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"EX-OFFICERS OF THE HONOLULU RlFLES IN 1887-'90 AND WHO WERE ACTIVELY CONNECTED WITH THE REVOLUTION OF JANUARY 17, 1893.

"G.F. McLeod, late adjutant; J.H. Fisher, late captain Company B; C.W. Ziegler, late captain Company A; H. Gunn, late captain of ordnance; J.M. Camara, late captain Company C; A. Gartenborg, late captain of ordnance; W.W. Hall, late captain and quartermaster; J.L. Tolbert, late first lieutenant Company A; G.C. Potter, late first lieutenant Company B; J.M. Vivas, late first lieutenant Company C; J. Asch, late second lieutenant Company A; I.A. Burget, late second lieutenant Company A; J.V. Simonsen, late second lieutenant Company A; T.E. Wall, late second lieutenant Company B; A.G. Silver, late second lieutenant Company C.

"In addition to this most of the noncommissioned officers were with us also."

The Chairman. On page 448 of Executive Document No. 47, House of Representatives, I observe the names of the officers of the Hawaiian Patriotic League; and these persons have also signed a statement which the President sent to the House of Representatives; which statement purports to express the opinions of 8,000 native Hawaiians in regard to the maintenance of the monarchy and annexation of the islands to the United States. I will ask you to state in respect to these persons what their standing is in Honolulu?

Mr. McCandless. Mr. Cummings is a half-white, whose father left him very well off, and he has practically squandered the whole of the fortune. The next two, Joseph Nawhi and Bush, I would refer you to Minister Willis's report in regard to their characters.

Senator Frye. What does Minister Willis say of them?

Mr. McCandless. That they are men of no standing, and that Mr. Bush is of very bad reputation, which I know to be a fact. The others I know; they are men of no standing, and of bad reputation in the Hawaiian Islands.

Adjourned until Monday, the 29th instant, at 10 o'clock a. m.


Washington, D. C, Monday, January 29,1894.

The subcommittee met pursuant to adjournment.

Present, the chairman (Senator Morgan) and Senators Butler, Gray, and Frye.

Absent, Senator Sherman.

Senator Frye. Mr. Chairman, I move that the correspondence which has been submitted to Congress since the order under which this committee has been acting, and such as may be sent in before the committee shall have closed its investigation, shall be made a part of this record.

The Chairman. That is proper.

SW0RN STATEMENT OF WILLIAM S. BOWEN.

Senator Frye. State your business and residence?

Mr. Bowen. I am a journalist and reside in New York City.

Senator Frye. You are connected with what paper?

Mr. Bowen. The New York World.

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Senator Frye. Editorially?

Mr. Bowen. Mine is a peculiar, unique position. I am the confidential man to the proprietor of the World.

Senator Frye. Were you sent to the Hawaiian Islands at anytime?

Mr. Bowen. I was, last winter.

Senator Frye. At what time did you go?

Mr. Bowen. I sailed from San Francisco on the 31st of March.

Senator Frye. And arrived in the islands when?

Mr. Bowen. On the 7th of April.

Senator Frye. How long did you remain there?

Mr. Bowen. Until the 26th of April.

Senator Frye. What was the purpose of your visit to the islands?

Mr. Bowen. I was sent there by the World merely to study the situation and note the conditions prevailing there. My visit was hastened somewhat by the report that a special commissioner had gone to the islands. I followed him from San Francisco.

Senator Frye. Do you know what time Commissioner Blount arrived in the islands?

Mr. Bowen. About ten days before I did.

Senator Frye. Did you make, as yon were instructed to do, an examination into the condition of affairs of the islands at that time?

Mr. Bowen. I did. I did not stay so long as I had expected to do; but I made an examination to the best of my ability.

Senator Frye. Did you become acquainted with the members of the Provisional Government?

Mr. Bowen. I did.

Senator Frye. What kind of men did you find them to be?

Mr. Bowen. I found Mr. Dole, the President, to be a man of the highest character. In fact, I was surprised: I had a different impression before I went out to the islands. I found Mr. Dole and most of the members of the Provisional Government to be men who would compare favorably with the best of our public men—Mr. Dole, especially.

Senator Frye. Did you become acquainted with the Queen's special supporters?

Mr. Bowen. I did.

Senator Frye. What estimate did you form of them?

Mr. Bowen. With one or two exceptions, I found them to partake more of the Polynesian type than that of the Anglo Saxon. I found the Queen's principal adviser to be a man of mixed blood, an amiable, kindly gentleman, but like a child as compared with the others.

