it spread through all the community?

Mr. Moore. There was considerable excitement and great interest through the entire community; but the rioting was confined entirely to the natives.

The Chairman. Was the riot before or after the determination of the election of Kalakaua?

Mr. Moore. After.

The Chairman. Was it serious rioting?

Mr. Moore. It was serious rioting, so much so that the United States forces were called upon to suppress it.

The Chairman. Was it attended with arson and other crimes of that nature?

Mr. Moore. It was not; but what the result would have been had the United States forces not been landed and the riot immediately suppressed, I do not know; it would undoubtedly have been very serious.

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The Chairman. The commotion was, therefore, radical and severe?

Mr. Moore. It was.

The Chairman. You say the United States forces were called at the instance of the Government. What Government?

Mr. Moore. I did not intend to say at the instance of the Government; but we were called through the American minister. And I am under the impression that the request was made on him by the governor of the Island of Oahu.

The Chairman. There were governors in those islands?

Mr. Moore. Yes.

The Chairman. Were there any other ships of war there?

Mr. Moore. Yes; the U. S. S. Tuscarora and the English ship Tenedos.

The Chairman. Were there any British forces landed?

Mr. Moore. Yes; our forces landed first, followed by the British forces. The United States forces were on the shore perhaps twenty minutes before the British forces landed.

The Chairman. How long did they remain on shore?

Mr. Moore. From one to two weeks; I do not remember the exact time.

The Chairman. Did they camp on shore?

Mr. Moore. Yes.

The Chairman. Do you recollect what buildings they occupied? Mr. Moore. The United States forces were quartered in two buildings; one, the legislative building or hall, the other the armory. Both of these were near the landing. The British troops were quartered at the palace.

The Chairman. Iolani Palace?

Mr. Moore. Yes; Iolani Palace.

The Chairman. This legislative hall of which you speak was near the landing?

Mr. Moore. It was.

The Chairman. Was it then the Government building? Mr. Moore. It was then the Government building, and corresponded to what is now known as the Government building. The name of that building I do not remember, but it corresponds to what is now spoken of as the Government building.

The Chairman. The barracks of the King's army, and in which one of your detachments was quartered ?

Mr. Moore. I think the Government militia's armory; I think that is what it was called. I think it was the armory of the milita, not of the regular troops.

The Chairman. Do you recollect who was then the commander of the King's forces, the Government forces?

Mr. Moore. I think it was Berger; but I am not sure.

The Chairman. Was he an American or native?

Mr. Moore. A German or Austrian, I think. That I am not positive of.

The Chairman. During the time of the stay of the troops on the island on that occasion, was there any conflict between them and the people.

Mr. Moore. There was none. The people had broken into the legislative hall and had attaked the legislators with billets of wood, legs of tables, and such other offensive weapons as they could get hold of, and also pitched one or more of the representatives out of the window or windows, 20 feet or more above the ground. As soon as we

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arrived on the spot the rioting ceased. The British troops came shortly afterward. The riot started again; then we surrounded the buildings and arrested the leaders of the riot. After that, at about 10 or 11 o'clock that night, there were some stones thrown at the building, and we turned out and patrolled a portion of the town; and again, about 11 o'clock that night, a shot was fired, apparently at our sentry, which was returned by the sentry, and we again patrolled the town. But we could find nobody. From that time on everything was perfectly quiet.

The Chairman. What did you do with those persons who were arrested?

Mr. Moore. Turned them over to the Hawaiian authorities.

The Chairman. Were the arrests numerous?

Mr. Moore. I think possibly eight or ten ; I do not think more.

The Chairman. Were they the ringleaders of the rioters?

Mr. Moore. Yes.

The Chairman. Did your detachment carry flags along?

Mr. Moore. We did with our detachment.

The Chairman. Was there a flag raised over your camp when you went into quarters—United States flag?

Mr. Moore. Yes.

The Chairman. That flag was taken down when your troops returned aboard ship?

Mr. Moore. Yes.

The Chairman. During that period you say you heard annexation spoken of?

Mr. Moore. I heard annexation to the United States spoken of at that time; during our stay; not necessarily during this riot.

The Chairman. Was the subject generally discussed or not?

Mr. Moore. I can not say that it was generally discussed; but I remember its having been spoken of by some gentleman there as being the ultimate destiny of the Hawaiian Islands. And no later than during the past visit, Judge Widemann stated in a talk that he had with some of us, that he had predicted it prior to our visit twenty years ago.

The Chairman. So that it was in contemplation amongst the people who were speculating about the future?

Mr. Moore. It was.

The Chairman. Did you find during that visit, in 1874, any organized body of men for the purpose of promoting annexation?

Mr. Moore. None that I heard of.

The Chairman. It was merely a question that was one of the problems of the time, being discussed among the people?

Mr. Moore. A problem of the future.

The Chairman. We will come down to this other period. About what time of day did your ship, the Boston, return to Honolulu from its cruise down to Hilo?

Mr. Moore. After 10 o'clock a. m.—a little after that time.

The Chairman. Before the ship arrived, while you were at Hilo or Lahaina, had you heard that the ministry had been voted out of office?

Mr. Moore. I had.

The Chairman. Was there any statement made in regard to its having created commotion?

Mr. Moore. What I heard was that the ministry was voted out, the lottery bill passed, and the opium bill passed, and that there was great excitement in Honolulu.

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The Chairman. And before you left for this cruise had you heard any discussion of the lottery bill and opium bill?

Mr. Moore. I had heard them spoken of.

The Chairman. You knew it was a subject of legislative inquiry and action?

Mr. Moore. I did.

The Chairman. I suppose you knew nothing about the agents who were promoting these bills, the lottery and opium bills?

Mr. Moore. I heard them spoken of generally. But they were persons of whom I knew nothing, in any way.

The Chairman. When you returned to Honolulu did you ascertain that there was an agitated feeling there?

Mr. Moore. Yes; there was.

The Chairman. Did you go on shore?

Mr. Moore. I went on shore at about 1 o'clock p. m.

The Chairman. On Saturday?

Mr. Moore. On Saturday, the 14th.

The Chairman. Describe as nearly as you can what yon saw on your visit ashore on that occasion—the events that attracted your attention.

Mr. Moore. The men on the streets seemed to be gathered in little knots of 3 and 4 and more, discussing something, apparently the situation.

The Chairman. When you went ashore were you in uniform?

Mr. Moore. I was not. And there appeared to be more or less excitement; they were passing from one batch to another, asking, "What is the news?" "What is the latest?" "What is going to be done?"

The Chairman. You can describe it, I suppose, as an anxious state of feeling?

Mr. Moore. Anxious state of feeling. No one seemed to know what was going to occur, so far as I saw.

The Chairman. Did you see any large assemblage of men there at any place?

Mr. Moore. I did not; no larger, perhaps, than six or eight.

The Chairman. Did you attend either of the mass meetings that were held there?

Mr. Moore. I did not.

The Chairman. Did you see them?

Mr. Moore. No.

The Chairman. In these conversations was your attention attracted to anything that was said about the Queen; what she had done or was going to do in regard to the constitution of the Kingdom?

Mr. Moore. Yes; I was told that she had signed the lottery bill and the opium bill; had appointed a cabinet of her own liking, and had prorogued the Legislature; and it was rumored that she would that afternoon declare a new constitution.

The Chairman. Was that current rumor on the street?

Mr. Moore. It was current rumor on the street.

The Chairman. Could you state it as a common belief that she would do so, so far as you heard it?

Mr. Moore. I think that was a common belief that afternoon.

The Chairman. Did you hear any one contradict it?

Mr. Moore. No.

The Chairman. Do you recollect any of the individuals with whom you conversed on that occasion?

Mr. Moore. With Mr. McInerney and his two sons, and Mr. Wilcox

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and Mr. Robinson, both members of the cabinet that had been just voted out. Others I do not remember.

The Chairman. Were those men chiefly the ones from whom you derived your information of what occurred?

Mr. Moore. Yes.

The Chairman. And what was intended to be done?

Mr. Moore. Yes.

The Chairman. That the Queen had signed the new constitution, or intended to do so?

Mr. Moore. Intended to do so. The rumor was that she had proclaimed a new constitution; but the fact was that she intended to do so.

The Chairman. How long did you remain ashore?

Mr. Moore. Until 7 o'clock the next morning.

The Chairman. You remained during the night?

Mr. Moore. I remained during the night, not in that part, but out of the thickest part of the town, where I then had a cottage.

The Chairman. Was your family there?

Mr. Moore. My wife was residing there at that time.

The Chairman. How long had your family resided in Honolulu?

Mr. Moore. Three months and a half at that time.

The Chairman. Were there any patrols, or bodies of men moving about in your part of the town that night?

Mr. Moore. I saw and heard of none.

The Chairman. Did you feel any apprehension during the night of incendiary fires?

Mr. Moore. Not at that time.

The Chairman. You reported back to the ship the next morning.

Mr. Moore. The next morning, the morning of the 15th.

The Chairman. Did you visit the shore after that?

Mr. Moore. I did; went ashore late in the afternoon of the 15th— sometime during the afternoon of the 15th—and remained until the morning of the 16th.

The Chairman. Spending the night again at your cottage?

Mr. Moore. At my cottage.

The Chairman. When you arrived in Honolulu that Sunday evening, did you find any bodies of armed men in the street?

Mr. Moore. I saw no bodies of armed men in the street then.

The Chairman. Did you know whether there had been any organization at that time of a committee of safety, or any other organization for the protection of the people?

Mr. Moore. There were many rumors flying about, and among the rumors was one that a committee of safety of 13 or 16—a committee of safety of citizens—had been appointed Saturday afternoon, the 14th, and that they were having meetings continually to consult with citizens; and then on Sunday rumors were going about to the effect that there were organized bodies of citizens' troops. But I saw none of them and knew nothing definite. Those rumors were rumors of the reorganization of what was called the old militia—reorganizing the old militia was spoken of generally.

The Chairman. When you got back to the ship on Monday, how long did you remain aboard?

Mr. Moore. I returned to the ship Monday morning between 7 and 8 o'clock, and went ashore that forenoon on duty.

The Chairman. What duty ?

Mr. Moore. Testing compasses—making an examination on shore,

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away from any iron or other attraction, of all the ship's compasses. I returned about 12 o'clock. While on shore I saw no one to get any news from but when I returned to the ship I found preparations—I found several rumors had reached the ship, how, I do not just remember and orders had been issued for the officers to remain on board ship until further orders. There was talk of the forces being called upon to land at any time, because it was thought that a riot would break out in Honolulu at any time. But the nature of the riot anticipated I did not know.

The Chairman. Was the ship being put in any preparation for the landing of the forces?

Mr. Moore. Whether it had commenced already I do not know; but if not, it was commenced very soon after my return.

