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to New Zealand and Australia from Vancouver. That port also stands directly in the track of the commerce that will flow through the Nicaragua Canal when that great commercial need is completed. Indeed, in that coming day the enchanting coral, reef-locked harbor of Honolulu will hardly suffice to take in the ships that will put in there.

The interests in the group are mainly American, or substantially connected commercially with the United States. In the palmy days of the whale fishery the ports of Honolulu and Lahaina used to be packed at certain seasons of the year with the ships of that great and adventurous industry.

The advent of our missionaries at the islands in 1820, and the excellent work they did there, won the hearts of the natives and increased American influence. The treaty of reciprocity made with King Kalakaua in 1875 welded in closest bonds the ties of friendship and trade, and gave to the group its present wealth and prosperity.

The group now seeks annexation to the United States; the consummation of such wish would inure to the benefit of both peoples, commercially and politically. Annex the islands, constitute them a territory, and reciprocal trade will double within ten years. Let the islanders feel that they are once and forever under the folds of the American flag, as part and parcel of the great Republic, and a development will take place in the group that will at once surprise its people and the world.

Not to take the fruit within our grasp and annex the group now begging us to take it in would be folly indeed—a mistake of the gravest character, both for the statesmen of the day and for the men among us of high commercial aims and great enterprises.

Our statesmen should act in this matter in the spirit and resolve that secured to us the vast Louisiana purchase, the annexation of Texas, and the acquisition of California. The administration that secures to the United States the " coign of vantage" in the possession of those beautiful islands will score a great measure of beneficent achievement to the credit side of its account.

But in the path of annexation England will throw down the gauntlet of protest and obstruction. To that end she will bend all the powers of her diplomacy; all the cunning of her foreign-office procedures; all the energy, unwearied effort, and unvarying constancy that has ever made her secretly hostile in her diplomatic methods and commercial policies to the welfare, growth, and advancement of the United States.

She wants to gather the group under her own control; she would like to Egyptianize that vital point in the Pacific; she burns to establish a Pacific Bermuda off our Western coast, to hold the same relation toward the ports of Esquimalt and Victoria on Vancouver Island that Bermuda bears toward Halifax, all strongly fortified, connected by cable with Downing street, and stored with munitions of war.

Let the British lion once get its paw upon the group and Honolulu would soon become one of the most important strongholds of Great Britain's power. With her fortified port of Esquimalt dominating the entrance to Puget Sound, constituting an ever-standing menace to our domain in that region, she wants to supplement such commanding advantage by another stronghold at Hawaii, where, within six days' easy steaming from San Francisco, she could immediately threaten that port with one of her fleets in the event of the sudden outbreak of war.

Great Britain will undoubtedly propose a joint arrangement for the government of the islands, but we want none of that—no entangling alliances. We have had enough of such business at Samoa.


No; we want no joint protectorate, no occupation there by any European power, no Pacific Egypt. We need the group as part and parcel of the United States, and should take what is offered us, even at the hazard of war. Westward the star of empire takes its way. Let the Monroe doctrine stay not its hand until it holds Hawaii securely within its grasp. In this matter the undersigned speaks from personal knowledge, gained through official visits to the islands in 1874 and 1882, and could readily pursue the subject further and more into detail, but for the present forbears.

George E. Belknap.
Brookline, January 30, 1893.


Resolved, That the Committee on Foreign Relations shall inquire and report whether any, and, if so, what irregularities have occurred in the diplomatic or other intercourse between the United States and Hawaii in relation to the recent political revolution in Hawaii, and to this end said committee is authorized to send for persons and papers and to administer oaths to witnesses.


Washington, D.C., December 27, 1893.

The subcommittee met pursuant to notice.

Present: The Chairman (Senator Morgan), and Senators Gray, Sherman and Frye.

Absent: Senator Butler.


The Chairman. Mr. Emerson, state your age?

Mr. Emerson. I am 48. Born in 1845.

The Chairman. Where were you born?

Mr. Emerson. I was born on the island of Maui, one of the Sandwich islands.

Senator Sherman. You are of American descent?

Mr. Emerson. My father and mother were New Hampshire people.

The Chairman. HOW long had your father and mother resided in Hawaii before your birth?

Mr. Emerson. From 1832 to 1845.

The Chairman. What was your father's vocation?

Mr. Emerson. My father was a missionary. When I was born he was a missionary. He was a teacher then at the Government school —-no, it was not a Government school; it was a missionary school. I am not sure about that. It was the only college where the natives went. It was at Subinaluero, Maui. My father was stationed at Waialua, Oahu. It is thirty miles from the city.

Senator Gray. Is that the principal island?

Mr. Emerson. It is the island on which Honolulu is situated; it is the best port and the seat of the Government.

Senator Gray. What is your vocation?

Mr. Emerson. I am the Secretary of the Hawaiian Board of Missions.

The Chairman. Are you a minister of the gospel, also?


Mr. Emerson. Yes; I was ordained in 1871. I was settled in the ministry first here, and was called in January, 1889, to take this position.

The Chairman. Do you speak the Hawaiian tongue?

Mr. Emerson. I do. I preach in it and think in it as well as in English, so far as the limitations of the language are not concerned.

The Chairman. Is your father living?

Mr. Emerson. NO; he died in 1867.

The Chairman. Have you relatives living in Hawaii?

Mr. Emerson. I have three brothers living in the city of Honolulu.

The Chairman. Was your father ever connected with the Government of Hawaii?

Mr. Emerson. No. He was for a while road supervisor of the district, because there was no one else to take the position, and also acted as surveyor of the district, which he surveyed, plotted, and divided to give the natives land to plant. He was several years doing that.

The Chairman. Have you ever had any connection with the Hawaiian Government?

Mr. Emerson. I have not.

The Chairman. Has either of your brothers been connected with the Hawaiian Government?

Mr. Emerson. My brother, Dr. Emerson, was connected with the board of health; Joseph Emerson with the survey. He was a civil engineer. My brother, Samuel Emerson, was one of the postmasters of the district where his home was.

The Chairman. You have spoken of having been in the missionary school. Where did you complete your education?

Mr. Emerson. I entered the sophomore class of Williams College, and took my three years' course in the theological seminary of Andover.

The Chairman. Were your brothers educated in Hawaii?

Mr. Emerson. We were educated in the preliminary Oahu College, at Punahou, and then my brothers came on to this country to be educated.

The Chairman. Were you in Hawaii during the month of January, 1893?

Mr. Emerson. Yes; I was in Honolulu.

The Chairman. Were you residing in Honolulu at that time?

Mr. Emerson. Yes, my home was in the city.

The Chairman. How long had you resided there?

Mr. Emerson. Since January 23, 1889—since my connection with the secretaryship of the Hawaiian Board of Missions.

The Chairman. When did you first become aware of the existence of revolutionary purposes amongst the people of any of the cities of Hawaii or of Honolulu? By Hawaii I mean the entire group of islands, the whole country.

Mr. Emerson. I think the whole thing culminated the last week of the Legislature. The first significant utterance I know of was a remark made by a gentleman after the passage of the lottery bill. He said: "Rather than have that lottery bill pass and become a law of the land I would be willing to take up my musket and fight."

The Chairman. That was the last week of what?

Mr. Emerson. That was the last week of the Hawaiian Legislature.

The Chairman. When was that?

Mr. Emerson. Saturday, the 11th of January, was the last day of the session.

The Chairman. Was the Legislature prorogued?


Mr. Emerson. It was prorogued at noon.

The Chairman. That was the first intimation you had that there was a revolutionary intent existing in the minds of any persons there?

Mr. Emerson. I should say that was the first clear intimation; but there was a constant feeling in the air—talk during those days when the Queen and Legislature were coming out more and more in support of the opium, the distillery and the lottery bills.

The Chairman. How many days was this before the 14th of January that you heard this remark made?

Mr. Emerson. I think it was two or three days. I can not recall exactly; but it was during that week. It was while the lottery bill was being considered—I think it was either Thursday or Friday that that bill was signed by the Queen.

The Chairman. Did you hear any other persons make use of expressions of a similar character before the time that the outbreak occurred?

Mr. Emerson. A great many times I talked the matter over with my brother, the surveyor. I heard him speak with a good deal of vehemence against the Queen, feeling that the time might come, before long, when there ought to be a change. And in fact this talk had been the talk since 1887—not a very common talk.

Senator Gray. Not a very common talk?

Mr. Emerson. Not a very common talk, although among some perhaps it was more common than among others. I had not made up my mind that there should be a change, so long as the Queen lived, until Saturday.

Senator Frye. The 14th of January?

Mr. Emerson. The 14th of January.

The Chairman. Did you contemplate, and did you know that others contemplated, that at the death of the Queen there would be an effort made to establish a new form of government in Hawaii?

Mr. Emerson. Nothing that had crystallized into shape, nothing that I knew of that had crystallized into a plan.

Senator Frye. I would like to know, if the committee have no objection, what determined Mr. Emerson to change his mind and conclude that the Queen ought to be deposed, he having been a royalist up to the 14th of January.

