1085-1094
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The statement is as follows:
- Rear-Admiral George E. Belknap writes to the Journal the following very interesting letter regarding Hawaiian matters:
- To the Editor of the Boston Journal:
- "The letter of ex-Minister P.C. Jones, of Hawaii, published in this morning's Journal, is in error in one point.
- "He says that 'in 1874 Minister Pierce ordered Capt. Belknap to land a force of marines at Honolulu, which was done.'
- "Mr. Pierce gave no order of that character, nor was he empowered to do so by the regulations controlling the intercourse of diplomatic and naval officers on foreign stations. The regulation governing the intercourse of naval commanders with ministers and consuls of the United States at that period was as follows: 'He (the naval commander) will duly consider such information as the ministers and consuls may give him relating to the interests of the United States, but he will not receive orders from them, and he will be responsible to the Secretary of the Navy, in the first place, for his acts.'
- "But the undersigned was in thorough accord with Minister Pierce, and, at his request and that of the King-elect, landed the force of bluejackets and marines at Honolulu on the occasion referred to-12th February, 1874-suppressed the riot, restored order throughout the town, and occupied the most important points at that capital for several days, or until assured by the King's ministry that protection was no longer necessary.
- "This action was taken, first, for the protection of American citizens and their property; second, because it was deemed imperative for the conservation of the interests of the United States to take decisive action at the Hawaiian capital at such crucial time. The English party, as it was called, had worked and intrigued for the election of Queen Emma to fill the throne made vacant by the death of Lunalilo, while Kalakaua was the candidate favored by most of the Americans at the islands.
- "The party favoring the election of Emma were not content to abide the result of the election, for she having been defeated in the legislative assembly by a vote of 39 to 6 her partisans broke forth at once into riotous proceedings. The legislative hall was invaded, some of Kalakaua's adherents in the assembly were clubbed nearly to death, the furniture was destroyed, and the archives thrown into the street. Meanwhile the police had torn off their badges and mingled with the rioters, the Government troops could not be trusted, and the Government was powerless to act.
- "At such juncture the request was made to land the force. Trouble had been apprehended, and preconcerted signals had been arranged, and in fifteen minutes from the time the signal was made companies comprising 150 officers, seamen, and marines, together with a Gatling gun, were landed from the Tuscarora and Portsmouth and marched to the scene of action. At the head of the column was a sergeant of marines, whose great height and stalwart proportion seemed to impress the wondering Kanakas more than all the rest of the force. He was some 6 feet 9 inches in height and his imposing appearance on that occasion is among the notable traditions at Honolulu to this day.
- "The riot was soon suppressed and order restored. Half an hour after such action a detachment of blue jackets and redcoats was landed from H.B.M. ship Tenedos, but there was nothing left for such force to do. It has been asserted by some credulous people that Great Britain has no eye toward the Hawaiian group, but the English residents
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- at Honolulu were much chagrined at the tardy action of the Tenedos, and it is a significant fact that her commanding officer was soon relieved, ordered home, and never got another hour's duty from the admiralty. Comment is unnecessary."
- "Geo. E. Belknap.
- "Brookline, December 19, 1893."
Adjourned until to-morrow, the 31st instant, at 10 o'clock.
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SWORN STATEMENT OF NICHOLAS B. DELAMATER.
Senator Frye. Give your name, age, and residence?
Mr. Delamater. My name is Nicholas B. Delamater; I am 47; I live in Chicago, Ill., and I am a physician.
Senator Frye. Have you ever been in the Hawaiian Islands; if yes, when; how long were you there, and when did you leave?
Mr. Delamater. I went there in August, and left this last June.
Senator Frye. What was your business while in the islands?
Mr. Delamater. Rusticating.
Senator Frye. Did you become familiar with the islands and people while there?
Mr. Delamater. Somewhat.
Senator Frye. Did you, at the request of Senator Cullom, make a written statement of facts that came under your observation while in the islands just before and during the revolutionary proceedings in January, 1893?