The Chairman. Do you recollect the time that Minister Stevens came on board?

Mr. Moore. It was in the early part of the afternoon; what hour I do not remember.

The Chairman. The preparations for landing the troops had already been made before he came on board?

Mr. Moore. That I can not say; I think some had been. I will say that some preparations had been made.

The Chairman. The orders had been communicated before?

Mr. Moore. Yes; hours before.

The Chairman. Did you have any conversation with Mr. Stevens when became on board?

Mr. Moore. No.

The Chairman. Or hear any between him and Capt. Wiltse?

Mr. Moore. No.

The Chairman. Did you receive orders to go ashore?

Mr. Moore. No; being navigating officer my position was on board ship. I remained there.

The Chairman. Did you remain there during that evening and night?

Mr. Moore. I remained on board ship for ten days or two weeks.

The Chairman. Without going home at all?

Mr. Moore. I remained on board two weeks or more, going home only for a few minutes, perhaps once or twice. On one or two occasions I went up to my home, but returned at once.

Senator Butler. Where was your home?

The Chairman. He had a cottage for his family.

Senator Butler. In Honolulu?

The Chairman. Yes.

Mr. Moore. My home was about a mile from the landing.

The Chairman. During the landing of those troops you had very little opportunity of going home?

Mr. Moore. Very little opportunity. I saw my wife and perhaps some ladies.

The Chairman. Was it on land or on ship that you understood the Provisional Government had been organized?

Mr. Moore. On ship I heard of it.

The Chairman. After you returned on Monday?

Mr. Moore. The Provisional Government was not announced until Tuesday.

The Chairman. You first heard it on board ship?

Mr. Moore. I did.

The Chairman. All the troops had gone before you first heard that?

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Mr. Moore. The troops landed about half past 4 on Monday, the 16th, and the Provisional Government was not declared until Tuesday, the 17th, about 3 o'clock.

The Chairman. Do you know of any recall of the troops to the ship in that interval of time, or whether they had started to debark?

Mr. Moore. No; nothing of the kind. If there had been I would have heard of it, being the executive officer, the one who carries out the orders of the commanding officer.

The Chairman. Do you think you would have known if any organization had existed in Honolulu to overthrow the government of the Queen, or any organization for annexation to the United States up to, we will say, Monday, until you returned to the ship? Do you think you would have known it had it existed among the people of Honolulu?

Mr. Moore. Do you mean between Saturday and Monday?

The Chairman. Yes.

Mr. Moore. An organization undoubtedly did exist Saturday afternoon.

The Chairman. The committee of safety?

Mr. Moore. The committee of safety. And that organization was generally known. But what the object of that organization was I did not hear.

The Chairman. I speak more particularly of an organization to overthrow the Queen, or an organization for annexation to the United States. Did you hear of anything of that sort, while you were on shore, as being consummated or in process of consummation?

Mr. Moore. I heard annexation to the United States talked of that Saturday afternoon.

The Chairman. But you heard that twenty years ago?

Mr. Moore. I heard the same thing twenty years before.

The Chairman. I am speaking now of an actual, open organization to overthrow the Queen, or an open organization to annex Hawaii to the United States. If there had been such an organization on Sunday evening and Monday morning when you visited home, do you think you would have known it—I mean if it had existed in that form?. Perhaps I can make my question a little more distinct. You had heard of the organization of the committee of safety between Sunday evening when you went over to your house and Monday when you returned on board ship?

Mr. Moore. I had heard of the organization of the committee of safety on Saturday, the 14th.

The Chairman. The question is, whether you heard that it was an organization for overthrowing the Queen and the annexation of Hawaii to the United States.

Mr. Moore. My understanding was that it was in opposition to the Queen.

The Chairman. That was the beginning of it?

Mr. Moore. That was the beginning of it. I do not recollect hearing of any organization at that time for annexation to the United States, although annexation was spoken of quite freely, and a desire for it expressed on the streets by the business men.

The Chairman. Before the Boston went on that cruise to Hilo you did not hear of any such organization?

Mr. Moore. I did not.

The Chairman. Do you think if it had existed you would have known it?

Mr. Moore. I think if such an organization had existed before our

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departure for Hilo I would have known something of it; but not necessarily so.

The Chairman. No; but you had good opportunities?

Mr. Moore. I was quite intimate with several of the gentlemen who were afterward engaged in this movement, and I never heard such a thing intimated.

The Chairman. How did matters progress in Hawaii after the establishment of the Provisional Government, with regard to the preservation of law and order?

Mr. Moore. Exceedingly well, so far as I knew. For a little while at first there was considerable excitement, much anxiety. The fears that I heard expressed were of incendiarism by the natives; but I only heard a few cases where incendiarism was suspected. But I do not know whether the fire was caused by incendiarism or in the ordinary way—through carelessness.

The Chairman. After the Provisional Government had been inaugurated, taken possession of the barracks, etc., did you hear of any attempted organization on the part of the Queen's friends to have a conflict with the Provisional Government and overturn it?

Mr. Moore. I heard frequent rumors of organizations.

The Chairman. Did you see any evidence of their being real?

Mr. Moore. I did not.

The Chairman. How would you describe the situation there?

Mr. Moore. Almost doubted their existence.

The Chairman. I suppose that was because you found that everything was conducted peacefully and quietly?

Mr. Moore. Yes; I did not think that an organization of that kind could be successful.

The Chairman. Why not?

Mr. Moore. Because the Provisional Government, after it was once established, had the arms and munitions of war. They had control of the custom-house and of the other offices, not only over these islands but the other islands; and I saw no way in which arms could be gotten into the islands without the knowledge of the officers of the Provisional Government, and I did not think that Government was foolish enough to let arms go into the hands of the other people. What I did think of was incendiarism.

The Chairman. Now, take the condition that the Hawaiian Islands was in, and Honolulu particularly, after the establishment of this Provisional Government, and up to the time you left the island, do you think the Queen could have overcome that Provisional Government without the assistance of some foreign power?

Mr. Moore. I do not think so.

The Chairman. It would have been a rash endeavor on her part to have attempted it?

Mr. Moore. A very rash endeavor.

The Chairman. So that you regard the Provisional Government, with the resources that it had—men, arms, and money—as being able to sustain itself against any forces the Queen could have organized upon her own resources and without assistance from abroad?

Mr. Moore. I did—undoubtedly so.

The Chairman. I suppose the ladies of Honolulu have their social meetings and entertainments as they do in other parts of the world?

Mr. Moore. Yes; they are very sociable and agreeable. A charming society exists there; an educated and elegant society, as much so as you can find in any small community.

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The Chairman. Does that include persons having Kanaka blood?

Mr. Moore. A great many of them.

The Chairman. Are they good people?

Mr. Moore. Charming people. Some of my friends there were amongst the natives and half whites. My immediate associates were mostly among the whites; but I was entertained by both natives and whites.

The Chairman. Was there any obvious damper thrown upon the society of Honolulu by the accession of this Provisional Government or authority? Did people seem to hold it in dread, or did the social amenities among the families of Honolulu proceed as they had done before?

Mr. Moore. Sociability ceased for a little while after the outbreak, but soon continued much as before. At general grtherings you would see the families of those interested in the Provisional Government associating freely with those who were known to be Royalists and the Queen's adherents. So far as the social relations were concerned the change of government did not seem to have much effect; that is, from the outward appearance of social relations, the change of government seemed to have little effect.

The Chairman. There was no line of demarcation drawn in society upon the question of loyalty or disloyalty to the Queen?

Mr. Moore. I think not.

The Chairman. How is commerce affected by this change?

Mr. Moore. I know of that by hearing people talk. At first the business seemed to be checked, but after a few days it seemed to revive and there seemed to be more confidence. There seemed to be confidence in their business relations after a few days. As to that, not being engaged in any commercial pursuits myself, I only state that from hearsay— as to the checking of business and its increase thereafter— although I remember gentlemen stating that stocks increased in value within a few days and stocks were going up.

The Chairman. As to the commerce with the outside world. Was there any restraint imposed upon it by the Provisional Government?

Mr. Moore. I think not.

The Chairman. Things seem to be going on as before?

Mr. Moore. Things were going on as before.

The Chairman. In charge of the same officers?

Mr. Moore. In charge of the same officers.

The Chairman. It was an exchange of the Queen's Government into the hands of the Provisional Government, with the same offices.

Mr. Moore. It was.

The Chairman. From your observation of the effect upon this Government called the Provisional Government during the time that you remained in Honolulu, could you say that it was a good or bad Government.

Mr. Moore. It is my opinion that it was a good Government.

The Chairman. One that the people had confidence in?

Mr. Moore. Yes; that is my reason for thinking it was a good Government— because the people had confidence in it.

The Chairman. You have an acquaintance more or less special with a number of the leading men in Honolulu?

Mr. Moore. Yes.

The Chairman. The thinking men, the business men, and the men who controlled in political affairs?

Mr. Moore. Yes.

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The Chairman. Taking the personnel of this new Government, the committee of safety, and the councillors who have been appointed, and the president and the cabinet, and generally the officers and attaches and employes of this new Government, what would you say of them as a class?

Mr. Moore. As a class I think they are an excellent set of men. That is, those in the higher positions. Most of them, many of them, would ornament any society.

The Chairman. They are men of real ability and character?

Mr. Moore. Men of ability and character. Of those who occupy the lower positions I know very little.

The Chairman. Will you say that the disposition of these people of whom you have spoken as being the controlling men in the islands there tended to deprave and degenerate the people, or that the tendency was in the opposite direction?

Mr. Moore. Of the Provisional Government?

The Chairman. Yes.

Mr. Moore. On the contrary, I think the tendency is to improve the social relations. Many of them are men against whom I never have heard a word said—men recognized there as men of means and ability, and most of them are temperate men. I will change that. They are temperate men, perhaps a quarter to a third of them total abstainers, and as a rule Christians.

The Chairman. Then you would say that society of Honolula which has the controlling influence in Hawaii is composed of men of the Anglo Saxon extraction, with their families, and that they are men of high grade of character?

Mr. Moore. Decidedly so. Many of these men have been educated in our American colleges, and are well educated, well read men.

The Chairman. Have you had occasion to examine a harbor there called Pearl River harbor?

Mr. Moore. I have been in Pearl Harbor.

The Chairman. Is there any river emptying into it?

Mr. Moore. Small streams, I think; perhaps two or three small streams.

The Chairman. Have you any knowledge of the depth of the water inside the bar there?

Mr. Moore. The water inside the bar is very deep for inside water, being in some places 20 fathoms, but mostly from 5 to 7 fathoms.

The Chairman. Does that deep water extend back any distance from the bar?

Mr. Moore. It extends about 5 miles.

Senator Butler. What is the extent of that harbor, approximately?