The Chairman. Let me ask first whether Mr. Emerson was in sentiment a royalist up to the 14th of January.

Mr. Emerson. I will say that, from the beginning of the reign of the Queen until the very last—I would not say the last week, but toward those last days—until the Queen's Legislature and the powers of the court seemed to go the wrong way, I was a supporter of the Queen, honestly so, and spoke in favor of her, not believing that she was a moral woman, but, perhaps, as a ruler not so bad as some might think. But during those last days I saw more and more clearly, until Saturday, when it was plain to me that the change must come.

The Chairman. During that period of which you speak, were you in favor of a monarchy in Hawaii, or were you desirous of having a republic established?

Mr. Emerson. I think I felt a good deal as Judge Judd said, so long as our Hawaiian chiefs lived, that is, those who were really of the line, and they continued to reign—so long as they behaved themselves, I felt that I was a royalist, a loyal man to the Government; yes, sir.

Senator Gray. Because you thought it best for all interests?

Mr. Emerson. We did not see how we could----


The Chairman. Improve the matter?

Mr. Emerson. Improve the situation. The matter of annexation to this country was not plain; the matter of establishing a republic seemed to be a questionable thing.

Senator Gray. If you were a sincere royalist, as you say, it was because you believed the best interests of the islands would be subserved by that form of government?

Mr. Emerson. Yes, I did so believe to the last.

Senator Frye. On or about January 14 you changed your opinion as to the propriety of continuing the Queen in power?

Mr. Emerson. I think it was associated first with the action of the House of Representatives, when there was a departure of some of the gentlemen, some of the white men who were members of the Legislature, to their homes—when there was a minority of those who were for reform measures, for good government, and there was a majority— claimed to be a majority—of those who were for spoils—for lottery, opium, and so on.

Senator Gray. If those who favored reform measures had remained would there have been a majority that way?

Mr. Emerson. Yes; there would have been a majority. I do not think the lottery bill could have been carried through. I saw how things were working. This Legislature was bribed, evidently it was bribed. It was the common talk of the natives that it was being bribed, and the Queen began to disclose her thorough sympathy with that party. The passage of the distillery bill and the opium bill, which are destructive bills, would have killed off the natives. Then there was the passage of the lottery bill, and afterwards the discharge of the good cabinet, the Wilcox-Jones cabinet, and the putting in a most irresponsible cabinet. Then there was the proclamation, or an attempt to put into execution a new constitution.

Senator Sherman. State what was the nature of that proposed change.

Mr. Emerson. You mean of the constitution?

Senator Sherman. Yes.

Mr. Emerson. The constitution, it is said, was destroyed by the Queen, and some have said that the constitution was one that would disfranchise the white men. Those who were not married to native women would have had the vote taken from them. It was a constitution that would have taken away the ballot from me. It would have taken from the people the power to elect the nobles and put it into the hands of the Queen. By the restricted ballot we were enabled, so far at least as the Legislature is concerned, to elect men of character who stood out against these measures of corruption.

Senator Gray. By a restricted ballot?

Mr. Emerson. Yes; by a restricted ballot.

The Chairman. You spoke of the Wilcox-Jones cabinet. What was the successor cabinet called ?

Mr. Emerson. The Parker-Cornwell cabinet—Colburn and Peterson. I believe it was Peterson—Cornwell or Peterson—who made the cabinet. They were the ones who made the cabinet.

The Chairman. Who was premier in tlie last cabinet?

Mr. Emerson. Wilcox was the one previously to that—I do not know—I think it was Cornwell. I am not sure whether it was Cornwell or Peterson.

Senator Frye. What was the distillery bill of which you spoke?

Mr. Emerson. As I understood it the idea was that there would be


great opportunity for making rum, making alcoholic drinks there from sugar-cane juice and other products, that it might be a means of revenue or wealth to the islands—enlarge the business.

Senator Frye. Encourage the opening of saloons?

Mr. Emerson. It would have probably supplied cheaper drinks to the saloons.

Senator Frye. What was the opium bill?

Mr. Emerson. It was a bill that legalized the sale of opium. I do not know just the nature of the bill, but it was one that made it legal to sell opium.

Senator Frye. Have you been troubled there from the use of opium?

Mr. Emerson. We have had a good deal of trouble. It has been smuggled into the country. There have been opium rings, and some of the men connected with the Government were connected with the rings, no doubt. There is no doubt that the chief marshal of the Kingdom was.

Senator Frye. Whom do you mean; Wilson?

Mr. Emerson. Wilson. There is no doubt about that. It is common talk—was common. You can hear it out on the street from every other person almost.

Senator Gray. Hear what?

Mr. Emerson. That Wilson was connected with the opium ring, and that he was hand and glove in with Capt. Whalen, who was captain of a yacht.

Senator Frye. A yacht used for smuggling?

Mr. Emerson. Yes. And there were also men who had come there as smugglers and whom Mr. Wilson had handled gently. He had pounced upon Chinamen to keep up a show of maintaining the law— some little Chinamen; but the great sinners were let go.

Senator Frye. Did those bills all pass that Legislature?

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

Senator Frye. By what majority?

Mr. Emerson. I am not sure of the majority.

Senator Frye. But they did pass, and the Qaeen approved them.

Mr. Emerson. The Queen signed them.

Senator Sherman. In that week?

Mr. Emerson. That week, as I remember.

Senator Frye. And they were approved?

Mr. Emerson. And they were approved. Protests were sent in by leading ladies of the city who had tried to stand between the Queen and temptation. We recognized her as our Queen, and we tried to stand between her and temptation. And I would like to say here that a good deal of what has been said of how the Queen was received is true. She was received in our houses. She was on the throne, and we thought we must do so, to try to keep her from evil. I went with native pastors to tell her we would support her, remember her in our prayers, and try to help her. Again and again that was done, not as a proof of her character, but to get as good a Queen as we could in the country.

Senator Gray. How did the Queen receive you?

Mr. Emerson. As she is very capable of receiving—in the most courteous and kindly way. And she also reciprocated our sentiments in a spirit not only enlightened but in seeming sympathy with us, as she did the ladies who waited upon her. And the very next move she made was to sign the lottery bill.


The Chairman. Was the Queen a communicant in any of the churches?

Mr. Emerson. I think she was not a communicant in any church; she went around to different churches.

Senator Gray. Was she an avowed Christian?

Mr. Emerson. I think not an avowed Christian.

The Chairman. Do you mean that she adhered to the pagan ideas?

Mr. Emerson. She received Kahunas, sorcerers, in the palace.

Senator Gray. Do you know that of your own knowledge?

Mr. Emerson. I know it as well as I do my own existence.

Senator Gray. Do you know it of your own knowledge?

Mr. Emerson. I never saw the Kahunas there; I know the man who was at her right hand sent out a proclamation for the restoration of the Kahunas. I know that man, for I have talked with him, and charged him with his wickedness.

The Chairman. Now, I want to get at this cabinet business; I speak of the Cornwell-Peterson cabinet, the last one. How long was that in existence before the revolution occurred?

Mr. Emerson. I cannot be perfectly sure. I think the old cabinet was voted out Friday, and that cabinet was appointed the same day.

Senator Frye. The Friday before the revolution?

Mr. Emerson. Yes. The Chairman. Did any of the ministers of the Wilcox-Jones cabinet join the Queen in signing any of these bills—the opium bill, the distillery bill, or the lottery bill?

Mr. Emerson. I cannot say yes or no; but my opinion is that they stood out against it.

The Chairman. You do not know whether the later cabinet, the Cornwell Peterson cabinet, signed those measures with the Queen?

Mr. Emerson. The later cabinet, as I understood, did support her.

Senator Gray. The cabinet that was appointed on Friday?

Mr. Emerson. Yes, sir; I think it was Friday.

Senator Sherman. The cabinet that was appointed on the 13th?

The Chairman. I understand we have a constitution of Hawaii, and I understand it is required by the constitution of Hawaii that in order that a bill may become a law after it has passed the Legislature, it is necessary that it be signed by one member of the cabinet along with the Queen? Is that the fact?

Mr. Emerson. I can not say as to that.

The Chairman. You do not know.

Mr. Emerson. No.

The Chairman. Before going to more particular inquiries as to your knowledge of the incidents of the revolution, I would like to ask you something about the state of the education amongst the native population in Hawaii—I mean now all the islands.

Senator Frye. Do you mean the Kanakas?

The Chairman. Yes.

Mr. Emerson. We have a very good system of public schools. They are taught most of them by white men or women, some coming from California and some farther east. All these teachers are not teachers such as would be classed as supporting the highest moral and religious principles, but a good many of them are fine men and women.

Senator Gray. Do you mean that they are all white men and women?

Mr. Emerson. Most of them.


Senator Gray. What do you mean by "supporting the highest moral principles"?

Mr. Emerson. I mean in certain cases charges have been brought against some. I know charges to have been brought against a teacher, and so soon as he was found guilty of immorality he was removed.