Mr. Delamater. I did.
Senator Frye. I purpose reading that statement. During the reading, should you discover anything that you may desire to correct, you may do so:
- "There are vast possibilities waiting capital. The coffee industry can be increased more than a hundred fold; the rice, banana, cocoanut vastly increased. Pineapples will in a few years be a large export. They can be raised there with comparatively small capital and quick and large returns, of a very superior quality. Sugar lands enough, yet wild, to supply all comers for many years to come.
- "There is a very small fraction of the available lands under cultivation.
- "Heretofore everything has gone to sugar on account of the enormous profits in it, the average per acre being from 5 to 10 tons.
- "This country is destined to be a very rich one.
- "Now, as to the revolution."
The Chairman. What are the prospects of coffee culture in the Hawaiian group?
Mr. Delamater. I judge that they are very good. There are many quite good-sized plats there in between little mountain peaks where they can raise an exceedingly good coffee, and they raise a quality of coffee which one of my friends, a coffee man in Chicago, says is among the best of coffees in the world.
The Chairman. Is coffee an indigenous plant there?
Mr. Delamater. No; I think there is nothing indigenous among those things.
The Chairman. It is very much like California?
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Mr. Delamater. Very much like California. It is a volcanic structure altogether.
Senator Frye. I will continue the reading:
"During the legislative session preceding the same there was a constant conflict between the Queen and Legislature as to the cabinet.
"The Legislature was composed of twenty-four representatives, elected by citizens who could read and write, and who had an income of $250."
Mr. Delamater. I think I am correct with regard to the income; but that you have.
Senator Frye. You are not certain of it?
Mr. Delamater. Not exactly.
Senator Frye. Then you say:
"Twenty-four nobles, elected, by those with incomes of $600-these are annual incomes; and four cabinet ministers, appointed by the reigning monarch, subject to dismissal by vote of want of confidence by the Legislature."
Mr. Delamater. I do not know whether the four members of the cabinet are four members of the Legislature.
Senator Frye. Then:
"There was finally a cabinet appointed of leading men, nonpoliticans mainly, and the individuals composing it represented several millions of property."
Was that the Wilcox-Jones cabinet?
Mr. Delamater. Yes.
The Chairman. I understand that those cabinet ministers became members of the Legislature ex-officio?
Mr. Delamater. Yes, ex officio.
The Chairman. It is not necessary, as in the Parliament of Great Britain, that they should be members of the legislature?
Mr. Delamater. No; ex officio they are members.
Senator Frye. You say: "Shortly after this every one seemed easy. The lottery bill had apparently dropped out of sight, the opium bill had been defeated, the U.S.S. Boston went away for a week's practice, Minister Stevens going upon her; several members of the Legislature went home. The last week of that session a vote of want of confidence was passed by purchase and bribery, a new cabinet, of very shady character, was appointed, the lottery and opium bills were then revived and passed by open purchase."
The Chairman. When you speak of purchase and bribery, do you mean that you have any personal knowledge of that fact?
Mr. Delamater. I saw a couple of men----
The Chairman. Perhaps you had better name them.
Mr. Delamater. I did not know the men. I was simply in the legislative hall, the Government building. I do not know their names, and I should not remember them had I heard them at the time.
The Chairman. Did they have open transactions of that sort?
Mr. Delamater. It was common report upon the street.
Senator Frye. I proceed: "There was no apparent attempt at concealment of the purchase of members of the Legislature. On a Saturday morning following the Queen prorogued the Legislature on notice from that body. She appeared in person in state and with her retinue. I was present. Her speech was one of peace and of the ordinary kind. Her guards, about 75 in number, marched over to the palace yard."
Mr. Delamater. I suppose you have a copy of that speech?
Senator Frye. Yes. "Right across the street, drawn up in line, a
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native society, according to prearrangement, immediately appeared and presented to the Queen a new constitution, demanding its immediate promulgation." Were these guards demanding its immediate promulgation?