Mr. Moore. It is about 4 miles long by 3 miles deep in the extreme. But it is cut up by islands and small peninsulas running out into it, so that it has three or more arms to it.

The Chairman. Is the shore around it and the peninsulas of which you speak of such an elevation as to justify the opinion that it could be easily fortified?

Mr. Moore. I do think it could be easily fortified; and strongly fortified.

The Chairman. The fortification next to the ocean?

Mr. Moore. Next to the ocean, and torpedoes in the channel. With long-range guns of the present day, it might be reached at the distance a vessel would have to remain at sea; but the shots would be uncertain.

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The Chairman. But with that channel the fortifications there would be very powerful, and it would be very difficult for a ship to pass in?

Mr. Moore. A ship could not pass in.

The Chairman. Do you know any other position in the Sandwich Islands where there is such an opportunity for protecting a fleet or for a naval station as would be found in Pearl Harbor, of course, with that channel dredged deep enough for ships to go in?

Mr. Moore. I do not think there is any other to compare with it for a harbor.

Senator Butler. What is the distance of Pearl Harbor from Honolulu?

Mr. Moore. Ten miles by water; 5 miles from one bar to the other. Senator Butler. South?

Mr. Moore. Southwest.

The Chairman. So that the government that had Pearl Harbor, with a channel for ships to enter, and proper fortification for a naval establishment, ships undergoing repairs and otherwise, you would consider would have the naval control of the islands?

Mr. Moore. She would have naval control of the islands and could protect her vessels inside of that harbor.

The Chairman. And her depot of supplies?

Mr. Moore. And her depot of supplies. As I said before, with the long-range guns that we have to-day a vessel could lay outside and drop in shell; might reach the inside with shell, but not by direct firing.

The Chairman. What is the distance from Sidney to Honolulu, as navigators estimate it?

Mr. Moore. About 4,400 miles, and Auckland, a coal station, about 3,700 miles.

The Chairman. I will ask you this way: Is it twice as far from Sidney to Honolulu as it is from San Francisco to Honolulu?

Mr. Moore. Yes. It is 2,100 miles to San Francisco from Honolulu, 2,200 miles to San Diego, and 2,300 miles to the Straits of Fuca.

The Chairman. The distance from Hongkong would be the distance from Sidney to Honolulu?

Mr. Moore. Hongkong, Manila, and Shanghai are more—5,000 miles; Nagasaki, 4,000, and Yokohama, 3,400 miles.

The Chairman. Where in all these countries would a ship navigating the Pacific Ocean get a supply of coal while crossing that great body of water? Suppose the ship is at Honolulu, where there is no coal, what would be the nearest point at which she would derive her supply of coal?

Mr. Moore. San Francisco.

The Chairman. Which is 2,100 miles away. The next nearest point would be at the Straits of Fuca?

Mr. Moore. Yes; 2,300 miles away.

The Chairman. The next nearest coal mines would be Sidney?

Mr. Moore. New Zealand—Auckland.

Senator Frye. The Straits of Fuca would be about 500 miles farther than San Francisco?

Mr. Moore. Two hundred miles farther than San Francisco.

The Chairman. Would a power having a proper supply of coal in Pearl Harbor have a great advantage over any other power in the world for the protection of the Pacific Ocean, or carrying on naval operations with their ships and fleets in the Pacific Ocean?

Mr. Moore. Yes; decidedly so.

The Chairman. That would be the central place for a coal depot;

-p721-

that, you would regard, as being important for steam navigation by war ships?

Mr. Moore. Very important, especially for offensive demonstrations toward any other country attacking the west coast of the United States.

The Chairman. If a ship were coming through the Mediterranean and through the Suez Canal and approaching the United State here [indicating on a mapj and should meet with a force that was well supplied with coal and well protected and well provisioned—a naval force of the United States at Honolulu—do you think the advantages would be very great in favor of the American ships as against any ships that might make an attack from the Mediterranean and Red seas?

Mr. Moore. I do not exactly understand.

The Chairman. I say, suppose a fleet were sailing through the Mediterranean and Red seas, Indian Ocean, to attack us here on this coast, and we had a proper supply of naval force and naval stores of every description at Pearl Harbor, do you think the advantages would be in favor of the United States for protecting herself against such an attack as I have mentioned?

Senator Butler. On the main land?

The Chairman. Yes; protecting our coasts.

Mr. Moore. Yes, I think the United States would have very great advantage in having possession of the supplies at that place. Even if the United States were in such a position that she was not able to defend her position there she could destroy all the coal and supplies, thus keeping them from the enemy.

The Chairman. I am not talking of defending. Suppose that the United States fleet were located at Pearl Harbor, with a proper inlet through the bar, fortifications, and proper supplies of coal and other naval stores, would her position in defense of the west coast be greatly strengthened, by such a fact as that?

Mr. Moore. It would.

Senator Butler. I understand you to say that as a strategic point, if the United States had possession of the Sandwich Islands, her position would not be weakened if she had to abandon them?

Mr. Moore. Her position would not be weakened, and she would weaken her enemy in case he had the advantage. I will put it another way—she would not strengthen her enemy by allowing him to get her coal. Before abandoning her position, she could destroy all the coal, so that the enemy would have nothing but the station.

Senator Butler. So that you would regard it either for offensive or defensive operations as a very strategic point?

Mr. Moore. I should.

The Chairman. That applies to ships coming around the Horn as well as to ships coming through the Mediterranean. There is no coal in Patagonia?

Mr. Moore. Yes, in Chili.

The Chairman. Plenty of it?

Mr. Moore. Plenty, but not of a good quality. That applies to vessels approaching the United States from any direction, but more particularly to those approaching from the Asiatic or Australian coasts.

The Chairman. Suppose the United States were to be successful in cutting a canal through Nicaragua, what position in a military or naval sense would these islands have in protecting that enterprise, that channel of communication; important or otherwise?

Mr. Moore. It would be important; in my opinion more important

S. Doc. 231, pt 6----46

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in keeping any other country from having a base of supplies at that point, or any other way.

The Chairman. The necessity for a base of supplies at Honolulu seems to depend upon the fact that it is a long distance to coal on the Asiatic coast or coast of New Zealand. Suppose that a fleet coaling at Sidney, Australia, or anywhere upon these British islands, and sailing such a distance as they would have to go to get to Honolulu; it would necessarily be slow in its movements, because it would consume a great deal of coal?

Mr. Moore. They would have to be economical in the use of coal; but as many of the vessels are built to-day they could carry coal enough to make this trip between these two points without stopping at any place—any midway place—to coal. But they would reach the coast of the United States with bunkers comparatively empty, which would take from their efficiency.

Senator Butler. I would like to ask you a question in regard to Pearl Harbor. Is it a large rendezvous? Taking the description you have given of its extent, how many ships would it hold?

Mr. Moore. It is large enough to take all the war vessels Great Britain has today, which runs into the hundreds.

Senator Butler. And give them protection within the harbor?

Mr. Moore. Yes.

Senator Butler. They could rendezvous there in still water?

Mr. Moore. Yes.

The Chairman. You mean whatever degree of security a fortification would be provided by the ships for their own safety?

Mr. Moore. Yes. I do not mean that if Pearl Harbor were filled with vessels they would be beyond the reach of the guns of to-day.

Senator Butler. That is not what I meant to say. Would they have what you officers call sea room?

Mr. Moore. Sea room; yes, plenty of it.

Senator Butler. Enough for more than a hundred vessels inside the bar?

Mr. Moore. Yes.

Senator Butler. Do you remember what water is on the bar crossing the harbor?

The Chairman. Only a few feet, 7 or 8.

Mr. Moore. I think more than that; about 12 feet. I am under the impression that that bar can be dredged with a hydraulic dredge, the same as Honolulu. We have a depth of 30 feet at Honolulu, and I have no reason to believe but that the bar at Pearl Harbor is of the same coral sand.

The Chairman. I have been trying to lead you up to this proposition, that Pearl Harbor, with the advantages that you have described and its location, nearly in the middle of the Pacific Ocean, is a strategic point for our country.

Mr. Moore. I regard it as a strategic point in defense of our west coast.

The Chairman. That if it were in the possession of any naval power it would cripple us?

Mr. Moore. It would enable them to throw a fleet on our coast of whatever number of vessels they might have, fully equipped with provisions and coal.

The Chairman. And we could have no point to anticipate them except the open sea and on the coast?

Mr. Moore. None. There is one question that the Senator asked

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me a while ago. I would like to add that the harbor of Honolulu is one that could be very fairly defended.

The Chairman. From the hill back of it?

Mr. Moore. From the hills back of it, and the reef in front as well. I have just received a chart of Honolulu.

The Chairman. Does the water break deep over that reef?

Mr. Moore. No; very shallow.

The Chairman. You can build forts on the reef?

Mr. Moore. Yes; breakwater fortifications on that reef, and be about a mile in front of the moorings of the vessels.

Senator Butler. That would be to protect the harbor?

Mr. Moore. Yes; against any vessels from the outside.

The Chairman. What you speak of there is the Punchbowl?

Mr. Moore. Punchbowl and Diamond Head are both commanding points. Punchbowl back of the town.

The Chairman. That is the one with the crater?

Mr. Moore. Yes; both are extinct craters.

Senator Butler. You mean to have heavy guns on those hills?

Mr. Moore. Yes. They would be able to fire a long distance, and you could command a view within the range of the guns.

The Chairman. And you could establish heavy batteries looking out to sea?

Mr. Moore. Yes; on the reef.

Senator Butler. But you could command a sweep of the sea?

Mr. Moore. From both you could command a sweep of the sea of at least 90 degrees, and that commands completely the only approach from seaward to the harbor of Honolulu. Diamond Head commands 190 degrees.

Senator Butler. I would like to have down your statement in regard to the question I asked you a while ago. As to the expenditure of $100,000,000 to fortify and make a station of Pearl Harbor. Do you think that would be an extravagant estimate?

Mr. Moore. I think $100,000,000 would be very extravagant. I can not see where anything like that could be expended. In fact I think one-tenth that amount would be extravagant.

E. K. MOORE,

Lieutenant, U. S. Navy.

SWORN STATEMENT OF I. GOODWIN HOBBS.

The Chairman. Were you connected with the U. S. S. Boston in January, 1893?

Mr. Hobbs. I was.

The Chairman. What was your office on that ship.

Mr. Hobbs. Paymaster.

The Chairman. You went with the ship on the little cruise down to Hilo and Lahaina?

Mr. Hobbs. Yes.

The Chairman. Were you acquainted with the islands before the ship left?

Mr. Hobbs. Yes; I was on the islands in 1874, when Kalakaua was first made King. I was on the Tuscarora, under command of Admiral Belknap; that is, he is now.

The Chairman. What stay did you make there in 1874?