Senator Gray. White men?

Mr. Emerson. Yes. I know of schools that are taught by a graduate of our female seminaries.

The Chairman. I have seen it stated that every person in Hawaii and all these islands, who is above eight years of age, can read and write. Are you prepared to sustain that statement from your own observation?

Mr. Emerson. I believe I would have to look a long while to find a single person who is over twelve years of age who can not read or write—among the natives; not the Portugese.

Senator Gray. Among the natives of the Sandwich Islands.

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. As a rule, in your pastoral intercourse among them, have you found the native Hawaiians to be an intelligent, thoughtful people? I am asking now with regard to the native population, the Kanakas.

Mr. Emerson. I have been greatly grieved to find—speaking of my relations to them religiously—a growing increase, it seems to me, of a superstitious sentiment, and that sentiment would argue a rather low state of religious life in the churches, which I am sorry to acknowledge is the case.

The Chairman. Now, asking more particularly of practical affairs, everyday life, do you find the native Hawaiians intelligent people, susceptible to instruction; are they thoughtful or are they otherwise?

Mr. Emerson. Well, sir, they are Polynesians, and as Polynesians, bright and intelligent as they may be, they have certain marked defects in their character.

Senator Sherman. How as to honesty and integrity in their dealings?

Mr. Emerson. There are some pretty bad characters among them.

The Chairman. As a genaral rule, taking the native classes as a mass?

Mr. Emerson. If I could institute a comparison, it seems to me that they stand a good deal on a par with the negro, although my sympathies are with them, perhaps, and my kindness is with them more than with the negro. I feel that they are very loveable, happy, and in many ways bright, interesting people.

Mr. Chairman. Kind-hearted and benevolent?

Mr. Emerson. Kind-hearted and benevolent to a fault. But they are improvident; they are averse to labor; and if I were going to mention one thing which those Hawaiians need taken away from them, I would say that they need less government affairs and more interest in business affairs, in industry. If the brighter young men instead of itching to get into the legislature, to pose as statesmen or as speechmakers, would be more interested in getting to work and getting homes, building up homes, it would be vastly better for that people. That seems to me one of the great faults with them.

Senator Sherman. They are fond of office?

Mr. Emerson. Yes, they are fond of office. They get two dollars and fifty cents a day as legislators; they think that a good deal.


Senator Gray. But you think they need to be led by a superior class?

Mr. Emerson. I think they need to be led by a superior class, and inevitably they will be.

The Chairman. Are they a people who are easy to be controlled, easy to be led, or are they rebellious?

Mr. Emerson. No; they are easily led, and, being easily led, they are easily made suspicious; that is, there has been an attempt during the Kalakaua reign, after he went to the throne, to create race prejudice, and he did it after he got on the throne, although the white man was his best friend. It was so during the late revolution, since the dethronement of the Queen and before that, during the meeting of the late Legislature. There has been a constant attempt on the part of such men as Bush and Wilcox and others to stir up race feeling, and the natives in the city of Honolulu have been influenced in that way. They go with a rush, as it were, with this current, led by this bad literature, and the churches and Christian life have suffered from it.

The Chairman. You are speaking of the city of Honolulu. Does that occur throughout the islands?

Mr. Emerson. Yes; wherever the henchmen of the Queen are, wherever there are persons subservient to her ideas, to ideas which have been inculcated into them by the city of Honolulu. Those men by their speeches have been enabled to lead the people. One of the strongest elements working against them are the Kahunas.

Senator Gray. What are they?

Mr. Emerson. The sorcerers.

Senator Sherman. The heathen?

Mr. Emerson. They are the people who practice fetichism upon the superstitions of the people.

The Chairman. Native Hawaiians?

Mr. Emerson. Native Hawaiians. In 1868 Kamehameha V granted licenses to these medicine men to practice according as they knew the art, according as they professed to know the art.

The Chairman. What is the art?

Mr. Emerson. The natives are adepts in massage, with fetichism in the background.

Senator Gray. Kamehameha V granted licenses according to their proficiency in the art of medicine, not the art of sorcery?

Mr. Emerson. No; he granted licenses to them as professed sorcerers; he granted licenses to the Kahunas.

Senator Gray. Did he grant licenses except when the applicant exhibited some proficiency in the art of medicine?

Mr. Emerson. He granted a license to any man—I do not say to any man; but licenses were given to those who claimed to be proficient, medicine men who were called Kahunas. There is a minimum use of drugs that these men associate with their practice, and a large—a minimum of knowledge I should say; I do not know much about their use of medicine—and a large appeal to superstition. For instance, I know of one man who had----

Senator Gray. What I want to know is, whether Kamehameha granted licenses to those men on account of their knowledge of sorcery alone or on account of some professed knowledge of medicine?

Mr. Emerson. He granted licenses to them as men professing to have knowledge of the art of healing.

The Chairman. Are the Hawaiians—I speak generally of the native population—located in their separate homes?


Mr. Emerson. They are more in the country than in the city. In the city there is more mixing up of home life. In the city of Honolulu it is very unfortunate; there is a good deal of that.

Senator Gray. Of what?

Mr. Emerson. Mixing up of home life.

The Chairman. Speaking of the country. Have the Hawaiian families habitations in which they reside as families?

Senator Sherman. That is, separate homes.

The Chairman. Yes, separate homes.

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. Are those homes as a rule comfortable?

Mr. Emerson. Not according to Anglo-Saxon ideas. Some of them are. For instance, in my tours through the islands I have stopped sometimes at the native man's house, the judge's house. That man gets a larger salary, and, of course, he can keep a better house, and he has some knowledge of cookery. But the vast majority of the natives' homes I would not like to state them to be comfortable.

The Chairman. Are they constructed of wood?

Mr. Emerson. Mostly frame houses.

The Chairman. As a rule, do the natives build them themselves?

Mr. Emerson. I think as a rule they do, perhaps those who are able to put up simple buildings such as they use.

The Chairman. Do they have fields, gardens, and orchards about them?

Mr. Emerson. Very rarely. Now and then you will find a native man who has a garden near his house. But I will say this, that generally the native has to have a field where he can raise his rice, his taro, his potatoes; his home may be on a hill or down by the seashore. If the seashore, he is a fisherman, and his yard is a barren place.

The Chairman. The habitations are arranged to suit the particular calling in which the family is engaged?

Mr. Emerson. Some of them have thatched houses.

The Chairman. In their domestic relations have you found them to be affectionate toward each other—peaceful?

Mr. Emerson. I think it may be stated that they are affectionate and generally peaceful.

The Chairman. What is the tone of morality that prevails in the households, the family establishments throughout these islands?

Mr. Emerson. Altogether there is too much of immorality—lack of chastity among the females.

The Chairman. Would you say that this is the general rule, or only the exception?

Mr. Emerson. I fear that I have to say it is the general rule.

The Chairman. That the women are unchaste?

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

Senator Gray. Are they monogamists?

Mr. Emerson. That is the law. But women will have two husbands sometimes, and a man sometimes two wives. But I will say this, that there is an element----

The Chairman. You do not say that those polygamous relations are tolerated by law?

Mr. Emerson. No; we have a Christian law.

The Chairman. And these are transgressions of it?

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

Senator Gray. Monogamists are tolerated by law.

The Chairman. Yes.


Mr. Emerson. I would like to say there is in the islands, I believe, an element which we are striving to raise up, a goodly remnant of the men and women who are mostly chaste. They are the girls in our seminaries and the young men in our boarding schools.

The Chairman. You spoke, a moment ago, of some difference between the missionary schools and the Government schools. Has the Government over there taken charge of the secular education?

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. Complete charge?

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. Have the missionary schools ceased to be held?

Mr. Emerson. Oh, no; we have three girls' schools and two boys' schools besides the Kamehameha School.

Senator Sherman. Are they sustained by public or private contributions.

Mr. Emerson. Private contributions.

The Chairman. Those you have just spoken of?

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. DO you have a public school system beside?

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. Is that sustained by taxation of the people at large?

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. What sort of system is it; a good one?

Mr. Emerson. I think there was an attempt to model it on our American system.

The Chairman. What was the result of the attempt?

Mr. Emerson. I think it has been a great success in that country.

Senator Gray. How long has the system been in existence there?

Mr. Emerson. The missionaries started to teach so soon as they went there. But I understand that Richard Armstrong was the first president of the board of education. I am not sure when he became president of the board of education.

Senator Gray. How long ago, about?

Mr. Emerson. I should say in the neighborhood of forty years or more.

Senator Gray. That is in addition to the general school system?

Mr. Emerson. That was the public-school system.

Senator Sherman. I would like to have you tell where you were on the 14th day of January.

Mr. Emerson. That was Saturday?

Senator Sherman. Yes.

Mr. Emerson. I went to the prorogation of the legislature.

Senator Sherman. The legislature was dissolved that day?

Mr. Emerson. Dissolved that day.