Mr. Delamater. Yes.
Senator Frye. You say: "She at once called on her cabinet to sign it. Part of them refused and went down town and notified the prominent and leading citizens."
Mr. Delamater. When I say they refused, I do not mean to say that I was in the room and saw them refuse.
The Chairman. That was the fact, as accepted by common understanding?
Mr. Delamater. Yes.
Senator Frye. You go on to say: "Up to this time the plan of those who are now the Provisional Government was to get control through, constitutional measures and the ballot, by compelling the Queen to recognize the right of a majority of the Legislature to name the cabinet ministers. That is, that the Queen should call on a member of the majority to form a cabinet, whom she would appoint. The outlines of the new constitution, it is claimed, were such as to give the reigning monarch absolute power.
"Excitement ran very high. Threats were freely made against anyone interfering with her plans, both by herself and her adherents. The leading men and members of previously opposite parties at once united, and felt that life and property demanded immediate action, instead of ordinary political methods. The Boston, with Minister Stevens, came into port about this time in total ignorance of what had occurred. Up to this time I had not called on Mr. Stevens and did not know him by sight. Excitement ran high Saturday afternoon and evening and Sunday. Steps were immediately taken to organize a volunteer military force for protection of property, and to my certain knowledge a very respectable force, composed of leading and prominent men-merchants, capitalists, planters, lawyers, professional men of all kinds, and others-was organized before Monday. A signal was decided on that would call them together very quickly should any emergency arise. The leaders as yet had no plan, and did not know what to look for.
"On Monday afternoon two large mass meetings were held, one by the present Provisional Government people, and the other by the Royalists. I was at the Royalists' meeting. Excitement was at high tension, rumors of intention and threats of burning houses and stores were rife. I heard many Royalists say they desired Mr. Stevens to land troops from the Boston to save property. I also heard a number of quite prominent Royalists say they had asked Mr. Stevens to land troops to save property and prevent bloodshed. At 5 this Monday afternoon the troops were landed. Many of the radical hotheads were not in favor of landing the troops, feeling that they could overthrow the Queen, and realizing that if they were landed it would prevent a fight.
"I talked with a number of the leaders, and also with several very intimate friends, who were very near and supposed to be in the confidence of the leaders, among them being Dr. F. R. Day, the attending family physician of Chief Justice Judd; Vice-President Damson, Mr. W. R. Cassel, and five or six other members of the committee of safety, and who attended Mr. Thurston on the voyage, in company with the other commissioners, coming to present their case to the United States. Not one of the persons seemed to know what Minister Stevens would
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do. They all claimed that they could get no expression from him as to what course he would pursue in case of revolution further than that he would protect the lives and property of noncombatant American citizens.
"It seemed to be the general understanding that he would raise the American flag at some large and convenient place, declare it American territory, and proclaim that all desiring protection should go there.
"When the troops were landed the marines were stationed at the American legation and at the office of the consul-general. The sailor companies were marched down past the palace and Government building, and it was the intention to quarter them some considerable distance away, and, as I understand it, they were camped the first night. The next day an empty building was found near the Government building and palace, was secured, and they were quartered there.
Mr. Delamater. In talking to Dr. Day since I found that to be a fact.
Senator Frye. As a matter of fact you found out that they went into the building that night instead of the next day?
Mr. Delamater. Yes.
Senator Frye. You go on to say:
"All Monday evening excitement was intense, and a large portion of the inhabitants kept watch all night for fear of fires, etc.
"The next morning, Tuesday, I learned that at some time during the day a signal would be given which would call the volunteers together at a building (really an open shed) near the palace, and that the committee of safety would take possession and declare monarchy at an end. I did not learn the time, and I am very sure the consul-general, Mr. Severance, did not get any information more than I did. I am also morally certain that no help was expected from the United States forces, and that they expected to fight a battle and win before Mr. Stevens would interfere. I know the general impression was that Mr. Stevens and Capt. Wiltse would not interfere until they had positively placed themselves in position, and that they failed to get any encouragement from him, even as to interference, any further than that he would protect all noncombatant American citizens who should apply to him and go to a place designated by him.