Mr. Hobbs. I was there on that cruise on three different occasions.

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The longest stay was about six months. In fact, we were there all the time during the first visit of the King to the United States after he became King. I think he came to the United States shortly after he was elected.

The Chairman. That is, Kalakaua?

Mr. Hobbs. Kalakaua, yes. You might say that we arrived there in the first instance in the Tuscarora in 1874. I think it was just a day after Lunalilo died. We were there when the trouble came up, after Kalakaua was elected King, and had to land our forces at that time to keep the peace. They were on shore, I think, some two weeks, something like that, and then continued our voyage to China on deep sea soundings, in which the ship was engaged at that time.

The Chairman. Who was the American minister at Honolulu at that time?

Mr. Hobbs. Mr. Pierce.

The Chairman. Was it at his request that the troops were sent to Honolulu?

Mr. Hobbs. I so understood it. But on that point I am not certain. That is my recollection.

The Chairman. Was there much commotion amongst the people at that time?

Mr. Hobbs. No; as I remember it it appeared to be a very peaceable kind of riot; it was all quelled within a few minutes after the force landed.

The Chairman. The Hawaiians, as a rule, are not a very riotous people?

Mr. Hobbs. No; they are very docile.

The Chairman. Have you been amongst them enough to form an estimate of their general characteristics?

Mr. Hobbs. So far as I know, they do not care very much for work, so long as they have plenty of poi and fish. They let matters go on so long as the have their poi and fish.

The Chairman. They are not an industrious, enterprising people?

Mr. Hobbs. No; not so in my opinion.

Senator Frye. You are speaking now of the Kanakas?

Mr. Hobbs. Yes.

The Chairman. Would you say that they are a people given to intrigue and conspiracy?

Mr. Hobbs. I should say not.

The Chairman. They are disposed to put up with what is given to them?

Mr. Hobbs. Yes.

The Chairman. During your visit to Hawaii did your hear the subject of annexation to the United States discussed amongst the people there?

Mr. Hobbs. No; I do not think I did.

The Chairman. And more recently, when you were there on the Boston, and before the time you went out to Hilo, what was the condition of the popular mind as to peacefulness and quietude?

Mr. Hobbs. All through that time there appeared to be a good deal of uneasiness among the people, due to the change in the ministry— rather unsettled; did not know what to do. They could not make any engagements ahead. They did not know what was going to happen until what was known as the Wilcox ministry came into power. After that ministry was installed the people had great faith and reliance that their troubles were over, and that that ministry would probably hold

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over for two years following the adjournment of the Legislature, which was expected soon; and on the way to Hilo I got that impression from Mr. Stevens, in the conversations which I had with him from time to time, that the present ministry would not be voted ont.

The Chairman. Mr. Stevens was of that opinion, was he?

Mr. Hobbs. Yes; he seemed to be. And after the ministry was thrown out, Capt. Wiltse said to me that he was afraid that would be the result—that they would not stay in.

The Chairman. Did Mr. Stevens go with the Boston on any official business, or was it a pleasure excursion?

Mr. Hobbs. He had never visited the island of Hilo since he had been there, and he went principally to visit that island.

The Chairman. The Boston went out for target practice?

Mr. Hobbs. Yes.

The Chairman. And Mr. Stevens went along as a guest of the officers of the ship?

Mr. Hobbs. Yes.

Senator Frye. Did Mr. Stevens in these conversations with you express himself as pleased with the contentment and prospect of peace, and that it would last until his return home?

Mr. Hobbs. Yes; that was the idea I got from him—that if this ministry was not voted out they would have peace and quiet at least for two years, until this new Legislature came in, which would not be for two years.

The Chairman. Did you gather from Mr. Stevens that that was a satisfactory state of affairs?

Mr. Hobbs. I did, because all the men in that ministry were regarded as very reliable and very highly esteemed. Mr. Wilcox especially was a very wealthy man from Kauai. He was minister of the interior. Mr. Jones was the minister of finance; Cecil Brown was attorney-general, and a half white man; Mark Robinson was minister of foreign affairs.

The Chairman. Is Cecil Brown of American origin?

Mr. Hobbs. Yes, I think he came from Georgetown—I think he came from the District of Columbia. At all events he was at school over in Georgetown, I know, as a young man.

The Chairman. Georgetown College?

Mr. Hobbs. Yes.

Senator Frye. I would like to ask another question. You saw considerable of Mr. Stevens while you were there?

Mr. Hobbs. Yes, a good deal of him.

Senator Frye. What impression did you form of his character?

Mr. Hobbs. I regarded him as an able man in every way. I became very much attached to him, and was at his house frequently.

The Chairman. Your relations with Mr. Stevens were such as might be called confidential?

Mr. Hobbs. I should scarcely say that, although Mr. Stevens was from Maine and I was originally from Maine, and it was a little common amenity between us on that account, perhaps.

Senator Frye. Was Mr. Stevens a man whom you looked upon as inclined to be a filibusterer or inclined to disturb the condition of things at all?

Mr. Hobbs. No; I would not have thought that of him.

The Chairman. I was going to ask you whether you heard anything from Mr. Stevens in the discussion of Hawaiian affairs that led you to suppose he was trying to disrupt that Government, dethrone the

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Queen, or accomplish the annexation of those islands to the United States?

Mr. Hobbs. No.

The Chairman. Nothing that he remarked led you to understand that he had any such purpose?

Mr. Hobbs. No.

The Chairman. Did he ever complain about the authorities there?

Mr. Hobbs. I never heard him make any complaint. We only talked in the usual way; but did not talk politics, only incidentally.

Mr. Chairman. Did you have a residence on the island while you were there, a cottage on the island?

Mr. Hobbs. From April to shortly before September my family were there, and I was on shore at night.

The Chairman. Keeping house.

Mr. Hobbs. No, at the hotel.

The Chairman. Mr. Moore's family was there?

Mr. Hobbs. Yes.

The Chairman. Were the families of other gentlemen?

Mr. Hobbs. Yes. On our ship? No. There was one other officer of the ship had his family there, but not at the hotel.

The Chairman. Your family went out to Honolulu to meet you?

Mr. Hobbs. In April last I got three weeks' leave from the admiral and came home and took my family back.

The Chairman. They could not go over on a man-of-war?

Mr. Hobbs. No; they went over on the Australia.

The Chairman. Had you any idea of keeping your wife there when you went on that trip to Honolulu?

Mr. Hobbs. She was not there; she came this last April.

The Chairman. Are there any other families of officers living there?

Mr. Hobbs. Mr. Moore's (he was on our ship) was the only family there.

The Chairman. Of course, in the case of an outbreak when your families were ashore you would feel a concern about them?

Mr. Hobbs. Oh, yes.

The Chairman. As I understand, you had no occasion to feel concerned about the situation at all, as to the public peace, when you went out to Hilo?

Mr. Hobbs. I did not feel concerned myself at all, but people about the town did feel concerned, people living there constantly. It did not occur to me that there was any danger to my belongings at all.

The Chairman. When you returned on Saturday morning, the 13th of January, did you go ashore?

Mr. Hobbs. I went ashore in the afternoon at 1 o'clock. We arrived in Honolulu, I think, about 11 o'clock, probably.

The Chairman. How long did you stay ashore?

Mr. Hobbs. I went ashore at 1 o'clock and went up to the English Club, where we used to go. It was there that I heard that the Queen was about to proclaim the new constitution. I then went down town to see what was going on. It was a business part of the town; it was Saturday afternoon; the people were scurrying around there; did not know what was going to happen—feared that there would be some sort of trouble and could not place exactly where it was coming from. On my way down I think I met Mr. Moore, and we had some conversation on the corner there with one of the residents, Mr. McInerny. Then I went on board ship. It was about 5 o'clock that afternoon. I went ashore again Sunday. Sunday is a remarkably quiet day in

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Honolulu, and it was quiet on this Sunday—I did not see anybody about. I took a long walk and returned to the ship about 4 or 5 o'clock that afternoon. On Monday we were not allowed to leave the ship and I did not go on shore again until the next afternoon, when I had to go on duty at the place where our men had been spending the night. They were landed Monday afternoon. We had to make some arrangements about getting food for them, and something of that sort.

The Chairman. On that Saturday afternoon which you spent on shore what was the condition of the people? State whether they were agitated and excited, or quiet and cool.

Mr. Hobbs. There was rather more excitement, I ascertained, than there was before.

The Chairman. Did you attend any mass meeting that evening?

Mr. Hobbs. No.

The Chairman. Or any other evening that you were there?

Mr. Hobbs. No.

Senator Frye. Were those mass meetings on Saturday?

The Chairman. Saturday.

Senator Frye. Sunday, was it not?

Mr. Hobbs. I think it was Monday afternoon.

The Chairman. Yes. Before you left to go back on the ship, which I think you said was about 5 o'clock, did you hear of the establishment of a committee of safety, or anything of that kind?

Mr. Hobbs. I heard that a committee of safety had been appointed.

The Chairman. You heard that on shore?

Mr. Hobbs. I think so. I would not be absolutely sure about that.

The Chairman. Do you recollect the names of any of the persons with whom you and Mr. Moore conversed on these topics?

Mr. Hobbs. No; I do not remember. Shortly after Mr. Moore left, he went up town where his wife was living, and I do not remember that we did have any more conversation with any of the citizens.

The Chairman. Did you have any apprehension of an outbreak there that Saturday evening?

Mr. Hobbs. At the time I went on aboard the ship, no.

The Chairman. Later during that evening, did you have any?

Mr. Hobbs. No. I did not hear anything of any trouble except the rumors that a committee of safety had been appointed and was at work.

The Chairman. When you went on shore again on Sunday did you find any considerable bodies of men collected together?

Mr. Hobbs. No; I do not remember to have seen half a dozen people on the street.

The Chairman. You would not have supposed that the country was in a revolutionary state from the appearance of the people?

Mr. Hobbs. Not from what I saw on Sunday. But Sunday, as a rule, is a particularly quiet day, in the middle of the day.

The Chairman. You did not witness any public agitation or excitement?

Mr. Hobbs. I did not on that Sunday.

The Chairman. And you went back Sunday night to your vessel?

Mr. Hobbs. Yes.

The Chairman. And Monday you were detained on board?

Mr. Hobbs. Yes; not allowed to leave the ship.

The Chairman. What time did you get orders to remain aboard ship?

Mr. Hobbs. I think Monday morning.

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The Chairman. At guard mounting?

Mr. Hobbs. Yes. At half-past 9, I think, word was passed that we would not be allowed to visit the shore.

The Chairman. Were any preparations made during Sunday for sending troops ashoret

Mr. Hobbs. I think not on Sunday.

The Chairman. Were any made on Monday after these orders were given for the officers to remain on board?