Senator Frye. Who was that?

Mr. Bowen. Mr. Sam Parker, a happy-go-lucky man, but one who was very kind to me.

Senator Frye. You may state generally what investigations you made there during the time you were present.

Mr. Bowen. The policy of the paper to which I am attached is one of investigation, with opposition to annexation. Of course, I wished to follow specially the policy of my paper. I had not been in the islands over twenty four hours before my personal sympathies tended toward the side of annexation. That is, I found a charming place, a beautiful island; I found a little city that compares favorably with any city in the United States, except in the Chinese quarters; I found electric lights, street cars, good police, and the telephone more used in proportion to the population than anywhere else in the world. I found a delightful society. I was entertained a good deal at dinners. The conventionalities of life are more strictly observed there than anywhere

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in the United States; that is, you see more people in evening dress than you do anywhere else in the United States, relatively. I found the gentlemen of the Provisional Government of high character, as I stated. I found churches there that reminded me of Massachusetts, in congregations and appearance of things. That made an impression on me in my sentiment, and led me to think that it would be an interesting portion of the United States. The climate is charming for women and children. It is not so tropical as in most of the tropics; it compares with Havana, but not so warm.

That is the sentimental side of my stay at Honolulu. On the other hand, I would state, I was confronted by an economic question on which my mind was not clear—the question of cooly labor. That was the contrary side which raised up when I thought of all the beauties of these islands, and I tried to be impartial.

Senator Frye. What was the result on your own mind of all your investigations?

Mr. Bowen. I have not settled the economic question. If the cooly question could be disposed of I think annexation would not be a difficult matter to determine. But I know that sugar is not grown without contract labor; and as cane sugar is the chief and almost main industry of those islands it is a question whether our American people would agree to the conditions that exist with regard to contract labor.

Senator Frye. Have you read Mr. Blount's report?

Mr. Bowen. I have.

Senator Frye. I have not the page; I do not know whether you have or not; but my recollection is that in that report Mr. Blount makes some allusions to you.

Mr. Bowen. He does.

Senator Frye. Do you know what they were?

Mr. Bowen. I have the report with me.

Senator Frye. Can you read the lines to which I refer?

Mr. Bowen. Yes.

"No. 3.] Mr. Blount to Mr. Gresham.
"Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, April 26,1893.
"Sir: On the 7th instant the Alameda reached this place. Among its passengers were Dr. William Shaw Bowen and Mr. Harold M. Sewall. The San Francisco papers announced that they had refused to say that they were not joint commissioners with myself to Honolulu. The former represented himself to me as a correspondent of the New York World, and said he would be glad to give me any information he could gather here. Thinking it a mere matter of courtesy, I thanked him. On Sunday, the 16th instant, I was out walking and met him on the street, riding in a buggy. He left his buggy in the hands of his friend, Mr. Sewall, and joined me in a walk of some length. Before it was concluded he said to me that he and Paul Neumann were arranging a meeting between President Dole and the Queen, the object being to pay her a sum of money in consideration of her formal abdication of the throne and lending her influence to the Provisional Government with a view to annexation to the United States. He repeated this statement frequently, at intervals, to which I made no response.
"Finally he asked me if I did not think it would simplify the situation very much here and facilitate annexation. Suspecting that my answer was designed to be used to induce the Queen to yield to solicitations to abdicate, I replied: 'I have nothing to say on this subject.' Dr.
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Bowen said: 'I did not ask you officially, but simply in a private way.' I responded: 'I am here as a commissioner of the United States and must decline to converse with you on the subject.'
"The next morning early I had an interview with President Dole. I told him that I had seen in the San Francisco newspapers intimations that Dr. Bowen and Mr. Sewall were here as representatives of the President of the United States; that the former told me that he had arranged to bring him and the Queen together on that morning; that I desired to say to him that neither Dr. Bowen nor Mr. Sewall, nor any other person was authorized to act for the Government in that or any other matter relating to the present condition of affairs in the islands save myself; that I did not know absolutely that these two gentlemen had claimed to have such authority. He replied that he had been informed that they were here representing the Government. He did not give his authority.
"He said that there had been some approaches from the Queen's side with propositions of settlement; that he had responded: 'I will consider any reasonable proposition.'
"I told him I would not permit the Government of the United States to be represented as having any wish in the matter of any negotiations between the Queen and the Provisional Government. He asked if I would be willing to authorize the statement that I believed it would simplify the situation. I replied that I was not willing to do this, that I was not here to interfere with the opinions of any class of persons.
"Since this interview with President Dole I have heard that Dr. Bowen, when asked by newspaper people if he represented the President of the United States, declined to answer, saying that all would be revealed hereafter.
"He is representing himself in various quarters as an intimate friend of the President. I can but think that these statements are made to create the impression that he is here authorized to bring about negotiations for a settlement between the Queen and the Provisional Government.
"On the day before yesterday Dr. Bowen came over to my table to say that a meeting between the Queen and President Dole had occurred, and terms were agreed upon. I said I did not care for him to talk with me on that subject.
"On the 21st instant Mr. Claus Spreckels called to see me. He said that he suspected there was an effort at negotiation between the Queen and the Provisional Government, and that he had urged the Queen to withdraw her power of attorney from Paul Neumann. I inclose herewith a copy of that power of attorney (inclosure No. 1) which Mr. Spreckels says was derived through the agency of Mr. Samuel Parker, the last secretary of foreign affairs. He told me that Paul Neumann would leave for Washington by the next steamer, under pretense that he was going to the United States and from there to Japan. How much or how little Mr. Spreckels knows about this matter I am unable to say, as I do not know how to estimate him, never having met him before. He promised to see me again before the mail leaves for the United States on next Wednesday, and give me such information as he could acquire in the meantime.
"I believe that Dr. Bowen, Mr. Sewall, and Mr. Neumann have pretended that the two former knew the opinions of Mr. Cleveland, and assured the Queen that annexation would take place, and that she had better come to terms at once.
"Mr. Neumann leaves here on the next steamer, probably with a
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power to act for the Queen, with authority derived from her out of these circumstances."