"Of course I do not know as to absolute facts. I do not know that Mr. Stevens did not say he would, but I do know that the general impression among the prominent citizens was as stated above. And that the Dr. Day mentioned in a previous part of this letter, and who was a student of mine, afterwards my clinical assistant in my college work, and later my assistant in private practice, as close as he was to the Provisional Government leaders, had the same impression.
"That afternoon, Tuesday, I was driving in a buggy and came near what is known as the old armory, on Beretania street, I saw, all at once, men coming at full speed in all sorts of conveyances and on foot, in full run toward the armory. Every one carrying a gun, I concluded the signal had been given. I learned later that a wagon had started from a large wholesale hardware store down town loaded with ammunition to come to the armory, and that the Queen's police had stopped it, and being shot at by the driver, had run away. There were three policemen, and all ran. This was within a block of the police station, and the citizens had taken this shot as a signal and gathered at once. Inside of fifteen minutes there were in the neighborhood of 200 citizens-clerks, lawyers, doctors, merchants, and capitalists-each
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with a rifle and double belt of cartridges around them, formed in line and ready for action."
Mr. Delamater. It is possible that in writing a letter of that kind I may have overstated the number that got there in a few minutes. You know how that comes. But there was quite a number.
Senator Frye.You say:
"At the same time the Provisional Government, as represented by its committee, took occasion to reach the Government building, each from his own office and by the shortest route.
"When there, it is true, without any Provisional troops in sight, but knowing them to be so stationed as to be able to intercept the Queen's guards should they undertake resistance, and knowing that force to be more than double the entire forces of the Queen, and knowing them to be composed of men of standing and ability, they did, without the immediate presence of the troops, read the proclamation." I suppose the immediate presence of the troops meant the Provisional Government troops?
Mr. Delamater. Yes.
Senator Frye. Then:
"I was there before it was entirely finished, and about the time they had finished reading the Provisional troops, in two companies, marched into the grounds, having met with no offer of resistance. They were immediately placed on guard duty and quartered in the Government building. The Queen's officers at once gave up possession. A communication was then sent to the Queen, and a demand made on her to abdicate, an offer of protection, and assurances of pecuniary assistance if she submitted to the new order of things. After some parley this she did." Now, let me ask you right there, when that proclamation was read were any United States troops in sight of the building?
Mr. Delamater. Yes, Arion Hall.
Senator Frye. Standing at the Government building, could you see the United States troops?
Mr. Delamater. I think you could; I am not sure about that. I was out in the yard of the Government building, and could see them.
Senator Frye. Could you see more than two sentries anywhere?
Mr. Delamater. There were no troops drawn up in line. From the yard I saw the troops leaning on the fence.
Senator Frye. They were inside the fence?
Mr. Delamater. Inside the fence and standing on the grass, looking on.
Senator Frye. But not outside at the Government building?
Mr. Delamater. No; not outside their own yard.
Senator Frye. You then say: "Of course I was not present at any of the interviews, but had information which to me was satisfactory that a demand was being made for the surrender of the palace, police station, and armory. I was at the police station and saw that the Provisional Government had placed it with a small force of the Queen's defenders in a state of siege, with ample force to capture it and a fixed determination to do so, and an hour later I was there again and found it in possession of the new Government. I then learned that Minister Stevens, after the Provisional Government had shown him that they were in actual possession of the Government building and all public offices and the police station and had the Queen's guards cooped in their own armory, recognized it as the de facto Government, and immediately a number of the representatives of other governments did the same. England and two or three others did not till the next day."
S. Doc. 231, pt 6----69
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Mr. Delamater. There is a little point there that might or might not be of use. The Queen's flag, the royal standard I saw lowered from the palace before Mr. Stevens recognized the new Government. I understood afterwards that it was raised again. But I saw it lowered at that time.