Mr. Hobbs. If my recollection serves me correctly it was not until Monday afternoon, until 1 o'clock, after the men had their dinners, that arrangements were made in case they were to land to get their belongings together, their equipments.

The Chairman. The equipments of such parties as went out from that ship consisted first of arms and ammunition, and then provisions?

Mr. Hobbs. They did not go on shore until after they had their supper that night, and they did not carry any provisions except some hardtack, which was taken, and then Mr. Moore and I were left on board ship to send provisions to them the next morning.

The Chairman. Do you recollect Mr. Stevens coming aboard ship on Monday?

Mr. Hobbs. I do. I remember that he came on board ship about 3 o'clock Monday afternoon. I saw him aboard ship. I did not have any conversation with him.

The Chairman. Had these orders and preparations for sending ships ashore been on foot before Mr. Stevens came on the ship?

Mr. Hobbs. I am unable to state accurately in regard to that, because it would not come within my supervision in any event.

The Chairman. But the order for the officers to remain on board ship was earlier?

Mr. Hobbs Yes, in the morning.

The Chairman. Before Mr. Stevens came?

Mr. Hobbs. Oh, yes.

The Chairman. Are those unusual orders when a vessel is in port?

Mr. Hobbs. Yes, I should say so. But it happened on one or two occasions after the revolution, while Admiral Skerrett was there. I think there were one or two days when we were not allowed to visit the shore.

The Chairman. It created the expectation that there was to be some need for the troops?

Mr. Hobbs. It did.

The Chairman. Then you went in on Tuesday morning?

Mr. Hobbs. At l o'clock Tuesday morning I went ashore on duty.

The Chairman. Where were the United States troops then?

Mr. Hobbs. They were in a hall called Arion hall, in the rear of the opera house.

The Chairman. Quartered there?

Mr. Hobbs. Took up their quarters there at 8 o'clock the evening before.

The Chairman. How long did they remain there before going to Camp Boston?

Mr. Hobbs. About a week; Capt. Wiltse directed me to find the agent of the building and pay for its occupancy while our people were quartered there, which I did.

The Chairman. You had nothing to do with quartering the troops there, though?

Mr. Hobbs. No.

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The Chairman. When the troops were at Camp Boston, did they put up tents?

Mr. Hobbs. No; they occupied a large house which belonged to Mr. Bishop, with large, extensive grounds. For that establishment I paid at the rate $75 per month. Mr. Damon, the agent, stated he had rented it for that purpose. That was since we were there. They rented at that rate, and we paid the same rate.

The Chairman. When you got off on Monday were all the troops at Arion Hall, or at different places?

Mr. Hobbs. A large portion of the marines were at the consul-general's office and about 12 at Mr. Stevens's house.

The Chairman. Were you present at any interviews between the Queen's ministers and the persons who were then conducting the Provisional Government.

Mr. Hobbs. No.

The Chairman. You know nothing of that?

Mr. Hobbs. No.

The Chairman. After the establishment of the Provisional Government, how long did you remain in Honolulu or Hawaii?

Mr. Hobbs. The ship Boston?

The Chairman. Yes?

Mr. Hobbs. Until—I think we left there on the 26th of September last.

The Chairman. You were not attached to any other ship?

Mr. Hobbs. No.

The Chairman. You came away with the Boston?

Mr. Hobbs. Came away with the Boston.

The Chairman. During that period of time, from the establishment of this Provisional Government until the time you left there, state whether peace and quietude and order prevailed in Honolulu, or were there outbreaks, public agitations?

Mr. Hobbs. Peace and quiet obtained all the time.

The Chairman. Testing the government in control of public affairs there with what you saw of the condition of the community, commerce, trade, and all that, would you say that is a good government or bad government?

Mr. Hobbs. I should say it was a good government.

The Chairman. At any time that you have been in Hawaii, have you seen any government that you thought was better than that?

Mr. Hobbs. No.

The Chairman. State whether you believe that the resources in command of that Provisional Government, after it had been established by men and money and arms and the support of the people, were such that the Queen, with what she had at her command and without assistance from foreign powers, could have overcome that government.

Mr. Hobbs. In my opinion she never could, never.

The Chairman. You think it would have been a rash and dangerous venture to undertake it?

Mr. Hobbs. I do.

The Chairman. Do you think now, without the assistance of foreign governments, the Queen could break down the Provisional Goveminent?

Mr. Hobbs. I do not.

The Chairman. So that, as to these limits on power and authority, would you consider that the Provisional Government is a more permanent government than a royal government could be at this time?

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Mr. Hobbs. I should say so—was at the time I left Honolulu.

The Chairman. And even up to now?

Mr. Hobbs. Yes; my confidence is stronger now. They are better able to defend themselves than they were when I left.

The Chairman. Do you think any man or set of men would be able by combination and conspiracy to put those native people into a state of hostility and belligerency and war toward the Provisional Government?

Mr. Hobbs. The native people.

The Chairman. Yes.

Mr. Hobbs. In my opinion it would be a very difficult thing to do.

The Chairman. You think a good strong army in respect of numbers could not be organized there under existing conditions?

Mr. Hobbs. Not of natives. I think 50 white men could go all through the islands.

The Chairman. You predicate that belief of the characteristics of the people?

Mr. Hobbs. Yes.

The Chairman. As I understand they are people who have been during all their career given to obedience?

Mr. Hobbs. Yes.

The Chairman. And the power that is backed by sufficient authority and resources to maintain itself is apt to be sustained by them.

Mr. Hobbs. Yes; I should say that without any reservation.

The Chairman. What is the general character for intelligence and good conduct and good motives and good purposes of those persons who are now engaged in the effort to govern Hawaii under the present organization called the "Provisional Government"?

Mr. Hobbs. I think it is a desire to have a good strong government, which they have not had during this dynasty. They have been in an unsettled state during the whole time of this reign. They have had revolutions about every year or two, and they have never felt that they have had good, substantial government.

The Chairman. Are you speaking of the reign of Kalakaua and Liliuokalani?

Mr. Hobbs. Yes.

The Chairman. You are not speaking of the Kamehameha reigns?

Mr. Hobbs. No.

Senator Frye. Mr. Hobbs did not answer all of your former question.

The Chairman. Let the question be read.

The question was read as follows: "What is the general character for intelligence and good conduct and good motives and good purposes of those persons who are now engaged in the effort to govern Hawaii under the present organization called the Provisional Government?"

Mr. Hobbs. In my opinion they are the best men in the islands— men who are the most reliable and respectable in the islands that I know.

The Chairman. How would those men compare with the better class of people in the United States?

Mr. Hobbs. Compare most favorably.

Senator Frye. In education and everything?

Mr. Hobbs. Education; yes, refinement and culture.

The Chairman. Have you ever seen any disposition on the part of

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the ruling authorities there—the white people—to wrong or bear down upon the native Kanaka population?

Mr. Hobbs. No.

The Chairman. Is the reverse of that proposition true?

Mr. Hobbs. I should say so.

The Chairman. What seems to be the state of feeling between the Kanaka population and the white people, taking them at large—taking the different classes—whether it is friendly, agreeable, or hostile?

Mr. Hobbs. So far as I was able to observe that point I should say that it is favorable.

The Chairman. I suppose necessarily there must be some race jealousies there?

Mr. Hobbs. I think that is so, more particularly among the half whites than among the pure natives.

The Chairman. Would you say that there was a stronger condition of race jealously existing in Hawaii between the whites and the native Kanakas than there is in these States, Southern States, Washington— I will say between the whites and negroes?

Mr. Hobbs. Not so much.

The Chairman. Is it considered disreputable for a white man to marry a Kanaka woman?

Mr. Hobbs. No; many have done so.

The Chairman. But it is quite disreputable for a white man to marry a negro woman here.

Mr. Hobbs. Oh, certainly.

The Chairman. Take them in their churches, schools, business erlations, agricultural occupations and associations—take the whole thing together, does there seem to be any real hostility between these different races?

Mr. Hobbs. I should say not.

The Chairman. Do they live on amicable terms?

Mr. Hobbs. Yes.

The Chairman. And have good will and encouragement for each other?

Mr. Hobbs. I should say so, as a rule; yes.

The Chairman. Of course, the ordinary distinctions which are created by education and different methods of reasoning must make their impressions there as they do everywhere else?

Mr. Hobbs. In the social gatherings there you will see half castes and pure natives in society all together.

The Chairman. Is Hawaii a pleasant place for residence?

Mr. Hobbs. I liked it very much myself.

The Chairman. I speak now more particularly of the society of Honolulu and larger towns—Hilo?

Mr. Hobbs. I only know about Honolulu, and the society there is a delightful one. It is quite as refined as you would find in any town in the United States, go where you will.

The Chairman. Would you call the people there refined and intelligent?

Mr. Hobbs. Yes.

The Chairman. People of good tastes and aspirations?

Mr. Hobbs. Yes.

The Chairman. And people of broad intelligence?

Mr. Hobbs. Yes.

The Chairman. Had you ever heard from Captain Wiltse any observations

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at all that led you to think that he was disposed to participate in Hawaiian politics, Hawaiian affairs?

Mr. Hobbs. No.

The Chairman. Interfere in the slightest degree with the independence of that country?

Mr. Hobbs. No.

The Chairman. You know Captain Wiltse well?

Mr. Hobbs. Very well.

The Chairman. Have you had frequent conversations with him?

Mr. Hobbs. Yes.

Senator Frye. Ss far as you know Captain Wiltse's purpose in landing troops was to protect the lives and property of Americans?

Mr. Hobbs. Yes.

The Chairman. Was that the understanding when the troops left the ship?

Mr. Hobbs. Yes.

The Chairman. To protect life and property?

Mr. Hobbs. The troops were ordered to take no side, but to remain passive in the troubles that were occurring—political troubles.

The Chairman. Could you detect any difference between the movement of the troops ashore from the Boston and the movement that took place twenty years ago, in 1874, when you were there, as to its purposes, objects, and motives?

Mr. Hobbs. I should say it was for the same reason.

The Chairman. So far as you know it all appeared to be for the same purpose?

Mr. Hobbs. Yes.

The Chairman. The preservation of life and property?

Mr. Hobbs. Exactly.

The Chairman. Did you have any suspicion or conjecture that those troops were sent there for the purpose of breaking up one government and erecting another?

Mr. Hobbs. Not the slightest. I did not know what was the purpose I did not figure it at all.

The Chairman. You did not think there was any such purpose?

Mr. Hobbs. No.

Adjourned to meet to-morrow, the 10th instant, at 10 o'clock a. m.

Wednesday, January 10, 1894.

The committee met pursuant to adjournment.

Present: The chairman (Senator Morgan) and Senators Gray and Frye.

Absent: Senators Butler and Sherman.