Senator Sherman. When was the first meeting of those who threatened to overthrow the Queen; when did that occur?

Mr. Emerson. AS I understand, that occurred on that Saturday afternoon.

Senator Sherman. Were you present?

Mr. Emerson. I was not.

Senator Sherman. Did you take any part in that?

Mr. Emerson. I did not.

Senator Sherman. Of whom was that composed—what class of citizens?

Mr. Emerson. I think of those who were the merchants and the


planters of the town. It was composed of the men who were, perhaps, most largely interested in good government.

Senator Sherman. To what extent did the native population participate in that meeting?

Mr. Emerson. To no extent whatever, as I understood it.

Senator Sherman. Was that meeting held in the evening?

Mr. Emerson. In the afternoon.

Senator Sherman. Was any resolution passed at that meeting?

Mr. Emerson. Really, I know very little of what was done, except as I have read the newspaper accounts. As I understand it, they appointed a committee of safety.

The Chairman. That is hearsay. Of course, we can get nearer to it than that.

Senator Sherman. Have we the proceedings of that meeting; have they been published?

Senator Gray. Yes.

Senator Sherman. The proceedings of that first meeting?

The Chairman. Yes.

Senator Gray. When the resolutions were passed.

Senator Sherman. What occurred on Sunday in connection with this movement, do you remember, the day following the 15th?

Mr. Emerson. All I know is this: My brothers were interviewed. They are laymen, and they were asked to state what arms they had. My brother had two rifles, and he offered to loan one to another gentleman. And they had plenty of ammunition. This was my brother Joseph, who was with me in the house. My other brother, Dr. Emerson, mentioned that he had arms, too. And it was understood that a gentleman, a friend of ours, was making out a list of those who could rally at any time. It would seem in that city we got rather used to this sort of thing. It was worked before, in 1887; it was worked in 1889, and it was by the rallying of citizens in 1889 that the rebellion was put down. It was by the rallying of the citizens in 1887 that Kalakaua was made to accept the constitution, and it could be done again.

Senator Sherman. What was done that Sunday?

Mr. Emerson. A list was gotten.

Senator Sherman. What occurred on Monday, the 16th?

Mr. Emerson. I will say that during all this time there was intense feeling. We felt it in the church and felt it on the street, although the natives were quiet. You could always tell there was a good deal of feeling among white men, too. Monday morning I went down to my office. I remember being so excited. Perhaps this fact may bear a little on the situation. We have a room there where we sell Bibles and other books. My clerk was sitting there, and two other native men, and Mr. Hall came in.

Senator Gray. Do you mean missionary men?

Mr. Emerson. Not missionary men; they were native Hawaiians.

Senator Gray. Aborigines?

Mr. Emerson. Aborigines. I think there were two, my clerk, and the aborigines. I think I remember the name of one, and the other— I know his face perfectly. I do not know what his alliances were, whether he was a Queen man or not. But I will say this—the word was called out—"We are entirely through with this Queen; we will have nothing more to do with this Queen." I made the remark in the office in the presence of these natives, and I was sustained by the


white men and the natives and Mr. Hall. Such was my feeling at that time that I had no more allegiance for this Queen.

Senator Sherman. That was the 16th?

Mr. Emerson. Yes, sir.

Senator Sherman. What day were the troops ordered there? Give the history of the event.

Mr. Emerson. Then I went home to dinner, and in the afternoon I attended the mass meeting. Things culminated at the mass meeting.

Senator Sherman. That was on the 16th?

Mr. Emerson. The 16th.

The Chairman. Where was that meeting held?

Mr. Emerson. In the skating rink.

The Chairman. How many persons were present?

Mr. Emerson. From a thousand to fifteen hundred. Fifteen hundred, maybe. I sat front and could not say exactly. There were considerably over a thousand.

The Chairman. Any Kanakas there?

Mr. Emerson. My clerk came and sat with me.

The Chairman. Any others?

Mr. Emerson. I did hear of others being there. I believe there were some half-whites there. But it was a meeting mostly of white men, white citizens. There was most intense feeling.

The Chairman. Who presided?

Mr. Emerson. Mr. William Wilder. There was most intense feeling. Mr. Wilder opened the meeting and made a statement of why they were there. In brief, he introduced the speakers. I know Mr. Thurston was a speaker, and also a German who spoke, and there was an Englishman who spoke. There were a great many Portuguese there. I am not sure that there was a speech made in Portuguese.

The Chairman. Do you recollect what Mr. Wilder said in opening that meeting? Do you think you can recall it so that you can state it to the committee?

Mr. Emerson. No, I can not.

Senator Sherman. And how soon after that were the troops landed from the Boston?

Mr. Emerson. While this meeting was being held in the skating rink there was also a rally of the people who were the supporters of the palace, the Queen, in the palace square. I do not know how many were there.

The Chairman. You were not present there?

Mr. Emerson. I was not present, although my friend, Mr. Hooes, was with me. He was a chaplain in the United States Navy. And my brother was with me. They left me to go down the street to the Palace Square, to see what was going on. I think they said some five hundred or more were there, and that there was a good deal of feeling. And so strong was the feeling that the speakers did not dare excite the populace, but felt that the time had come for them to restrain their utterances, and their utterances were quite mild afterwards—they were apologetic.

Senator Sherman. They were for the Queen?

Mr. Emerson. Yes. And the feeling during all those days was that the Queen and the Queen's government had lost its grip on the situation. During the meeting held in that skating rink I did not see any man with any arms whatever. I saw no sidearms, and they were within a block and a half of the barracks. But they did not dare----

Senator Gray. What did that meeting do other than declare against


certain acts of the Government? Did it declare openly in opposition to the Queen?

Mr. Emerson. So openly that when Mr. Baldwin said, "Let us go by the constitutional methods," they cried out, "No, no." And as I remember it the statement was made, "We have no more use for the Queen," or words to that effect.

Senator Gray. Who made that statement?

Mr. Emerson. I could not tell you.

Senator Gray. Were resolutions passed other than those denouncing certain acts of the Government which the meeting disapproved?

Mr. Emerson. As I understand it the committee was empowered to go forward and act.

Senator Sherman. Follow that. How soon after that meeting closed was it that the troops were landed from the Boston?

Mr. Emerson. My first knowledge of the landing of the troops from the Boston was when I went down the street.

Senator Sherman. The same day?

Mr. Emerson. The same day; oh, yes, sir. It was after that meeting. I went to my home, and my brother and I went to Rev. Mr. Bishop's home. We knew there must be a good deal of feeling around. I said, "How about to-night; are they not going to patrol?" Mr. Bishop said, "The United States marines have been landed, so that there will be quiet observed."

Senator Sherman. Were the marines landed before the close of the meeting?

Mr. Emerson. No.

Senator Sherman. They were not?

Mr. Emerson. Oh, no; an hour or two afterwards.

Senator Gray. Did you see any of the marines there?

Mr. Emerson. I did not.

Senator Gray. Then how did you know they were landed.

Mr. Emerson. I was told by Mr. Bishop.

Senator Sherman. At what hour was the meeting held?

Mr. Emerson. I think it was after 2 o'clock that we met.

Senator Sherman. Were there, so far as you know, any organized armed forces on either side at the time, during the holding of this meeting?

Mr. Emerson. I know of none. I know of no armed forces that were in sight.

Senator Sherman. Did you know or hear of any that were in existence ready to fight during the time the meeting was going on? You say there was a meeting of both sides.

Mr. Emerson. I had no knowledge of any forces that were at that time anywhere in sight, although that night—I will not say that night —I had the feeling that there were men in the city not only by the score, but certainly over a hundred.

Senator Sherman. You say that the day before they made a list of their strength.

Mr. Emerson. Hundreds who would have risen had there been an emergency.

Senator Sherman. But you saw no armed troops in the streets?

Mr. Emerson. No; my brother was ready at any time to take his gun and go.

The Chairman. At the time of the holding of the meeting of these citizens, both at the skating rink and at the palace grounds, the Queen had her army?

S. Doc. 231, pt 6----35


Mr. Emerson. Yes. The barracks were a block and a half away.

The Chairman. How many were in that army?

Mr. Emerson. She was granted payment for only 60 or 70.

The Chairman. In addition to that was there a police force?

Mr. Emerson. There was a police force. I do not know how large, but I have heard say there were 80 in the station house.

The Chairman. Were both of these forces, the civil and military forces, under the command of the same person?

Mr. Emerson. No.

The Chairman. Under the command of different persons?

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. Who commanded the military force?

Mr. Emerson. Capt. Nowlein. I am not sure about that.

The Chairman. Who commanded the civil force, the police force?

Mr. Emerson. As I understand, Mr. Wilson, the marshal, was at the head of the police.

The Chairman. Did they occupy the same quarters or different?

Mr. Emerson. They were nearly a mile apart.

The Chairman. You saw nothing of the police force as a body or the military force as a body at either of these meetings?

Mr. Emerson. No.

The Chairman. Did you see them on the street that evening in military array?