Senator Frye. You proceed to say:
"Now, of course Minister Stevens might have recognized it a half hour earlier than I know anything about. I was not a participant, and had no claim to inside information, but I was doing all I could to learn everything that was going on, and as the harmony of action and information seemed general, I felt that I had correct information as to the time and sequence of events. Of this I am sure, the Provisional Government would have succeeded if United States forces had been a thousand miles away. They had, from my own personal observation, a force more than double that of the Queen, and composed of such men as meant business. Among the privates who went on guard duty there was represented several million dollars.
"As to Mr. Blount, a commission of some kind was expected, and preparations made to give him a reception, which was nonpartisan. That is, both sides would take part. Of course, there was no certainty as to time of his arrival, no cable being connected with the islands. The vessel came and a committee having representatives of both sides went out to meet it. A large concourse of citizens of all classes turned out. A native society of women decorated with garlands of flowers; two bands, etc., were at the dock and waited hours after the vessel had anchored. Both sides were ready for a general nonpartisan and enthusiastic reception."
The Chairman. What do you mean by both sides?
Mr. Delamater. Royalists and annexationists.
Senator Frye. I read:
"Finally, word came that Mr. Blount declined the reception of any honors. He was landed and quartered himself at the Hawaiian Hotel, the most prominent hotel there. He was domiciled in one of the cottages and remained there during his stay in Honolulu.
"It was perhaps an unfortunate circumstance that this placed him in the midst of the most marked royalistic influences, but it can not be claimed, so far as I know, that he knew of this. He persistently declined to accept any hospitality from persons of either side so long as he was "special commissioner." This feature of his conduct was very marked, and while I have no fault to find with it, was carried, it seemed to me, to the extent of at least appearing like posing.
"He was soon known as the 'silent man,' as an 'interrogation point,' and various other appellations, because of his treatment of those with whom he came in contact. No one seemed able to get the slightest expression from him as to his opinion on the subject. He seemed ready to ask questions without limit, of those who called, and to listen in absolute silence to answers, and of course had his stenographer take all conversations. His wife was at once made much of, especially by the prominent American women. One little instance of his full consistency as to accepting hospitality: Mrs. Day had entertained Mrs. Blount in the way of private picnics, a lunch party, horseback rides, etc. One evening about dusk, Dr. and Mrs. Day drove to the Blount cottage in a two-seated surrey, to ask Mrs. Blount to take a little ride. Mr. Blount was on the sidewalk by the side of the carriage when Mrs. Blount got in and Dr. Day asked him to go. He declined on the ground he could not accept any hospitality from anyone.
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"As an evidence of his courtesy, he received a dispatch from Washington directing him to appear before the United States consul-general and take the oath of office as minister. The same dispatch had a clause stating that a successor to Mr. Severance would soon be sent on. Mr. Blount had received a good many favors from Mr. Severance. This part of the dispatch he folded under and concealed from Mr. Severance, when he appeared with the dispatch as a credential."
Mr. Delamater. Of course, I do not know that as a fact; but I got it from Mr. Severance.
Senator Frye. You say----
"And three days later, of his own motion, gave this to a Royalist paper officially, for publication."
Do you know that?
Mr. Delamater. Yes. I do not know that he gave it to the paper; it had it officially, and it was published.
Senator Frye. You go on to say:
"And three days later, of his own motion, gave this to a Royalist paper officially, for publication. His reason, as stated by himself, being that he was friendly to Mr. Severance, and could not bear to tell him personally."
"Within a week from his arrival the Royalists started the report that the Queen was to be restored, and several distinct days were set. My opinion at the time was that they started them without any foundation. They claimed to have assurances from Mr. Blount. I did not at the time believe he had given the slightest encouragement. I am sure the Provisional people felt the same way at this time, basing their belief on the utter impossibility of getting anything out of him on their part. The flag came down. Although Mr. Blount was at the house of Minister Stevens on the afternoon preceding, and after he had issued his order to the naval commander, he did not, I am certain, mention the matter to Minister Stevens, who first heard of it from Mr. Waterhouse, of the Provisionals, late in the evening.