SWORN STATEMENT OF LIEUTENANT CHARLES LAIRD.

The Chairman. What is your rank in the Navy?

Mr. Laird. Lieutenant, senior grade.

The Chairman. When did you first visit the Hawaiian Islands?

Mr. Laird. On the arrival of the Boston there, August 24, 1892.

The Chairman. Were you much ashore after your arrival there?

Mr. Laird. Yes; most of the time when I was off duty I was ashore and met the people.

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The Chairman. Did you have a great many acquaintances among them?

Mr. Laird. A great many.

The Chairman. What was the general state or condition of the people as to peacefulness and quietness after January, 1893?

Mr. Laird. It was generally quiet; but there was a great deal of tension on account of the numerous changes in the cabinet and the difficulties in the Legislature. At times in and about the club I would hear people, members of the Legislature, speak of the tension, and when the lottery bill was brought up for passage there was a great deal of tension amongst the people.

The Chairman. Do you mean that that occurred after the last change in the cabinet?

Mr. Laird. No; this was progressing with each change in the cabinet. The business portion of the community was more and more dissatisfied.

The Chairman. What cabinet was in when you went there—the Wilcox cabinet?

Mr. Laird. I can not tell. I know some of the members of the last cabinet. Mr. Parker was a member of the last cabinet.

Senator Gray. Who was that?

Mr. Laird. Sam Parker.

The Chairman. I think he was a member of the last cabinet?

Senator Frye. He was a member of the cabinet that displaced the Wilcox cabinet.

Mr. Laird. He was a member of the one that displaced the Wilcox cabinet—minister of foreign relations.

The Chairman. Did you know Mr. Parker?

Mr. Laird. Yes; very well.

The Chairman. Did you hear him speak of Hawaii and the various changes of the cabinet and the passage of the lottery and the opium bills?

Mr. Laird. I went to his house at various times, visited his family, and it was very seldom that he discussed politics. If he did it was in a light, frivolous way. He was 6 feet in height, but he had more of the characteristics of a child than of a full-grown man.

The Chairman. These discussions that you heard in the club were from other persons?

Mr. Laird. Yes; from other persons, people who would come there to get their luncheon.

The Chairman. Did you go with the Boston down to Hilo on that practice cruise?

Mr. Laird. Yes, I did.

The Chairman. When did you leave Honolulu?

Mr. Laird. We left on January 4 and returned on January 14.

The Chairman. At the time you left there were you aware of the existence of any public commotion or any threat against the integrity of the government, or opposition to it at all?

Mr. Laird. No. On the contrary, I was at a dinner with Mr. Irwin, who was Claus Spreckles's partner, and he expressed himself as being well satisfied with this new cabinet.

Senator Frye. That was the Wilcox cabinet?

Mr. Laird. Yes; Mr. Wilcox, from Hawaii; P. C. Jones, Mark Robinson, and Cecil Brown, all men of very high standing in the community.

Senator Frye. Was Mr. Irwin a man of wealth?

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Mr. Laird. Yes; very large wealth; next to Mr. Spreckels the wealthiest man on the islands.

Senator Frye. What business has he there?

Mr. Laird. A large commercial business, and also president of the bank.

Senator Frye. Which bank?

Mr. Laird. Spreckels's bank.

The Chairman. So that at the time yon left there you had no apprehensions of a civil outbreak or political disturbance?

Mr. Laird. None whatever. The first intimation we had was after we got back to Lahaina, on the 13th.

The Chairman. What did you hear there?

Mr. Laird. Lahaina is about 85 miles from Honolulu. One of the inter-island steamers came in, and the purser and Mr. Wilder, now Hawaiian consul at San Francisco, came over and brought the latest paper, which gave the information that the Wilcox cabinet had been turned out and a new cabinet appointed, and that the Legislature was to be prorogued the next morning. This information was communicated to the captain and also to Mr. Stevens; the orders had been already given for sailing the next morning, and no change was made; we sailed at the time set, and went over very leisurely, half-steam power. On the way over a pet dog fell overboard, and we lowered the lifeboat and consumed about two hours looking for the dog. We arrived in the harbor the next morning about 11 o'clock. I did not finish mooring the ship until after 12. Mr. Young was the only one who went ashore to visit the Legislature.

The Chairman. And participated in the ceremony?

Mr. Laird. An invitation had been sent to the ship for the officers to attend the prorogation. But all the other officers were engaged that morning, or were taking their midday meal, and did not care to go, Mr. Young was the only one who went. Whether or not he was detailed by the captain I do not know.

The Chairman. Do you know whether Mr. Stevens or Mr. Young left the ship first?

Mr. Laird. I think Mr. Stevens left first; I am quite sure he did. As we came into the harbor his daughter was in a small pull-away boat with some gentlemen. They, pulled off to the ship, and Mr. Stevens went ashore probably a half hour before Mr. Young went.

The Chairman. This was the practice cruise that you made down on the coast at Hilo, the island at Hilo ?

Mr. Laird. Yes. Target practice had been delayed on account of the unsettled state of affairs in the harbor, and the captain decided to go to Hilo for target practice. During the time that we were there Mr. Stevens and his daughter went up to the volcano with some of the officers. We found the sea too rough at Hilo for target practice, and the captain decided to go to Lahaina aud hold target practice in the channel between the two islands, where we could get smooth water; we went back there and finished our practice on the afternoon of the 13th.

The Chairman. After your arrival at Honolulu, what time did you go ashore?

Mr. Laird. I did not go until Monday, when I landed with the troops. My duties were such that I could uot go ashore; we are not allowed to leave the ship whilst on duty, and I therefore did not go ashore.

The Chairman. Did you have command?

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Mr. Laird. I did.

The Chairman. What command?

Mr. Laird. The color company.

The Chairman. Describe what you saw.

Mr. Laird. I was on duty Monday afternoon when preparations were being made for landing. Mr. Stevens came on board during the afternoon. At half-past 3, Lieut. Commander Swinburne, the executive officer, came and told me that he would send a relief for me, one of the junior officers, and that I should see that my company was equipped in heavy marching order, and see that all the accouterments were in good condition. I did so. Shortly after that, probably about 4 o'clock, all the officers who were to land were called into the cabin by Captain Wiltse and his instructions were read to the officers.

The Chairman. Before getting to the instructions I will ask, were any preparations made for sending detachments ashore before Mr. Stevens's arrival on board ship that afternoon?

Mr. Laird. They had been. Mr. Young had gone ashore, and he brought back certain rumors on Saturday. Time was consumed in getting the ammunition out of the ammunition room, the gun carriages into the boats, and ammunition in the belts. Each man had 80 rounds of ammunition, and each one of these had to be placed in the belt separately, the magazines had to be filled in anticipation of having to land; these preparations were made.

The Chairman. Before Mr. Stevens' arrival?

Mr. Laird. Yes.

Senator Frye. And in consequence of the various rumors?

Mr. Laird. The rumors that were passing around Saturday afternoon, Sunday, and Monday morning.

The Chairman. Do you mean that Mr. Young communicated these rumors to the captain?

Mr. Laird. He did communicate some; and other officers brought back such information as they found.

The Chairman. Do you know who they were.

Mr. Laird. I do not know.

The Chairman. Did any citizens come aboard ship before Mr. Stevens?

Mr. Laird. Not that I recollect.

The Chairman. Do you think you would have been aware of their presence if they had come?

Mr. Laird. I was officer of the deck. You mean Saturday.

The Chairman. On Monday morning. Mr. Stevens did not return until Monday afternoon?

Mr. Laird. He did not return until Monday afternoon.

The Chairman. I want to know if any citizen came aboad ship before Mr. Stevens came aboard.

Mr. Laird. That I can not state.

The Chairman. You were not officer of the deck?

Mr. Laird. I was officer of the deck in the afternoon, and I am quite sure none came.

The Chairman. What time did you go on duty?

Mr. Laird. At half past 12, and I was relieved at half past 3. If any citizens did come I did not see them. If any civilians came over the side and the quartermaster did not report to me he did not perform his duty. My duties would take me from the quarter-deck, and it would be the quartermaster's duty to report to me.

The Chairman. You were in charge of the color company?

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Mr. Laird. Yes.

The Chairman. Bluejackets or marines?

Mr. Laird. Blue jackets.

The Chairman. Did you carry the national colors?

Mr. Laird. Yes.

The Chairman. You say that the officers were assembled in the cabin, and that Capt. Wiltse read his orders?

Mr. Laird. Yes, read the orders and instructions that were given to Mr. Swinburn. Mr. Stevens was sitting there at the time of this conference; and after a general discussion, into which I did not enter, I turned to Capt. Wiltse and asked him, "Now, Captain, how far will these orders and instructions which you have read, carry me in case I am detached from the main command and sent off to some other part of the city?" Capt. Wiltse turned to me and said, "My desire is that you remain neutral; you are to protect the lives and property of American citizens; you have been in Honolulu four months and have been going ashore and meeting the people and I must depend a great deal upon the discretion of my officers."

The Chairman. Was there anything in the orders or instructions you received that looked to the establishment of any government different from that of the Queen?

Mr. Laird. None. The burden of the orders was to look out for the lives and property of American citizens.

Senator Frye. And that order of Capt. Wiltse was given in the presence of Mr. Stevens?

Mr. Laird. It was.

The Chairman. Did Capt. Wiltse on that occasion read any order from the Secretary of the Navy or admiral of the fleet?

Mr. Laird. No; I do not think he had any communication from the admiral of the fleet.

The Chairman. Did he read any orders to him?

Mr. Laird. I think he read an extract. I do not know what the extracts were made from. I understood one of the extracts was taken from his letter of instructions from the Department; but I can not say where they were taken from.

The Chairman. The authority and the intervention he made there were discussed?

Mr. Laird. No; we did not discuss; we had not the right.

The Chairman. I mean, they were explained by him.

Mr. Laird. Yes. His explanation, after reading over these instructions, was general—that we were sent ashore for the protection of life and property of American citizens. That was the burden of it. The instructions were contained on a piece of paper the size of that (indicating an ordinary note sheet).

The Chairman. At the time you left the ship, had you any knowledge of the existence of a committee of safety in Honolulu?

Mr. Laird. I knew by hearsay that such a committee had been formed.

The Chairman. Did you know anything about the Provisional Government having been established ?

Mr. Young. No.

The Chairman. Your information was that there had been a committee of safety organized?

Mr. Laird. Yes.

The Chairman. Proceed and state how you landed and what you did over there.

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Mr. Laird. The boats landed at Brewer's wharf at about quarter to 5. The battalion was formed on Queen street, marched up Queen to Fort street. On Fort street the battalion was halted in front of the U. S. consulate. Here the marines under command of Lieut. Draper were detached with instructions to protect the U. S. consulate and the U. S. legation.