Mr. Emerson. No. There was a remarkable----

The Chairman. There was then no exhibition of military force, nor exhibition of police force?

Senator Gray. Let Mr. Emerson finish his sentence.

Mr. Emerson. There was a great hush about the streets.

Senator Gray. You were going to say remarkable.

Mr. Emerson. There was an unusual aspect in the condition of things.

Senator Gray. You were going to say remarkably quiet?

Mr. Emerson. There was a particularly peculiar hush; yes.

The Chairman. During that afternoon or evening you saw no military or police force in bodies under their appropriate officer?

Mr. Emerson. No.

The Chairman. No display of that kind?

Mr. Emerson. No.

The Chairman. After the troops came in from the ship—the marines came in from the Boston, where did they go?

Mr. Emerson. This, of course, I got from reports.

The Chairman. You need not speak of anything but what you yourself know.

Mr. Emerson. I know this much—that company went up to Mr. Atherton's house. One went to the consul's; I saw them there. One went to the minister's residence.

Senator Gray. Did they stay there?

Mr. Emerson. Some twenty-five or so stayed with the consul.

Senator Gray. All night?

Mr. Emerson. Yes. And another company, as I understand it, stayed at the minister's residence. I saw tents pitched there for them.

Senator Gray. Did you see men in them?

Mr. Emerson. Yes. And at Mr. Atherton's there was no place for them to stay; there being no place, they were removed.

Senator Gray. That evening?

Mr. Emerson. That evening; yes.


Senator Sherman. Who is Mr. Atherton.

Mr. Emerson. He is one of our leading financiers, a wealthy man.

Senator Sherman. He is not an officer of the Government?

Mr. Emerson. No.

The Chairman. A gentleman from Hawaii, Mr. Carter, sent me a blue print of the city of Honolulu, at least parts of it. I want you to look over that and see if the locations of the different houses correspond with your knowledge of the facts (exhibiting diagram).

Mr Emerson (examining). This is about the same as the diagram that I made out for myself; a smaller one.

The Chairman. Are you prepared to say whether that is a correct drawing of the place?

Mr. Emerson [indicating on the diagram]. There is Mr. Atherton's house. There is the skating rink. That is the place where the mass meeting was held. There are the barracks around the corner. This was all open there,the Queen's military barracks. This is the palace, where the Queen was, the Government building, and that is the opera house, and this Arion Hall.

Senator Gray. In this Government house beside are the chambers of the Government officers?

Mr. Emerson. In fact, the treasury. All the archives are there.

Senator Sherman. Where did our soldiers stand—there [indicating] or here [indicating].

Mr. Emerson. No; here [indicating]. The United States marines— I did not see them stand in arms, as stated. I remember going there. I saw no marines, no guns trained on the palace.

Senator Sherman. Behind that building? [Indicating.]

Mr. Emerson. Yes; here [indicating] is the yard where they had the tent.

Senator Sherman. That is the opera house? [Indicating.]

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. Where did those marines land?

Mr. Emerson. AS I understand, they landed down on the wharf, about there [indicating].

Senator Gray. Not by the custom-house?

Mr. Emerson. No; they landed down here [indicating].

Senator Sherman. King street seems to be the leading street?

Mr. Emerson. Yes. Merchant street—I think they usually landed about there; it may be they landed there [indicating].

Senator Sherman. On what street did they go toward the palace?

Mr. Emerson. I did not see them go up. But here [indicating] is the consulate. Probably they would go right up this street here [indicating] and up there [indicating]; or a squad might go up Nuuanu street to the legation; another squad to the consulate; another squad up Merchant street to Mr. Atherton's, and then back again to Arion Hall. There [indicating] is the police station, within a block, just across the street, where Mr. Smith's committee of safety met—right under the nose of the police station.

The Chairman. Show me the building on which the flag of the United States was raised.

Mr. Emerson. Iolani Palace.

The Chairman. When was it first raised?

Mr. Emerson. I think it was about two weeks after the landing of the marines that I saw it.

The Chairman. Two weeks after the landing of the marines?

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. Before the flag was raised at all?


Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. Where were the troops at the time that flag was raised?

Mr. Emerson. They were quartered right here at Camp Boston.

The Chairman. Where was the minister of the United States residing at the time that flag was raised over the Aliolani Hall?

Mr. Emerson. Right there [indicating].

The Chairman. Is that the palace usually occupied by the Queen?

Mr. Emerson. The court has been at lolani Palace.

Senator Sherman. Is the Queen's home within the bounds of the city

Mr. Emerson. Yes; the home is right there [indicating].

Senator Gray. Not the palace, but the Queen's home.

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

Senator Sherman. I supposed it was out some distance.

Mr. Emerson. NO.

The Chairman. Mark where the Queen's home is.

Mr. Emerson. Right there [marking].

The Chairman. You say you did not see the United States flag until two weeks after the landing of the marines?

Mr. Emerson. That or ten days. I can not say how long; but it was considerably later.

The Chairman. Were these troops that you saw quartered in this open park accompanied with a flag?

Mr. Emerson. I think the flag of the United States was with each squad. Camp Boston was there [indicating].

Senator Gray. Was that where they were Friday night?

Mr. Emerson. Not Friday night.

Senator Gray. Monday night?

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. Was this flag raised over Aliolani Hall?

Mr. Emerson. Not until two weeks after.

The Chairman. And they made their camp there?

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. And in the meantime the Queen had retired to her private home?

Mr. Emerson. Yes. She retired Wednesday. The home has always been kept open.

The Chairman. Were you present when the flag was raised there?

Mr. Emerson. No.

The Chairman. Of course you know nothing about the orders on which it was done?

Mr. Emerson. No.

The Chairman. Are you pretty certain it was as much as two weeks after the landing of the marines before that flag was raised on Aliolani Hall.

Senator Sherman. He said seven or ten days.

Mr. Emerson. I said in the neighborhood of ten days.

The Chairman. If there had been a flag raised on these buildings prior to that time, would you have seen it?

Mr. Emerson. I certainly would have seen it. There was a flag on the consulate and a great many flags in the street; on private houses they had American flags flying; but over the Government buildings I did not see it until some time afterwards.

The Chairman. Was any Hawaiian flag flying at any time?

Mr. Emerson. I think the flag on the Government building was raised and kept up, the two together.


The Chairman. You think the two together?

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. Are you certain of that?

Mr. Emerson. I am sure of that—so sure that it was a matter of talk.

Senator Sherman. That Hawaii and the United States were in partnership?

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

Senator Gray. DO you mean the flags were on the same staff?

Mr. Emerson. I think not on the same staff. I am not sure about that. I think on different staffs.

The Chairman. YOU spoke of the Government building. That is different from lolani Palace?

Mr. Emerson. I do not know whether they had two staffs there or not. But on the Government building I saw the two flags waving together.

The Chairman. What time was the flag raised on the Government building?

Mr. Emerson. I think the same time it was raised on lolani Palace.

The Chairman. You do not remember to have seen the flag of the United States on the Government building until you saw it on lolani Palace.

Mr. Emerson. No. I am not sure of two flags on lolani Palace.

The Chairman. You saw on the Government building two, on lolani Palace only one?

Mr. Emerson. I am not sure about that.

Senator Gray. What was the opium bill of which you spoke awhile ago, the one which was passed by the Legislature, and which was so objectionable to some of the good people of Honolulu.

Mr. Emerson. I can speak only in general terms of it; it was a bill regulating the sale of opium.

Senator Gray. Did you ever read it?

Mr. Emerson. I think I have read it; I am not sure; I have seen it in the papers, the bills as they are published from time to time.

Senator Gray. Can you recollect what the provisions of it were?

Mr. Emerson. No.

Senator Gray. You say that prior to the passage of that bill there had been a bitter complaint about what was called the existence of an opium ring, that smuggled opium into the islands?

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

Senator Gray. Was the importation absolutely prohibited—I mean prior to the passage of the bill?

Mr. Emerson. I can not say just what the law was in regard to that; but as I understand it there was—my impression is it was to be used in certain ways as a drug.

Senator Gray. I want to know if you know.

Mr. Emerson. I would rather say I do not know.

Senator Gray. YOU say you do not know whether you read that bill or not. Do you know whether the bill that passed provided for the licensing of the sale of opium under Government regulation?

Mr. Emerson. According to my recollection that was the nature of the bill—Government regulation of the sale.

Senator Gray. What was the lottery bill?

Mr. Emerson. I was in the Legislature when that bill was passed.

The Chairman. Were you a member of the Legislature?

Mr. Emerson. No; I beg pardon, I was attending.


Senator Gray. In the chamber?

Mr. Emerson. I was in the chamber and saw the vote taken and beard the bill read. I can not state just the nature of the bill; but it was a bill that granted a franchise to a certain number of persons to establish a lottery in that country.

Senator Gray. For what purpose; did it state?

Mr. Emerson. As I understood it it was for their own----

Senator Gray. To raise revenue?