Senator Frye. What have you to say in relation to that?

The Chairman. Mr. Bowen had better take it up in detail instead of making one sweeping remark about the whole of it.

Mr. Bowen. The first statement to which I wish to call attention is the one published in the San Francisco paper that Mr. Bowen and Mr. Sewall "refused to say that they were not joint commissioners with myself to Honolulu."

The Chairman. Will you allow me to ask who is Mr. Sewall?

Mr. Bowen. Mr. Sewall is the son of Mr. Arthur Sewall, of Maine.

Senator Gray. He was the late consul at Samoa?

Mr. Bowen. Yes. He is a shipbuilder of Bath. Mr. Sewall was in my company and was purely on a pleasure trip. He had considerable experience in Polynesia, and wanted to go to the islands for the sake of going.

Senator Frye. You may go on and make your statement.

Mr. Bowen. As I was leaving San Francisco, just as the steamer was shoving off, a young man came to me and said: "Are you going on a secret mission to the Hawaiian Islands?" I laughed and said, "If I were I would not admit it." Mr. Sewall did not speak. That was based on the fact that Mr. Sewall was going, he having been mixed up in the Samoan affair. The San Francisco Chronicle published the next morning a sensational report to the effect that Mr. Sewall and myself were going out to the islands on a special commission for the Government. It was stated that when I was approached I had declined to give any information. That paper followed on the next steamer to Honolulu, and was circulated there. I did not see it, did not know about it at the time, but it did circulate for a week before my attention was called to it. Mr. Blount became acquainted with it as soon as the paper arrived. Mr. Blount states that I called upon him and represented myself as a correspondent of the New York World, and that I would be willing to give him any information I could gather. In fact, I called on the Commissioner and informed him of my mission to the islands—that I was there as a correspondent to the New York World. Mr. Sewall did not appear in the matter. I went there with the news instinct of a developed journalist. I saw very little to write about the country; it had been covered. There were a great many correspondents there. I conceived the idea of obtaining some very important and very exclusive news. I studied the situation.

I knew before I left here that annexation was undoubtedly impracticable at present—I had very strong reasons for believing that. I always believed that the American people would not believe in the restoration of the Queen. I therefore saw a status quo condition there that I thought would continue, and that there was a fine field for making history. I was in company with Paul Neuman going out in the steamer and the Queen's commissioners were just returning from Washington. I became very intimate with them, especially Mr. Neuman. Mr. Neuman had the power of attorney from the Queen. I thought that I heard from authority which was entirely correct that the Queen had a disease of the heart. I had that from a professional source which it would be improper for me to mention; but it came from the best authority on the islands. I heard that she had a disease of the mitral valves of the heart, and that she was liable at any time to sudden death. I thought it was equitable that she should be taken care of. I am only explaining the motives which prompted me to do

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what I did. I thought it would be better if the Queen were taken care of. She was generous to her following, and there were many people depending upon her. That made an impression on me. I thought she should be taken care of.