"Up to this time I did not know Minister Stevens by sight. About this time a friend urged me to pay him a formal visit as the representative of my country, etc. I did so on his regular reception day, remained about ten minutes in general conversation, making no allusion to public affairs. I called on him once later. These are the only times I met him in the ten months I was there, and at neither time had any talk with him about affairs.
"A few days after my first call on Mr. Stevens I made a formal call on Mr. Blount as a representative of the President and presented my card, which gave my profession and my American residence. The call lasted not to exceed five minutes. No conversation on Hawaiian affairs was had, except he asked me what I thought would be the effect of lowering the flag and removing the troops. I said I thought it would prove that the Provisional Government was able to take care of themselves. I remained as long as it seemed there was occasion. I left with him my Honolulu address and telephone number, and remarked that if I could be of any service, would be pleased. My wife and Mrs. Blount met a good many times socially. My wife called on Mrs. Blount. This is the only time I met Mr. Blount.
"Within a week after his arrival the people began to wonder that he was not calling on the leading and prominent men."
Mr. Delamater. By calling on him, I do not mean to say that he was calling on him socially, but for information.
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Senator Frye. You then say:
"When he was made minister these same men, who belong to the class who rush forward and force service or information unasked, but who had called formerly and offered to be at his service whenever desired, were still wondering. Those men, like Chief Justice Judd, who was not an active partisan (in fact, many of the prominent men were uncertain whether he was not favorable to the Queen), found that information on vital points was not asked for.
"I formed and expressed the idea that the object was to make it appear that the Provisionals were able to care for themselves. This was quite strongly combated by many who began to feel that Mr. Blount was opposed to the Provisionals and favoring the Queen. And finally, before coming away, I was compelled to admit that Mr. Blount's conduct was certainly very singular; that he was not conducting his intercourse just as I would expect a gentleman to do, and that his treatment of Mr. Stevens seemed very ungentlemanly, to say the least. Mr. Stevens and I never mentioned his name in either of our conversations.
"For a long time there was no American flag at his headquarters, and, inasmuch as the Stars and Stripes were floating everywhere else in Honolulu, this became a subject of marked comment. Finally the wife of one of the naval officers bantered him pretty strongly on the subject, and offered to, and did, present him with a flag which was draped on his front porch. Later Mr. Blount issued, by publication in the press of the city, a proclamation defining the protection he was authorized to give American citizens. The last clause of this proclamation relating to the loss of all claim on the American minister for property, or family, as well as personal protection, by those who took active part in internal affairs of the country, while probably good law, seemed to me unwise, unnecessary, and not at all diplomatic. Its effect was to cause a great deal of uncertainty as to whether he was not contemplating at that moment, as the Royalists positively and confidently asserted, the immediate restoration of the Queen.
"In fact, Mr. Blount's course was such that, justly or unjustly, the Royalists were encouraged and the Provisionals were discouraged. "Whether the Royalists received from him information as to what was the final intention I do not know, but they guessed exceedingly well, for in April, May, and June I heard from the lips of Royalists there the most positive declarations that they knew that President Cleveland would do certain things. Those things the President has since done.
"As to the sentiment of the nation, Hawaiians of Hawaiian parents, the Queen is certainly not popular. There is, I believe, a much stronger feeling in favor of Princess Kaiulani. I talked with a large number of them who were decidedly in favor of annexation also.
"The royalist party there is not made up of or led by natives, but largely by English residents. The motive seems fairly clear. Mr. Davis has had complete control over Kaiulani and her education. The near approach of her reign would give him large advantages in a financial way. He would probably be in fact, if not in name, prime minister. He would have the placing of Government loans (probably) and the inside track in many contracts, etc. Then, socially, his family and that of Mr. Walker, his partner, who are the leaders of the English society, would be very close to the court social world. Mr. Cleghorn, the father of Kaiulani, is Scotch. A son of Mr. Wodehouse, the English minister, is married to a half-sister of Kaiulani. When the native women undertook to have a large mass meeting and present to Mr. Blount a petition they split on the question whether it should be Lilioukalani or Kaiulani."