Mr. Emerson. Five hundred thousand dollars was offered the Government and an annuity. Then there was a rider put on by Mr. Thurston and Mr. Smith, the last thing before it passed, to the effect that $125,000—that there must be a certain putting down of that money, a deposit made to the extent of $125,000, before this body could operate. The idea was to stave off any attempt to do the thing unless the Louisiana lottery would take hold. They did not want the Louisiana lottery, and it would not be there unless the Louisiana lottery would take hold, and the question was whether the Louisiana lottery would take hold.

Senator Gray. And they wanted a deposit of actual money?

Mr. Emerson. Yes. The feeling was to hamper the bill as much as possible.

Senator Gray. That rider was put on by the enemies of the bill?

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

Senator Sherman. Does gambling prevail among the natives of Hawaii?

Mr. Emerson. I am sorry to say that it does to a large extent. The natives are led into it by Chinamen and by—I will say chiefly by Chinamen.

Senator Gray. Participated in by whites at all?

Mr. Emerson. I think the whites have their own way of gambling. I do not think they go to these little stalls and buy checks and gamble. It is the Chinese chefa game.

Senator Gray. The Chinese have a distinct system of gambling of of their own?

Mr. Emerson. That is the system that appeals to the natives.

Senator Gray. Is there any gambling among the whites?

Mr. Emerson. I suppose there is considerable. There is a certain class of whites which was associated with the Kalakauan throne.

Senator Gray. I have been very much interested in the account you gave of the native population, of their disposition and habits and education. You say it would be very difficult, as I understood you, to find a person over 12 years of age who could not read and write?

Mr. Emerson. I think it would be very difficult among the natives.

Senator Gray. Do you think those people capable of self-government as we understand it here?

Mr. Emerson. I can not answer that categorically; I must qualify it by saying this: The Hawaiians are in the hands of two parties; one party makes for righteousness and the other for spoils.

Senator Gray. Do you think they are themselves capable of originating or maintaining popular self-government?

Mr. Emerson. I think with their environment they can not do it.

Senator Sherman. I believe we have statistics here among the papers showing the increase among the Portuguese and the decline of the Hawaiians.

Senator Frye. Yes.

The Chairman. The Portuguese go there by importation.


Mr. Emerson. I think the agent went to the Azores and negotiated for certain laborers. They come from the islands.

Senator Sherman. Are they not a good deal mixed; is there not a mixture of Portugese and other Indian blood?

Mr. Emerson. In some there is a mixture. I do not just know the situation in the Madeira or the group of the Azores Islands.

Senator Gray. Are they not classed as such?

Mr. Emerson. We class them as European.

The Chairman. In coming to Hawaii, do they bring their families?

Mr. Emerson. Many of them do.

The Chairman. And establish homes?

Mr. Emerson. Some of them are most industrious and thrifty.

The Chairman. In establishing homes?

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. They represent a good industrious element?

Mr. Emerson. We think it is a great gain.

The Chairman. Are they difficult to control?

Mr. Emerson. We do not think so.

The Chairman. I mean in their general demeanor in the community?

Mr. Emerson. I do not think so. They are a peaceful people.

Senator Gray. Do they maintain their language or speak the Hawaiian?

Mr. Emerson. They speak Portuguese.

The Chairman. Are they members of any church?

Mr. Emerson. They are mostly Roman Catholics; but most of them are prejudiced' against the Jesuits. And my experience has been in the mission work that they are not very bigoted or under the control of the priests. They have no priests of their nationality there. There was no preaching in Portuguese until we introduced a preacher, and then they introduced one.

The Chairman. Do the Portuguese build Catholic churches?

Mr. Emerson. No. I do not think they have separate churches. We have two among the Portuguese.

Senator Gray. Missions among the Portuguese?

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

Senator Gray. To convert them from Romanism?

Mr. Emerson. No. There was the nucleus of a protestant element. We have a school in our mission in Honolulu. We have a gentleman and three ladies who have worked with him, and they have a day and night school, a kindergarten, and a good many children of Roman Catholic Portuguese go there to attend our schools. Our intention is to give them a biblical Christianity; it is not proselyting. One family after another has come over to express their adherence.

Senator Gray. Does the Catholic mission have churches?

Mr. Emerson. It has its cathedral and out stations and its priests.

The Chairman. When these Portuguese arrive do they go on the sugar plantations in the country or stop in the town?

Mr. Emerson. Those who come as contract laborers have to go on the sugar plantation. I do not think many are brought now as contract laborers.

The Chairman. So that you regard them as a peaceful element of society?

Mr. Emerson. I will answer in this way: My two brothers are conducting a Sabbath school in connection with this mission, and they have more interest in the Portuguese work than in the Hawaiian work


because they seem to think they have something to build up. And what they say has much truth in it. One of the elements of the islands is the element represented by the Portuguese people.

The Chairman. Are the Portuguese entitled to vote under the constitution?

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. Being Europeans!

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. They are entitled to that privilege in Hawaii without changing their nationality, without renouncing their allegiance to the foreign government?

Mr. Emerson. I think all Europeans, Germans and all, who are domiciled in the land under certain conditions. I can not tell you the conditions that permit them to vote. While considering themselves American citizens, some of the white men have voted. They vote and act as citizens of that land.

The Chairman. Petaining their citizenship in their native land, they are permitted to vote in Hawaii under the constitution of 1887?

Mr. Emerson. AS I understand it. I do not know just what relations the Portuguese Government permits.

The Chairman. When the Japanese come to Hawaii do they bring their families?

Mr. Emerson. I am sorry to say that the Japanese come there rather too promiscuously. Some of them are married men; but they tire of one wife and take another.

The Chairman. The Japanese, if I understand you correctly, are introduced into Hawaii by an agreement between the two governments?

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. Do the overseers, controllers of these Japanese, come along from Japan?

Mr. Emerson. There is an agent, a Mr. Irwin, who ships them from Japan. Of course, there are interpreters, men who go there to bring them over; just how, I could not say.

The Chairman. Mr. Irwin is the agent of the Hawaiian Government?

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. And he resides in Japan?

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. And he sends out these Japanese to Hawaii?

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. They come under a contract between the two governments?

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. Do they establish homes when they get there?

Mr. Emerson. The Japanese are rather apt to be migratory. Now and then a bright, intelligent Japanese man will get a store. There are certain young men in Honolulu who are establishing stores in the city, and also the members of the legation. Rarely you will find one who is married; they are young men. Their prospects in the island are good, but most of the laborers return.

The Chairman. They come under a contract to return, do they not?

Mr. Emerson. I believe they do. I suppose there is a contract to return.

The Chairman. The Chinese who come to Hawaii, are they brought


under an arrangement with the Government of China or do they come of their own accord?

Mr. Emerson. In regard to these Government contracts, my knowledge is that as to the immigration of the Chinese they are limited, as in the case of the Japanese. As I understand it, there is a limitation upon their coming.

The Chairman. DO you mean that a certain number may come within a year?

Mr. Emerson. I can not say just what it is.

The Chairman. When the Chinese arrive there, do they bring their families with them?

Mr. Emerson. I know this, the Chinamen are sending to China often for wives. My cook said, "Mr. Emerson, if you will lend me $200 I can get a wife."

The Chairman. In what kind of service are the Chinese employed in Hawaii?

Mr. Emerson. The chief service is to their own people, rice planters.

Senator Sherman. And sugar planters ?

Mr. Emerson. There are not so many working the sugar plantations. Then there are cooks in the cities.

Senator Gray. Domestic servants?

Mr. Emerson. Domestic servants.

The Chairman. Have the Chinamen ownership over the lands where they raise rice?

Mr. Emerson. I think it is mostly rented land.

The Chairman. But they have farming establishments?

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. And they are engaged mainly in the raising of rice?

Mr. Emerson. The Chinaman, I think, is quite an item in Hawaii, so far as his labors are concerned. There are quite a number of children (descendants of Chinamen are numerous); they are given to marrying native wives, native women.

The Chairman. How is the native population, the Kanakas, related to these different people—the Portuguese, Japanese, and Chinese? Are they friendly?

Mr. Emerson. Friendly with anybody. A Chinaman can ingratiate himself into the native's house. He will say, "You put up a building, and I will give you a certain rent." The Chinaman will run a store and pay the rent, and the native will live off it. The Chinaman will go into the country and say, "I will take your patch off your hand and plant the patch;" and the Hawaiian rents to the Chinaman, and he makes money off it. It is a very great misfortune that the Hawaiian is being worked out of his independence by this race. He needs protection.

The Chairman. Do the native Kanaka women intermarry with the Japanese, Chinese, and Portuguese?

Mr. Emerson. I do not think the Japanese and Portuguese do. I think there are quite a number of Portuguese women there; there are certainly more Portuguese women than Chinese women. The Chinese are most apt to marry the natives.

The Chairman. The native woman has no fastidiousness with regard to marriage—she will marry a Japanese, a Chinese, or a Portuguese?

Mr. Emerson. I think not, if she get a chance to marry a Chinese or Portuguese.