One day while dining with Paul Neuman I said: "I think it would be a good thing if the Queen could be pensioned by the Provisional Government; it would make matters harmonious, relieve business, and make matters much simpler." I also said that I was aware that certain gentlemen in Washington were opposed to pensioning the Queen; that certain Senators raised that objection to the treaty that was brought from the islands because it recognized the principle of the right of a queen to a pension. There was one Senator, especially, from the South, who said, without discussing the treaty, that that was objectionable to him; that his people would object to it. I said, "If there is no annexation it is a serious question; if there is, the Queen should be taken care of." Neuman agreed with me. He was a strong friend of the Queen, disinterested and devoted. But he said it could not be done. I told him that I had become acquainted with the members of the Provisional Government who were high in authority, and I thought I would try to have it done. I had a conference with President Dole. He received me in his usual kindly manner, but he was very wary and noncommittal. Finally he said that he would consider any propositions coming from the Queen—would lay them before the executive council.

I saw Mr. Neuman again. There were several conferences. Mr. Dole said he would not make any propositions himself and asked me what I thought the pension ought to be. On the spur of the moment, not having considered the matter, I said I thought the Queen ought to get a very handsome pension out of the crown lands. I asked if there was any question about raising the money, and he said none whatever. He finally asked me to name the figures. He had the idea that the figures had been suggested. I said, "You ought to give $20,000 a year to furnish her followers with poi. That is the native dish. Mr. Dole said he would consider that question. I saw Mr. Neuman and he said he would see the Queen and Mr. Dole. He was to go to see Mr. Dole at his private house, but Mr. Neuman was taken ill and the meeting was deferred. The next time I saw him was at the Government house. The result was that Mr. Dole told Mr. Neuman that if the Queen would make such a proposition to him it would receive respectful attention and intimated that he thought it would be accepted. Mr. Neuman saw the Queen and told me that he thought it would be done; that the more he thought of it the more convinced he was that it would be better all around.

The question of annexation was not specially considered. I said to Mr. Dole, "If you could have annexation you would simplify the matter." I said to the other side, "I do not think you will get annexation, and at the same time I do not think you will get anything else;" but I said, "I think you ought to take care of the Queen." After I had the first meetings with Mr. Neuman and Mr. Dole, I thought I ought to tell Mr. Blount what I had done. I had no secret purpose; nothing in the world but my journalistic scheme. As he stated, I met Mr. Blount one day, got out of my carriage and joined him. We walked together for an hour and a half, and walked back to the city. He said, "Come with me to my cottage." We stood for some time on the piazza and discussed the thing at great length. Mr. Blount was noncommittal, but appeared very much interested, and when I left he told me he

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wished me to let him know what I did. He said nothing further to me about it, but went to the Queen and did as he stated in his report. I have no doubt whatever that if Mr. Blount had not prevented, and secondarily Mr. Claus Speckels, the agent for the sugar trust, that plan would have been carried out. I have no doubt of it in my own mind.

Mr. Blount specifies that I was there to facilitate annexation, and all the way through his statement regarding me asserts, or rather intimates, that I was conducting an annexation propaganda. That was a mistake entirely; I was not justified in doing anything of the kind. In the first kind, it would have been contrary to the policy of my paper, a thing which no one attached to the paper would feel at liberty to do; and, in the second place, my own mind was not clear on the subject. While sentimentally clear there were practical objections which I thought I saw. I had no purpose or interest in doing anything to bring about annexation.

The Chairman. Was this before Mr. Neuman had been to the United States.

Mr. Bowen. I had been with him and the commission. This was before the treaty. All my associates were royalists; at the islands I received more attention from the royalists than from members of the Provisional Government. These dinners and my predilections against annexation would have been naturally that way if I had been going for merely personal interest.

The Chairman. Have you seen the contents of the power of attorney held by Mr. Neuman?

Mr. Bowen. Yes, I have read it as published in Mr. Blount's report. If Mr. Blount had given me one hint that he regarded it as an impolitic course, that it was embarrassing to him, I would have dropped it. But he said nothing whatever, he simply listened at the first interview, and after that said he would let me know. The next day I reported progress to him, and he did not ask me not to tell him anything more about it. In the meantime he had been to the Queen, to Mr. Dole, and had done what he could to prevent the carrying out of the plan. Mr. Neuman had an interview with the Queen. She told him that she would do nothing more in the matter, and asked him to give back her power of attorney, and he tore it up in her presence. This was the 22d, that he tore up his power of attorney.