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The Chairman. Is this the gentleman who furnished those statistics?
Senator Frye. He has them all in there. My impression is that you have them in the record.
The Chairman. Dr. Delamater, where did you get these figures that you have in this statement?
Mr. Delamater. The most of them I got from the report of the board of education. They were issued by the Queen's Government there.
The Chairman. It is a compilation made by you?
Mr. Delamater. A compilation made by me.
The Chairman. From authentic papers?
Mr. Delamater. From the official report of the board of education.
Senator Gray. This is as full a statement as you could make of your observation there?
Mr. Delamater. Yes. I intended it to be as full a statement as I could make.
Senator Gray. When did you go to the islands?
Mr. Delamater. August, 1892.
Senator Gray. How long did you stay?
Mr. Delamater. Until June of this last year-1893.
Senator Gray. If not improper so to do, may I ask what was your object in going?
Mr. Delamater. I was there simply for recreation-a matter of health. I had, for twenty years, a professorship in a medical college, with a fair practice, and had become utterly tired out.
Senator Gray. That is the only object you had?
Mr. Delamater. Yes. You need not fear to ask me any question you may think proper.
Senator Gray. I wanted to know whether you were there in any matter concerning the islands. It was a private purpose for which you were there?
Mr. Delamater. Yes. I had no other interest there.
Senator Gray. I do not wish to know what the private purpose was. Had you any other interest there?
Mr. Delamater. None at all. The private purpose was only to regain my health.
Senator Gray. I can suppose you came in frequent contact with the Americans on those islands?
Mr. Delamater. I have not had any correspondence with any of the Americans since I came away.
Senator Gray. I mean while you were there.
Mr. Delamater. Oh, yes, we had a private boarding house, with an English family; so that I was in pretty close contact with the white people, both English and Americans.
Senator Gray. Was there any sentiment of annexation prevailing there during the few months you were there that you could discover?
Mr. Delamater. Yes.
Senator Gray. Among what classes?
Mr. Delamater. Among the Americans.
Senator Gray. Among the Kanakas?
Mr. Delamater. I should say yes. It seemed to me, taking it under a form of government like that, the expressions in favor of annexation to this country were quite pronounced.
Senator Gray. General?
Mr. Delamater. I should say quite general. The object, it seemed to me, so far as I could judge, was mainly to get better commercial relations.
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Senator Gray. Were the Islands in a state of business depression while you were there, or otherwise?
Mr. Delamater. Business depression.
Senator Gray.To what was that attributed?
Mr. Delamater. To the McKinley bill.
Senator Gray. That that the McKinley bill made sugar free?
Mr. Delamater. Yes.
Senator Gray. And deprived the grower of the advantage that he had when there was a tax?
Mr. Delamater. Yes.
Senator Gray. And you say that the change in that condition of things was the principal cause of the business depression?
Mr. Delamater. Yes; I think so. Of course you know a doctor is not a business man, usually, and I just got a sort of impression.
Senator Gray. Were the sugar growers Annexationists, with the exception of Mr. Spreckles?
Mr. Delamater. I judge that before I came away they were. But I got the impression very strongly in my mind that the sugar growers were opposed to it at the start. I did not talk with a great many of them; but I got that impression at the start.
Senator Gray. What impression did you finally get?
Mr. Delamater. My final impression was, that, in common with others, they were in favor of it.
SWORN STATEMENT OF FRANCIS R. DAY.
Senator Frye. State your age and occupation.
Mr. Day. I am 34 years old and a practitioner of medicine.
Senator Frye. Where?
Mr. Day. My residence is Honolulu.
Senator Frye. How long have you been at Honolulu?