Senator Gray. Does she ever marry a white man?

Mr. Emerson. When they can not get white husbands.


Senator Gray. Is there the same antipathy between the white race and the Hawaiian in Hawaii as between the white and the negro in this country?

Mr. Emerson. I think not. The Hawaiian is to be amalgamated and a new race is to be formed there.

Senator Sherman. Some of the royal family married Englishmen— some of the highest families of Hawaii.

Mr. Emerson. Yes. Queen Emma's father was an Englishman, married to a native princess. Bernice Pauahi married Mr. Bishop, a banker. Likelike, who is dead, married Mr. Cleghorn. Mr. Dominis married the present Queen.

Senator Sherman. He was an Englishman?

Mr. Emerson. I do not know.

Senator Sherman. He was not an Hawaiian?

Mr. Emerson. No; he was a foreigner. There is a little too much mingling between the natives and the foreigners.

Senator Frye. Did not our secretary of legation marry a native?

Mr. Emerson. You mean the secretary of legation, Hastings? No; he married a pure white.

The Chairman. Then, I understand you, it is the belief or expectation that the population in Hawaii will change, so that the Kanaka will disappear ultimately and there will be an intermingling of the native element there of the various nationalities that come from other countries.

Mr. Emerson. Yes; he will disappear, and will take on a little different personality.

The Chairman. Disappear from the pure native?

Mr. Emerson. I think it will ultimately work that way. Of course, for many years to come there will be pure-blooded natives.

The Chairman. I will ask if it is your opinion that the native population of Hawaii, the Kanakas, in view of the facts you have stated, are liable to become so powerful in government as to be able to control the other nationalities that have come into those islands, or have they lost the power to rule them?

Mr. Emerson. I consider that they have lost that control already, and in my opinion they can never regain it.

The Chairman. From your acquaintance with the white element there, European or American, is there a disposition on the part of the white man to sustain whatever is good and virtuous in the native character, or is there a disposition to trample it under foot—crush it out?

Mr. Emerson. There are two classes out there quite distinctly marked. My plea is for the native Hawaiian; we must see to it that he get out of the hands of the man who would make gain of him and use him as his cat's-paw, and let him be governed by those who will work for his best interests, and help him to be all the man he can become.

The Chairman. Suppose such a thing as a Kanakan government, beginning with the Queen and going through all the different offices of the monarchy, where the right of voting would be confined to the natives, and where the right to make laws and execute them would be with them, do you believe that that native population has a political strength and power sufficient to enable it to control those islands under those conditions?

Mr. Emerson. No. There are certainly 36,000 Asiatics that they could not control—36,000 adult male Asiatics. Ten thousand Hawaiians could not control them.


The Chairman. Would they be received kindly by the white population in the islands?

Mr. Emerson. No, because of the fact that the natives themselves are in two camps, so to speak. There is an element there, making for righteousness and an element making for heathenism.

The Chairman. Is the latter spreading?

Mr. Emerson. Spreading? It is like an ulcer eating right into the vitals. And the court was the center of that influence.

The Chairman. The influence that tends to depravity?

Mr. Emerson. That tends to depravity. Not only Kalakaua with his opium franchises, but the Queen herself with her opium bill. And the best natives in the Legislature felt that she was willing to sell the lives of her people.

Senator Gray. Do you think there are two elements among the white people?

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

Senator Gray. One bends toward gain and the other is for virtue?

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. Which is the better element?

Mr. Emerson. I believe the element that makes for righteousness is represented by the Provisional Government; although I will say that every government gathers around it people who are worthy and some who are not worthy. But I believe the most worthy elements are there. I will say this: I can take up my annual report and read names, and you will hardly find a name on that list that has contributed to the missionary work----

The Chairman. You are speaking of the religious part of the subject?

Mr. Emerson. That indirectly shows the character of the man.

The Chairman. I am not speaking of that; I am speaking more particularly of the political aspect of the question. My questions are directed to that proposition. I understand that much the larger portion of the wealth of Hawaii is owned by white men, Europeans, Americans, and natives who are white, and that that class of people, if I understand you correctly, is in favor of making the Kanakas, the native population, all that can be made of them by moral, religious, and educational training?

Mr. Emerson. I think I can give you an instance. W. O. Smith is the attorney-general, one of the leading men in the Government. His brother has given $12,000 to establish a girl's school—impoverished himself—and his only sister is chief of that school. They had to dismiss the principal. They are giving their lives to the Hawaiians.

The Chairman. There were five Kamehamehas, representing in succession the political government of Hawaii.

Mr. Emerson. There was one, Lunalilo, who was connected with the Kamehameha dynasty. He makes the sixth.

The Chairman. There were five Kamehamehas and Lunalilo, who was of the royal descent?

Mr. Emerson. Not direct royal descent, but collateral.

The Chairman. From another family, and they constitute the six succeeding monarchs in Hawaii?

Mr. Emerson. Yes. And Kalakaua was the last.

The Chairman. And with Lunalilo expired the royal blood?

Mr. Emerson. Yes. And one remains, who is a drunkard, Kumerankea. He can never come to the throne.

The Chairman. During the reign of the Kamehamehas, commencing


with the second or third, according to my recollection af the chronology, the King began introducing the missionaries into his cabinet, his council?

Mr. Emerson. Kamehameha III.

The Chairman. Yes, one of them remained there a long while as chief of a department of the Government.

Mr. Emerson. Yes, they resigned their missionary relations.

The Chairman. They gave up their missionary relations and became chiefs of the Government?

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. During all the time of the existence of these monarchs, these Kings, was there any want of confidence between the monarch and the white element? When I speak of the white element, I mean those who are in favor of good government and religion. Was there any conflict between these Kamehamehas, or Lunalilo, and the white missionaries, and those persons who where associated with them?

Mr. Emerson. I think there was no conflict except on moral points. The missionaries were their most stanch supporters—loyal subjects.

The Chairman. I want to know whether there was harmony of action between the Hawaiians and Kamehamehas and Lunalilo during their respective reigns.

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. Then it was later that the controversy arose between the Crown and the missionary or white element?

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. It arose then, as I understand it, during the reign of Kalakaua?

Mr. Emerson. Kamehameha V proclaimed a more autocratic constitution. He was criticised. We felt that he was somewhat of a heathen. In 1868 he granted these licenses to the native sorcerers. We felt that he was a man of great force of will. We felt that he was rather introducing heathen elements. Although he was not squarely, flatly against the missionaries, yet they were not so much in sympathy wtih him as they were with Kamehameha III and Kamehameha IV.

The Chairman. Kamehameha V gave the new constitution?

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. When Kalakaua was put on the throne, was there any change?

Mr. Emerson. No.

The Chairman. It was when Kalakaua was chosen king that the constitution of 1864 was changed?

Mr. Emerson. The coup d'etat of Kamehameha V was in 1864, and that constitution continued until 1887.

The Chairman. The point I was trying to get at is this, whether the first political disturbance between the white element and the monarchy was during the reign of Kalakaua.

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. And from that time to this it has been more or less turbulent?

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. And this present revolution is the fruit or result of political movements that took place in the beginning of the reign of Kalakaua?

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. And not before?

Mr. Emerson. I think not before. In 1854 I believe there was talk


of a change of government. That was because of certain difficulties that the King had with foreign relations, not internal relations, as I understand it.

The Chairman. During all this period of time has there been, within your knowledge or belief, according to your understanding, a party of white people existing in Hawaii for the purpose of annexing Hawaii to the United States?

Mr. Emerson. I think there has been, during the latter part of the reign of Kalakaua. I think there were people who looked to ultimate annexation.

The Chairman. Was that because of designs on their part to overthrow the Government and force annexation, or because they were despairing of the power of the native element to rule?

Mr. Emerson. I think the feeling was this: " Just so long as the present Government continues, let us be loyal to that." I think that was the feeling of these men who finally achieved the revolution.

The Chairman. They had been anticipating the fall of the dynasty?

Mr. Emerson. Yes. Some felt that Kalakaua ought to be the last. That was the feeling of a great many.

The Chairman. Anticipating the fall of the Hawaiian dynasty—the monarchy?

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. And that led to the expectation—an earnest one— and hope that the result would be that the Hawaiian Islands would be annexed to the United States?

Mr. Emerson. Coupled with that anticipation of the downfall of the dynasty, was the wasting away of the Hawaiian people, ceasing to be the dominant people.

The Chairman. That is what you have been looking to all the time?

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

Senator Gray. You think there was a distinct party there called the annexation party, or that the policy of annexation was approved by some people?

Mr. Emerson. I do not know of a distinct party that was crystalized, but there was that talk.

The Chairman. What was the sentiment that you gathered from your association with the people over there, in the event that the Hawaiian monarchy is to perish; whether those people would prefer to place themselves within the protection of the United States or Great Britain, or Germany, or France, or Japan, or any other place?