The Chairman. Up what streets did you march?

Mr. Laird. Queen, Fort, Merchant, and King streets.

The Chairman. Abreast of the consulate, and there the detachment was made?

Mr. Laird. Yes, and there Mr. Draper was given orders to guard the consulate and to send part of his force up the valley to the minister's residence. About one-fifth of the whole command was detached.

The Chairman. So that the consulate was left in the hands of that officer?

Mr. Laird. Left in the hands of Mr. Draper.

The Chairman. Well?

Mr. Laird. The main body marched up Fort to Merchant, from Merchant to King, and out the King street road. The Queen was standing on the balcony of the palace as we passed. We gave the royal salute by drooping the colors and a blast from the trumpet. We went a half mile beyond the palace and came to the halt. There I went to Lieut. Commander Swinburne and said that something should be done to house the men, as the weather was threatening.

The Chairman. What time was that?

Mr. Laird. About half past 5 o'clock.

The Chairman. Was it dark?

Mr. Laird. It was not dark.

Senator Frye. Whom did you go to?

Mr. Laird. Lieut. Commander Swinburne; and he turned over the command of the infantry to me and went to see some of the citizens. Mr. Gunn was in the neighborhood, on horseback, and I think Mr. Charles Carter was there. Lieut. Commander Swinburne told me that Capt. Wiltse was down the street seeing if he could not find some covering for the men that night. When we went ashore we did not expect to remain more than a day or two at the most. We then marched up to Mr. Atherton's place, we stacked arms, and the men bivouacked there until 10 o'clock before a place was found.

Senator Frye. Did it rain?

Mr. Laird. It did; there were casual showers; quite a number of light showers passed over during the time we were there. We got under way about 10 o'clock and started down the street. In order not to make any disturbance, the music was stopped. We halted in front of Arion Hall. I did not know before that there was such a place. It is situated immediately back of the opera house on Palace Square. It was used as a Mormon church, and all the chairs and all the paraphernalia were on the floor. A detachment was sent in and the hall prepared for occupancy; the men spread their blankets on the floor and on the front and back verandas.

The Chairman. As you marched up the street during your progress there, did you see any bodies of people assembled anywhere?

Mr. Laird. No, not more than usual. Natives were grouped around, and there was quite a group around the palace gate. But I would not call it a body of people. They were immediately around the palace gate and Government building gate.

The Chairman. You speak of lolani Palace?

S. Doc. 231, pt 6----47

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Mr. Laird. Yes.

The Chairman. How far is that building from the palace?

Mr. Laird. I suppose 150 yards.

The Chairman. Were there any persons in the palace enclosure beside the Queen?

Mr. Laird. I saw some members of the Queen's Guard. The gates were closed and 1 of the members of the guard was at the gate and 1 or 2 at the palace steps.

The Chairman. Was the Queen alone?

Mr. Laird. She was alone when I saw her on the balcony.

The Chairman. Was there any array of troops or policemen at the palace?

Mr. Laird. If there were I did not see them.

The Chairman. Were the persons around the palace numerous or scattering?

Mr. Laird. There were a great many more people on the street at that time of the evening than you would expect to find in Honolulu under ordinary circumstances.

The Chairman. I speak of the palace—immediately surrounding the palace. Were persons around there?

Mr. Laird. Directly in front of the palace, on the street, in the square there?

The Chairman. I am not speaking of that.

Mr. Laird. No; I did not see any one around the palace, except the guards of whom I spoke.

The Chairman. Guards at the step and one at the gate?

Mr. Laird. Yes.

The Chairman. Was there any alarm during the night?

Mr. Laird. I think there were two alarms of fire that night. Mr. Young had the guard. There were either two or three alarms of fire that night.

The Chairman. Did any men turn out?

Mr. Laird. I think Mr. Swinburne himself went out to see where it was, reconnoiter, and also sent an officer of the guard out.

The Chairman. Who was appointed officer of the day?

Mr. Laird. Mr. Young was officer of the day the day on which we landed.

The Chairman. The next morning, where did you go?

Mr. Laird. The next morning the regular routine was laid out— the men were confined in such a small place that it was necessary to keep them busy in order to keep them contented. The routine was laid out and continued there until we went down to Camp Boston.

The Chairman. How many days did you remain at Arion Hall?

Mr. Laird. Three days—three nights.

The Chairman. Then you went to Camp Boston?

Mr. Laird. Camp Boston.

The Chairman. How far away is that from Arion Hall?

Mr. Laird. Probably an eighth of a mile—little over.

The Chairman. Was that further from or nearer to the barracks than Arion Hall?

Mr. Laird. Further from the barracks; yes, decidedly.

The Chairman. And also the police station?

Mr. Laird. Nearer the police station.

The Chairman. How long did your detachment remain at Camp Boston after you got there?

Mr. Laird. Until 11 o'clock on the morning of April 1.

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The Chairman. During the time you stayed there, were patrols sent out through the city?

Mr. Laird. Not for the purpose of patrolling the city. Men were sent out for drill in various directions in order to give them exercise but they were not sent out in the nature of a patrol.

The Chairman. Do you say there was no patrol established in Honolulu by your troops?

Mr. Laird. Not on the streets.

The Chairman. I mean outside of your own camp.

Mr. Laird. Not outside of our own camp.

The Chairman. You confined your duties to the protection of your camp?

Mr. Laird. Directly to having the men remain in camp, and no man was allowed to go out except on duty during the first two weeks we were there.

The Chairman. During that time was there turbulence in the city?

Mr. Laird. No; the city was quiet. There were a great many rumors of threatened action on the part of the Queen's followers; but there was no disorder of any kind.

The Chairman. Were you aware of any attempt at an opposition to the Provisional Government—I mean armed opposition?

Mr. Laird. There was not. I saw a number of rumors in that regard in the papers, but personally I was not aware of it.

The Chairman. At what time was the surrender of the Queen's military establishment made—troops and munitions of war?

Mr. Laird. That I can not state. I know they were the last to surrender. I think it was on the evening of the 18th.

The Chairman. Did they surrender after the police had surrendered that were under Wilson's command?

Mr. Laird. Yes. I think the Provisional Government allowed the Queen to retain them simply as a matter of courtesy, not that they feared them at all.

The Chairman. Betain the police?

Mr. Laird. No; retain her own personal guard. After they did surrender, a certain number was allowed to remain with her.

The Chairman. After the surrender took place?

Mr. Laird. After the surrender of the Queen's body guard they allowed her to retain a certain number.

Senator Gray. That was after her abdication?

Mr. Laird. Oh, certainly; some time after.

The Chairman. Were these men allowed to remain?

Mr. Laird. I do not know.

The Chairman. Were any police retained for the protection of her property?

Mr. Laird. Of the municipal police?

The Chairman. Yes.

Mr. Laird. I can not say. She was given all the protection that she required. If she did request a detail of police, I am quite sure it was given.

Senator Gray. Why are you sure; because of the general conduct of the Provisional Government?

Mr. Laird. They were very lenient.

Senator Gray. You knew what was going on with the Provisional Government.

Mr. Laird. Yes.

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The Chairman. Were you present at the time Wilson gave up control of the police?

Mr. Laird. No.

The Chairman. Did you see them at any time in the city?

Mr. Laird. No. That was in an entirely different portion of the city than Arion Hall—half a mile away.

The Chairman. You confined yourself to your military duties while you were there?

Mr. Laird. Confined ourselves to the precincts of our own camp. Officers were not even permitted to go out; that is, during the first two days.

Senator Frye. Did you know Minister Stevens well?

Mr. Laird. Yes; I know him quite well. I have visited his family quite frequently and met him quite frequently.

Senator Frye. What estimate did you form of his character as a minister?

Mr. Laird. Remarkably good; think he was a man who was very attentive to his duties, and would consider him a very careful man.

Senator Frye. Did you see in him, or hear from him at any time in all your acquaintance with him, any purpose of overthrowing the existing Government of Hawaii and establishing a new one?

Mr. Laird. The only remarks I ever heard him make in regard to it was on the Boston down at Hilo. He lamented the general condition of the Government, and seemed to be relieved that the Wilcox cabinet had been formed.

Senator Frye. Did you have any conversations with Minister Stevens while he was on the ship going down to Hilo?

Mr. Laird. Quite a number; yes.

The Chairman. State whether or not he made any expressions about the continuance of the Wilcox cabinet—the length of time it would probably continue?

Mr. Laird. I feel confident that he expected thoroughly that the Wilcox cabinet would hold after the Legislature was prorogued.

Senator Frye. That was two years?

Mr. Laird. Yes, hold for two years until the next election. He spoke about the peace, the possibility of peace and quiet to the country, and his desires to wind up his affairs and go home.

Senator Frye. Was there any indication given to you or to any ot the officers in your presence, of a desire on the part of Mr. Stevens to interfere in the government of the islands?

Mr. Laird. None that I had ever seen.

Senator Frye. Do you yourself personally know what request Mr. Stevens made of Capt. Wiltse when he came on board the Boston that afternoon at 3 o'clock ?

Mr. Laird. I do not.

Senator Frye. Shortly after Minister Stevens came on board it was that in his presence and in the presence of all the officers that Capt. Wiltse issued the orders for shore duty and what should be done while on shore?

Mr. Laird. Yes.

Senator Frye. State whether or not while the troops were on shore there was any location of them made with any purpose of overawing the Queen or sustaining the Provisional Government?

Mr. Laird. None whatever. At the time the Provisional Government took charge I do not think there was anyone in the camp but Lieutenant Swinburne knew what was going to take place. They may

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have known it, but I was officer of the day and I heard nothing about it. The men were on drill at the time the proclamation was read. We heard of that shortly afterward; but our drill continued, and when the policeman was shot down in the street I went to Lieut. Commander Swinburne and requested to take command of my own company, and that the men on guard for the day should be sent to the company, which was done. During the time of the reading of the proclamation drill was being held in the rear of the building; a number of the men on guard detail were lounging around on the front porch.

Senator Frye. State whether or not at anytime while you were on shore—during the four days of the revolution—your troops were allowed to march through the streets at all, except when you landed?

Mr. Laird. No.

Senator Frye. They were confined to their own barracks?

Mr. Laird. They were confined to their own quarters until after the third night.

Senator Frye. I mean during the time you were at Arion Hall.

Mr. Laird. Yes; we had dress parade immediately in front of the opera house; but they did not go away from that vicinity. There was not more than from three-quarters of an acre to an acre of ground back of Arion Hall, and we had to get the men out for exercise.

Senator Gray. That was the only place to drill?

Mr. Laird. The only place to drill.

Senator Gray. In front of the opera house?

Mr. Laird. In front of the opera house.

Senator Gray. In the street?

Mr. Laird. In the street. It was a triangular square.