Mr. Day. I located there in the fall of 1887 and have been a resident ever since that time until last August. I left there for this country at that time.
Senator Frye. Were you there at the time Kalakaua was compelled to assent to the constitution of 1887?
Mr. Day. I was in the city at the time, but not a resident.
Senator Frye. Were you a witness to what took place then?
Mr. Day. No.
Senator Frye. Are you acquainted with the people of the islands?
Mr. Day. Yes.
Senator Frye. Has your residence been all this time at Honolulu?
Mr. Day. Yes.
Senator Frye. I will bring you down now to the few weeks preceding what is known as the last revolution, and you may state what you saw going on, and what you knew in the Legislature and elsewhere.
Mr. Day. Politically there was a great deal of interest in the conflict which was going on in the Legislature for some few months before the revolution of January, 1893. The struggle seemed to be between the Queen and her supporters and the opposition, to establish a precedent which would make the sovereign appoint the cabinet from a majority of the Legislature-that is, by calling a leader of the majority of the Legislature, and he select his associates, and she confirm them; the Queen and her party, on the other hand, attempting to have the appointing power purely a personal prerogative of her own, ignoring, in
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other words, the majority of the Legislature and selecting whom she chose for the cabinet. The fight was a long and bitter one until, I think it was, in November, when she yielded to the opposition so far as to call a member of the opposition Mr. G. N. Wilcox to form her cabinet-known as the Wilcox cabinet. That cabinet was formed by the Legislature and was composed of Mr. Wilcox, Mr. P.C. Jones, Mr. Mark Robinson, and Cecil Brown, and practically, for the first time since the Legislature had convened some months before, they got down to a working basis and things went along smoothly until two or three days before the close of the Legislature, when the country was taken by surprise to find that the Wilcox cabinet had been put out by vote of want of confidence, and the appointment by the Queen of a cabinet on her old plan of simply personal authority. That cabinet was composed of Samuel Parker, W. H. Cornwell, J. F. Colburn, and A. P. Peterson, if I remember rightly.
That cabinet did not possess the confidence of the business community, and they were consequently disappointed at the selection. The following day, I think, the Legislature passed what was known as the lottery bill, legalizing the establishment of a lottery in Honolulu-a bill that had been brought before the Legislature in the earlier months of the session and had aroused a good deal of public opposition. The opposition was so strong that it was, for a time, at least, withdrawn or laid aside, and the community supposed for good. But it was rushed through the third reading and the Queen signed the bill, making it law, during the last days of the Legislature; I do not remember the exact date. The opium bill was passed in very much the same way, licensing the sale of opium. It is needless to say that the community was aroused almost to the point of desperation, certainly of the deepest indignation, over these rapidly succeeding acts of the Queen and her party.
On Saturday, the 14th of January, the Legislature was prorogued in the usual form, and immediately after that the Queen attempted to promulgate-or rather attempted to overthrow the existing constitution and promulgate a new one which made certain radical changes in the form of the Government.
Senator Frye. When the Jones-Wilcox cabinet was formed and the lottery and opium bills had been defeated, before the Boston left the harbor on the trip down to Hilo, had everything settled down to quiet?
Mr. Day. Everything was supposed to be settled when the Wilcox cabinet went into office and the machinery of Government was going on for the two months that they held office. Their dismissal, I think, on a vote of want of confidence was a complete surprise to the community.
Senator Frye. So that there was no expectation of any difficulty at the time the Boston left the harbor and went down to Hilo?
Mr. Day. None whatever.
Senator Frye.That was supposed to be settled for the next eighteen months-during the life of the Legislature?
Mr. Day.Yes.
Senator Frye. When the Boston left and there took place what you were going to state-the Queen attempted to form a new constitution?
Mr. Day. The news of that attempt spread through the community with great rapidity, and business men, property holders, professional men of the community, all felt that it meant a crisis in the country's history. The feeling was so intense that it was a spontaneous sentiment that something radical would have to be done. In a hurried way a number of business and professional men met at a central location in the city
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