There is another matter to which I wish to call attention. Mr. Blount intimates, without specifically charging, that I represented myself and Mr. Sewall represented himself as acting for the Government here and that I represented myself to be a friend of the President. I did not go to anyone whatever and represent myself in any official capacity. Everybody knew that I was a journalist. A reporter called on me and he told everyone who I was. I informed a number of people that I had no official position there whatever. The first one was Mr. Wodehouse, the British minister. He asked me, and I informed him that I had no official position there. I informed the President of the Provisional Government and many others, including Mr. Hastings, who is here in Washington, formerly one of the Hawaiian legation. Honolulu is a hotbed of rumors. It is an isolated community. Really a little New England village is not to be compared with Honolulu, especially during these troubled times. Everyone was suspected of a motive, and there were all manner of rumors afloat regarding everybody. There was a rumor every day in regard to Mr. Blount and his actions, and this mysterious article appeared in the

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San Francisco Chronicle after I left there. That caused a good deal of gossip regarding my visit and that of Mr. Sewall.

Senator Gray. Feeling is pretty high there between the parties?

Mr. Bowen. Very bitter. Mr. Blount said I represented myself as a friend of the President. On a number of occasions I said I had the honor of Mr. Cleveland's acquaintance, and I was his friend. I was justified in doing so, because I took a very active part during his campaign. I furnished a good deal of political matter for the World, and it is conceded that the World did its share in supporting party politics. I acted for my paper according to its policy. I saw a good deal of Mr. Cleveland at the time of his nomination. Mr. Cleveland gave me a statement to print in the World, which was unique in its line. It was the day after his election. He endorsed the World and its course during the campaign and extended his thanks for it. No other paper had anything of the kind. That Mr. Cleveland gave to me. I was at Buzzard's Bay some time, and he showed me a good deal of favor. I performed a good many small services for him.

Senator Gray. When you said that you were President Cleveland's friend you meant in a personal way; not that you were representing him?

Mr. Bowen. Not by any means. I said that I was his friend and represented it that way. I am not a partisan at all. I felt very kindly toward the President, and as the World was very friendly toward him I was justified in saying what I did. I did not make any boasts of that; but in conversation in the islands I spoke of the fact that I was the President's friend.

Senator Frye. While you were there did Mr. Sewall take any part in the affair of representing himself as having anything to do in the matter?

Mr. Bowen. Mr. Blount's allegations against Mr. Sewall are absolutely false. We lived together in the grounds of the Hawaiian Hotel in a cottage. I did not take Mr. Sewall in my confidence in this matter; the affair was practically arranged before I hinted to him that it was going on. Mr. Sewall was a high-minded young man; he was devoting himself entirely to society; and without any motive I did not take him into my confidence. Mr. Sewall knew nothing whatever about this matter. The allegation against him was made of whole cloth, and there is no justification whatever for it. Mr. Blount's suspicions led him to make accusations that were not true.

Senator Gray. Mr. Sewall's name was coupled with yours in that article in the San Francisco paper, was it not?

Mr. Bowen. Yes. Undoubtedly he was the cause of the whole matter. The fact that he had been consul at Samoa was ground for the suspicion that we were out on a mission. Mr. Sewall had said nothing to anybody; he informed no one, and he certainly took no part in it. There is another allegation made there which I think is without foundation. He speaks of Mr. Neuman as being a plausible but very unscrupulous person.

Senator Gray. Mr. Blount says that is the impression he gathered. I think he modified that in another dispatch.

Mr. Bowen. I did not know of that.

Senator Gray. Mr. Blount in an early dispatch, in giving information that he thought proper to give to the State Department, spoke of Mr. Neuman, and said, from what he could gather, he was plausible but unscrupulous; but in another dispatch, after he had gathered

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further information, said that when he came to have further intercourse with the people he thought differently of Mr. Neuman.

Mr. Bowen. I am very glad he did. He was a devoted friend of the Queen.

Senator Frye. Then he would not have cheated her?

Mr. Bowen. No; he thought this the best plan. And if it had taken place, there would have been a saving of all the subsequent trouble.