Mr. Emerson. So far as I have talked with my friends (and they put a good many questions to me in regard to this matter), I feel that they prize above all other things annexation to this country, that is, under the situation, seeing that they can not carry things themselves. The Hawaiian would prefer to have the prominence which he has lost. But that he can never regain, and my sentiment is, and so far as I have talked with them I have so expressed it, that they should get as near to the United States as they can, saying, " You will then have as fully as you can your rights of suffrage."

Senator Gray. Prior to that emeute of Saturday, when trouble commenced, was a majority of the people of Hawaii opposing the Queen and in favor of annexing Hawaii to the United States?

Mr. Emerson. Oh, no.

The Chairman. You mean all the people?


Senator Gray. All the people. Was a majority of the people opposing the Queen, and in favor of annexation to the United States? You say, "Oh, no."

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. Suppose it had been left to the vote of the Kanakas?

Mr. Emerson. If it had been left to the vote of those thirteen thousand, I think the natives, seeing their Queen there, would have felt like supporting her.

Senator Gray. What would the majority of those voters have done at the time?

Mr. Emerson. I think the majority would have voted in favor of a continuance of the Queen's Government.

The Chairman. Do you include the Portuguese in that?

Mr. Emerson. No; they are opposed to the Queen and in favor of the Provisional Government.

The Chairman. That is one element. And the Germans?

Mr. Emerson. The Germans, one portion, the intelligent portion— I should say that the vast majority of the Europeans were in favor of a change of the government and annexation to the United States Government, leaving out a few English. A few English prefer English institutions. Leaving out that party—the English minister, Minister Woodhouse, has marriage relations with the late court.

Senator Gray. If the power in that country resided in those who had the right to vote, and that I take for granted—you understand what I mean----

Mr. Emerson. I can say that here were 8,000 native votes

Senator Gray. I am willing to hear you when you shall have answered my question. Understand me first. The political power there under the existing state of things was vested with those 13,000 people who voted?

Mr. Emerson. Under the law.

Senator Gray. Was not that necessarily so?

Mr. Emerson. Yes, just so far as the vote would go.

Senator Gray. Those who were elected to the Legislature were elected by the voting population?

Mr. Emerson. I grant that, so far as the vote would go.

Senator Gray. I ask you whether or not a majority of those 13,000 legal voters was for or against this revolution?

Mr. Emerson. A majority was against the revolution, I have no doubt.

The Chairman. That majority would comprise how many Hawaiian voters, how many native Kanakas?

Mr. Emerson. I think there are about 8,000 native voters.

The Chairman. Would you count them solidly against annexation?

Mr. Emerson. No. Let me make this statement, which I think a fair statement to make right here. The people there are instruments in the hands of these two parties. In the island of Kauai, for example, the native mind is influenced by the stronger mind, and the Queen does not have so much power.

The Chairman. The native is influenced by his employer?

Mr. Emerson. Yes. They do not care so much; they do not feel the interest.

The Chairman. You think there would be a decided majority of what we call the Kanaka element against annexation?

Mr. Emerson. Yes.


The Chairman. And be in favor of retaining their Queen?

Mr. Emerson. I will not say that now.

The Chairman. And would have voted in favor of retaining the royal government?

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. Now that the royal government has disappeared, how do you think the native voters would cast their votes on the subject of annexation?

Mr. Emerson. I believe they would vote for it, in favor of it.

The Chairman. The Queen having disappeared?

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. Now we come to the Portuguese. They comprise about how many voters?

Mr. Emerson. I can not give you figures. There are some 11,000 Portuguese in all, and there were some 1,500 or 2,000 Portuguese voters.

The Chairman. What would be the prevailing sentiment among the Portuguese as to a maintenance of the monarchy or the establishment of a republican form of government?

Mr. Emerson. It would be very hard to find a single Portuguese who would vote for monarchy.

The Chairman. You think it would be solidly against monarchy?

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. And then, monarchy having disappeared, how about annexation?

Mr. Emerson. In favor of annexation to this country.

The Chairman. Then, of the German, the French, and the English who are there: What would be the sentiment among the Europeans on the subject of maintaining the monarchy or some other form of government?

Mr. Emerson. A vast majority of the Americans, a vast majority of the Germans, and a goodly portion of the English and Scotch

The Chairman. Would be in favor of having some other form of government than monarchy?

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. And do you include in your opinion annexation?

Mr. Emerson. Yes; closer relations to this country.

The Chairman. Then it would be that the opponents of a change in government would consist of a majority of the Kanakas and a minority of these other nationalities?

Mr. Emerson. Yes; that is, those who support the monarchy.

The Chairman. But the Queen out of the way, monarchy destroyed, and it being impossible to restore it, your opinion would be, if I understand it correctly, that a majority of all together, the Kanakas, the European white people, the Americans, and the Portuguese, would be in favor of annexation to the United States rather than to any other country?

Mr. Emerson. I believe the vast majority would be. But let me say this—the adventurers out there would be in favor of the establishment of a republic.

The Chairman. An independent republic.

Mr. Emerson. Yes. Mr. Wilcox, who is an adventurer out there, would operate in that direction.

The Chairman. You mean in the direction of an independent republic?

Mr. Emerson. Yes; where they would have a chance to get office,


a chance they would not have if Hawaii were annexed to the United States. The Chairman. You think a republic is quite possible.

Mr. Emerson. Yes. We want to eliminate politics out of that country, with such a polyglot people as we have.

Senator Gray. You do not have a republic there now?

Mr. Emerson. I presume we shall have a republic if you do not admit us.

The Chairman. You have been over the islands a good deal?

Mr. Emerson. I have been from end to end over the islands three times.

The Chairman. You know the face of the country?

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. What do you say as to the capacity of the Hawaiian Islands to maintain a population as great as they have now, upon their native productions?

Mr. Emerson. Do you mean white population?

The Chairman. The whole population. Will the islands sustain the population that you have there now on native productions?

Mr. Emerson. Certainly, five times as much.

The Chairman. It is a fertile country where it is arable?

Mr. Emerson. Yes. I believe it would sustain ten times as much.

Senator Gray. What is the population?

Mr. Emerson. It varies; Chinese and Japanese coming and going.

Senator Gray. I mean, about.

Mr. Emerson. Ninety thousand.

The Chairman. So that you think the islands could sustain a million of population?

Mr. Emerson. It would be better for that country if they cultivated coffee and the fruit industries, orange industries, instead of giving all up to sugar. We all feel that we want to have a variety of industries.

The Chairman. The cultivation that is going on in Hawaii is for export?

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. What you want is for domestic use?

Mr. Emerson. Yes, and for export. We want to have a larger variety of products for export.

Subscribed and sworn to.

O. P. Emerson.

The subcommittee adjourned to meet on Tuesday, January 2, 1894, at 10 o'clock a. m.



Washington, D. C, Tuesday, January 2, 1894.

The committee met pursuant to adjournment.

Present, the chairman (Senator Morgan) and Senators Gray and Frye.

Absent, Senators Butler and Sherman.


Senator Frye. Mr. Jones made a deposition in Honolulu, which deposition was sent to me. My idea is to read it to Mr. Jones and the committee, and if Mr. Jones make it a part of his testimony here it would save to the committee one or two hours of time.

The Chairman. There being no objection, that course can be taken.

Senator Gray. Is that deposition published in any of the documents that we have.

Senator Frye. No. It is a deposition that was given by Mr. Jones in Honolulu before he left there. It was given to be used in this investigation. It is as follows:

Hawaiian Islands,
Honolulu, Oahu, ss.:
P. C. Jones, being duly sworn, deposes and says that he was born in Boston, Mass., United States of America; that he came to Honolulu in the year 1857, and has resided here since that time; that he has large business interests here, and is at present engaged with his son in the business known as "The Hawaiian Safe Deposit and Investment Company;" that on the 8th day of November, A. D. 1892, he was commissioned by the then Queen Liliuokalani minister of finance, and retained that office until the 12th day of January, A. D. 1893, the cabinet to which he belonged being generally known as the Wilcox-Jones cabinet; that he is acquainted with James H. Blount and knows the time when that gentleman came to Honolulu as special commissioner; that soon after his arrival he called upon him and said in effect as follows: "As I was intimately acquainted with the Government during the last two months of the monarchy I may be able to give some information in regard to our affairs, and I shall be pleased to give my statement if you desire it"; that Mr. Blount thanked him, said he would be pleased to have it, and would let him know when he would be ready to grant him an interview; that a careful statement was prepared by this affiant on the 25th day of May, A. D. 1893, from which this affidavit is taken, reciting all the important events connected with the Government from the 8th day of November, A. D. 1892, up to the 16th day of March, A. D. 1893, that period including the events of January 17, of which this affiant was fully cognizant; that the said James H. Blount never asked for this interview and this affiant never had any opportunity of presenting the statement, although he is informed and believes that other persons suggested to Mr. Blount that he secure the statement.
Affiant further says that his knowledge of the revolution and the events immediately leading up thereto is as follows: When it was known about town that the Queen was to proclaim a constitution great

S. Doc. 231, pt 6------36

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