Senator Frye. While you were there did you have any knowledge of the Queen's forces, both national guard and police? What did they amount to?

Mr. Laird. No; I did not.

Senator Frye. Was there any attempt while you were there made on the part of the Queen's troops to overturn the Provisional Government— to interfere with the mass meetings that were held?

Mr. Laird. None that I saw, and none that I heard of.

Senator Frye. Do you know of any officers or soldiers of the Boston who took any part whatever in the dethronement of the Queen?

Mr. Laird. None.

Senator Frye. Or in the establishment of the Provisional Government?

Mr. Laird. None.

Senator Gray. Where did you land?

Mr. Laird. We landed at Brewer's wharf.

Senator Gray. Please state where you marched.

Senator Frye. Show it by streets.

Senator Gray. Yes; call the streets, so that the stenographer may get them.

Mr. Laird. (indicating on the diagram). I do not think the street where we landed has any name. We landed at Brewer's wharf; we marched up through Merchant street.

Senator Gray. The whole battalion?

Mr. Laird. We formed on Queen street, and we marched down Queen street to Fort, and up Fort street to Merchant to the consulate; at the consulate the marines were detached.

Senator Gray. You marched down Queen street to Fort street to the consulate, where the marines were detached?

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Mr. Laird. Yes.

Senator Gray. How many marines were there?

Mr. Laird. Thirty-six.

Senator Gray. Mr. Young said there were thirty-two.

Mr. Laird. Thirty-six would be the full company. We had music with us. They were one-fourth of the whole command.

Senator Gray. How much was the whole command?

Mr. Laird. One hundred and sixty-two.

Senator Gray. That is about a fifth.

Mr. Laird. About a fifth. We marched up Merchant street, passed the palace at King street, and went away out here to Mr. J. B. Atherton's.

Senator Gray. Who is he?

Mr. Laird. He is an American.

Senator Gray. What does he do.

Mr. Laird. He is an American citizen. I think he is a missionary.

Senator Gray. Are these squares all built up there?

Mr. Laird. They are very large holdings.

Senator Gray. Is it built up there?

Mr. Laird. The squares are not built up with houses.

Senator Sherman. This diagram shows the streets as they are improved. Where is Arion Hall?

Mr. Laird [indicating]. Right there.

Senator Gray. Is it built up in this part of the town; is that the thick part of the town?

Mr. Laird. No; this [indicating] is the thick part of the town, down here.

Senator Gray. You halted at Mr. Atherton's?

Mr. Laird. We halted once before getting to Mr. Atherton's.

Senator Sherman. Are all these houses [indicating]?

Mr. Laird. Yes; they are large houses, with the lots about them. The town is not thickly settled in that portion. Some distance past the palace we stopped halfway to Mr. Atherton's place, but it was some distance from the palace, so that we were entirely free from the palace or anything taking place at that time.

Senator Gray. Then you marched to Mr. Atherton's?

Mr. Laird. Yes.

Senator Gray. Then you halted for a considerable time because of the showers of rain?

Mr. Laird. Yes. We made one halt before getting there.

Senator Gray. Beyond the palace?

Mr. Laird. Yes.

Senator Gray. You marched there and stacked arms, and then went to the Government hall?

Mr. Laird. Yes.

Senator Gray. Did you fix the hour when you were present in the captain's cabin with the officers who were detailed for shore duty and Mr. Stevens?

Mr. Laird. It must have been about 4 o'clock, because I had been relieved a short time before, and I went down to pack my haversack, to make my preparations to go ashore when I was sent for.

Senator Gray. When you asked the captain for some instructions which he was giving you he applied himself to reading extracts from the general orders by the Secretary of the Navy?

Mr. Laird. He read that before, and he turned to me and gave the

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instructions verbally in regard to placing a certain amount of discretion on his officers.

Senator Gray. Was that all the conversation that occurred at that time?

Mr. Laird. All that I recollect.

Senator Gray. Did he say anything to you about preventing fighting in the streets, or in your hearing say anything of that?

Mr. Laird. No.

Senator Gray. Did Mr. Stevens go ashore before the troops did?

Mr. Laird. I could not say, because immediately afterward I went down to make my preparations for packing my knapsack and haversack, and did not go on deck until the troops were formed.

Senator Gray. Then, you have already said, or I understood you to say, that the military discipline was strict, and you and the other officers confined yourselves to military duties?

Mr. Laird. Military duties.

The Chairman. Did not interfere with the politics of the place?

Mr. Laird. The first two or three days we were not permitted to go out of the inclosure.

The Chairman. You confined yourself to military duties?

Mr. Laird. Entirely so.

The Chairman. And when the proclamation of the Provisional Government was being read you were engaged in assisting the drilling of the battalion in front of the Opera House?

Mr. Laird. No, not in front of the Opera House at the time; they were in this little narrow inclosure.

Senator Gray. I understood you to say that you drilled in front of the opera house.

Mr. Laird. No, some one asked if we marched down the street.

Senator Gray. You usually drilled in front of the opera house?

Mr. Laird. That was in parade or battalion drills.

Senator Gray. You were not there on Tuesday at any time in dress parade?

Senator Frye. At the time you took possession of the Government building?

Mr. Laird. We did not have dress parade that day.

Senator Gray. You landed there Monday. Did you have dress parade next day?

Mr. Laird. We did not.

Senator Gray. The only drill you had was that?

Mr. Laird. Back in this lot. The companies were being drilled independently by their own company officers.

Senator Gray. Did you have sentries posted around the outside?

Mr. Laird. Yes.

Senator Gray. Posts on the street?

Mr. Laird. Had regular posts.

Senator Gray. They were on the streets as well as in the inclosure?

Mr. Laird. They had to be, necessarily. There was only one sentry outside the line of the fence from the building itself. The picket fence was about as far as from here to the window [a distance of about 8 feet], and one sentry was posted out there to look out for our own people. The limits of his post were the front of the building.

Senator Gray. Did the Government hall touch on the street, or was it back inside the fence?

Mr. Laird. Inside the fence, and fronted a small alley-way. Here

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is the main street [indicating]. This [indicating] is a narrow street, not much frequented.

Senator Gray. What sort of fence is there?

Mr. Laird. A picket fence on this side and a picket fence on both sides. There was a roadway that came down there from the opera house, and the Japanese commissioner lived in this house [indicating], so that we did not encroach upon his territory at all.

Senator Gray. There was a picket fence here [indicating]?

Mr. Laird. Our province was a little beyond the building itself.

Senator Gray. And the lot in which you were stationed was inclosed by a picket fence?

Mr. Laird. A picket fence, probably 4 or 5 feet in height.

Senator Gray. There was no disturbance that afternoon, Tuesday, after the proclamation of the Provisional Government, and around in the neighborhood of where you were?

Mr. Laird. No.

Senator Gray. Around the Government building?

Mr. Laird. No.

Senator Gray. Were you in a place to have seen it if there had been?

Mr. Laird. After the drill was over I walked out in front, in the roadway, to see if there was any assemblage of people.

Senator Gray. Were you aware that the proclamation was being read?

Mr. Laird. No.

Senator Gray. You did not see any of it?

Mr. Laird. Did not see it and did not know it.

Senator Gray. Until you were told?

Mr. Laird. No.

Senator Gray. There was no disturbance there?

Mr. Laird. No.

Senator Frye. Was there any difficulty that night about finding quarters for your troops?

Mr. Laird. There must have been great difficulty, or the men would not have been kept out until half past 9.

Senator Frye. Were there men out seeking quarters?

Mr. Laird. Yes.

Senator Frye. And you did not get them until 9 o'clock?

Mr. Laird. It was later than that.

Senator Frye. Do you know whether Arion Hall was selected with any reference at all to the Queen's Government or Provisional Government?

Mr. Laird. I have no such knowledge. I do not think it was. It was accidental—it was available.

Senator Frye. And the only one, so far as you could find out, that was available? Was there anything in the location or disposition of the troops which prevented the Queen's troops from dislodging the men who took possession of the Government buildings?

Mr. Laird. No, I do not think there was.

Senator Frye. Under your orders, if the Queen's troops had undertaken to repossess themselves of the Government buildings, had you any right to interfere?

Mr. Laird. I would have been obliged to obey Mr. Swinburne's orders.

Senator Frye. I say, under the instructions?

Mr. Laird. Under the instructions, no.

Senator Frye. In Mr. Blount's report he states that the Queen's

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troops could not have done anything touching the Government buildings really without firing upon the American troops.

Senator Gray. Quoting Admiral Skerrett for that opinion.

Senator Frye. No; I do not think Admiral Skerrett gives that as his opinion.

Mr. Laird. I do not see how we could interfere in any way with the Queen's forces or Government forces.

Senator Frye. I do not, from the maps, if the maps are correct. Did you at any time while you were there learn the extent of the Queen's troops and the Queen's police?

Mr. Laird. No, I did not.

Senator Gray. Did you intend to allow any fighting over across the street from you?

Mr. Laird. I was under the immediate orders of Lieut. Swinburne at the time, and I would have been obliged to obey his instructions. I could not use my own judgment; he was the senior officer.

Senator Gray. How long did you stay on shore?

Mr. Laird. We were on shore from the 16th of January until the 1st of April.

Senator Gray. How far was Camp Boston from the landing place?

Mr. Laird. It was right in the heart of the city itself.

Adjourned until to-morrow, 11th instant, at 10 o'clock a. m.

Washington, D. C., January 11, 1894.

The subcommittee met pursuant to adjournment.

Present: The Chairman (Senator Morgan) and Senators Butler, Gray, and Senator Dolph of the full committee.

Absent: Senators Sherman and Frye.

SWORN STATEMENT OF JAMES H. BLOUNT.

The Chairman. What time were you first informed of your selection by the President as the Commissioner to go to Hawaii?

Mr. Blount. The first intimation I had on the subject of my going to the Hawaiian Islands is contained in this dispatch, which I read:

"Washington, D. C., March 10,1893.

"Hon. James H. Blount,

Macon, Ga.:

"By authority I ask can you come here immediately prepared for confidential trip of great importance into Pacific Ocean? Answer."

The Chairman. Was that signed by Mr. Gresham?

Mr. Blount. No; by Hoke Smith.

The Chairman. You came in accordance with that request?

Mr. Blount. Yes. And if you will allow me I would say when I first got the telegram I made up my mind very promptly that I would not go; I did not want to go at all. My son opened the dispatch and found out what it was, and in that way was induced to bring it up to my house. I was at home. He asked me what I was going to do about it, and I said I was not going. I then showed it to his mother, and told her that I was not going. After some little while my son said, "Father, mother's health is very bad, and I think it would add five years to her life to go;" and under that appeal from him I said, "I will do anything for your mother's benefit; I will go." I then sent

Transcribed Morgan Report Part 2