Senator Frye. Is there anything else in the report to which you desire to call attention?

Mr. Bowen. Nothing, except to say that I did not represent myself as being there in a diplomatic capacity; that I was there simply as I have represented to this committee-as a journalist. Mr. Blount states that in his report. I was not conducting any annexation propaganda; I had no such purpose; and Mr. Sewall took no part in the matter, and knew practically nothing about it.

Senator Frye. Are there any facts connected with the affairs of the Hawaiian Islands which you desire to state?

Mr. Bowen. Only impressions. I was not there during the revolution. I was informed by numbers of the Provisional Government, in response to questions, that the American minister did not conspire to overthrow the Queen. I was informed that he did practically as he has stated in his own report. I was told so under certain circumstances and there was no reason for deceiving me.

Senator Frye. Did Paul Neuman make any claim that the minister interfered to destroy the royal government?

Mr. Bowen. He did not. Paul Neuman is a good-natured man, personally not prejudiced against anybody, that is, individuals; but he disliked the so-called "Missionary Party" there and the Annexation Party, and he included Mr. Stevens among them. Paul Neuman was always consistent. He was always a friend of the Queen, and he was head and shoulders intellectually above any others of her supporters. He was intelligent enough to form opinions during his stay here in Washington, and to see that there were great difficulties in the way of restoration; and while he did not commit himself to me on the subject, he thought that this course for pensioning the Queen would be the best for all concerned.

SWORN STATEMENT OF M. STALKER-Continued.

Senator Gray. You have already been sworn, and you have read over your testimony given the other day. Have you any special correction to make?

Mr. Stalker. No; nothing special.

Senator Gray. There was another point about which you spoke to me after having read over your testimony. It was in regard to a question that had been asked you, a point which you had touched upon, as to impressions which you derived from those who were supporters of the Provisional Government. In regard to the impression that prevailed with regard to the ability of the supporters of the Provisional Government to maintain themselves without the aid of the United States troops. Have you anything more to say on that subject?

Mr. Stalker. I did receive the impression from that source that the Provisional Government would not have been able to maintain

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itself and keep its supporters, or, rather, its defenders, together without the cooperation of the United States troops.

Senator Gray. Do you mean that you gathered that impression from those who were favorable to or supporters of the Provisional Government?

Mr. Stalker. Yes.

Senator Gray. Was the impression gathered that the movement they made depended on the presence of those troops for encouragement, morally or otherwise?

Mr. Stalker. I can not say that I was told that the original movement depended upon the presence of the troops, but rather their ability to maintain their hold without the presence of the troops after it had been acquired.

Senator Gray. It was with reference to that?

Mr. Stalker. Yes; with reference to that, especially.

Senator Gray. Is there any other point on which you wish to be more explicit?

Mr. Stalker. I might say that I received these statements definitely from one or two members of the Provisional Government, or, at least, active supporters and cooperators.

Senator Gray. Will you be good enough to state what opinion or impression you got when you went there as to the ability of the existing Government to maintain peace and order and protect life and property?

Mr. Stalker. I never heard that fact called in question.

Senator Gray. You mean the fact of the ability of the Government?

Mr. Stalker. The fact of the ability of the existing Government to maintain order and protect life and property. In fact, I have heard it repeated by citizens of the country, without respect entirely to their political affiliations, that there is no part of the civilized world where life and property were so secure as in that country.

Senator Gray. Would that tally with your own observation during the weeks that you were there before this revolution?

Mr. Stalker. Yes; I think it would.

Senator Gray. Was there any evidence of any disorder up to the landing of troops on that Monday, the 16th of January-any disorder or feeling of insecurity?

Mr. Stalker. None whatever that I observed.

Senator Frye. What are you professor of?

Mr. Stalker. I am professor of veterinary science.

Senator Frye. Veterinary surgeon?

Mr. Stalker. Yes.

Senator Frye. Where did you live when you were in the islands?

Mr. Stalker. At the Hawaiian Hotel?

Senator Frye. That is the royalist hotel?

Mr. Stalker. Yes.

Senator Frye. Did Mr. English live there at the same time?

Mr. Stalker. Yes.

Senator Frye. Were you and Mr. English on intimate terms?

Mr. Stalker. No.

Senator Frye. You were not?

Mr. Stalker. I can not say that we were.

Senator Frye. Did you not have daily conversations with him?

Mr. Stalker. No.

Senator Frye. Did you not ultimately suggest to him that he come over and become a professor in the college where you were?


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