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Reports of Committee on Foreign Relations 1789-1901 Volume 6 pp962-963 300dpi scan (VERY LARGE!)

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buildings and palace, and securing possession of all the artillery fortified the palace. The regular troops, by order of the King, refused to assist the cabinet, who called upon the white militia and white citizens for assistance. The call was promptly responded to. The revolutionists were protected by an 8-foot stone wall around the palace, and used artillery as well as rifles, while the cabinet supporters were armed with rilies alone. The fighting opened at 9 o'clock in the morning with less than 30 cabinet supporters in position in front of the palace, which number was later increased to about 500. The royalist revolutionists opened with a furious fire of both artillery and small arms. Within half an hour they were driven from their guns. Seven were killed and 12 wounded, and before dark all of them were dispersed or captured, while not one of the Cabinet supporters was injured.

"Such is the undisputed record of events upon two occasions when the royalists and the organizers of the Provisional Government have come into armed conflict when there has been no suggestion of support to either side by any outside power. Under these circumstances I submit that the burden of proof is upon those who claim that the leaders of the Provisional Government are cowards, or that they are incompetent to organize or successfully carry out a revolution against the royalists in Hawaii.

"It is unnecessary for me here to restate the details of the bitter constitutional conflict which had been carried on between the Queen and the Legislature during the seven months prior to January last, or to speak of the intense indignation existing among all classes of citizens by reason of the open and successful alliance of the Queen with the opium and lottery rings. The political liberties of the people had been trampled upon, and their moral sense shocked. It simply needed the added provocation of the arbitrary attempt to abrogate the constitution and disfranchise every white man in the country, to spontaneously crystallize opposition into a force that was irresistible.

"In reply to the sneer that the persons taking part in the movement were 'aliens,' I would say that every man of them was, by the laws of the country, a legal voter, whose right to the franchise was, by the proposed constitution, to be abrogated; a large proportion of them were born in the country, and almost without exception those who were not born there had lived there for years, owned property there, and had made it their home. They were the men who had built up the country commercially, agriculturally, financially, and politically, and created and made possible a civilized government therein. They were and are such men as to-day are the leading citizens of the most progressive communities of the United States, with interests as thoroughly identified with the interests of Hawaii as are the interests of native and foreign born citizens in similar communities in this country identified with it?"

Adjourned until Monday, the 22d instant, at 10 o'clock a. m.


Washington, D.C., Monday, January 22, 1894.

The subcommittee met pursuant to adjournment.

Present: The Chairman (Senator Morgan), and Senators Gray, Butler and Frye, and Senators Daniel and Davis, of the full committee.


The Chairman. What connection had you with political movements in Hawaii, and when did you first become associated with any political movement in Hawaii?

Mr. McCandless. My first connection was in 1887. During the winter of 1886 and 1887 there was organized, under the laws of the Kingdom, an organization called the Honolulu Rifles, and it suddenly became very popular with all the foreigners and whites of the islands. I joined that military organization, and continued to be a member of it until 1888, when I made a visit to the States.

The Chairman. Did you hold any office in that organization?

Mr. McCandless. I was nothing but a private. I was one of a committee of thirteen of the political organization.

The Chairman. At that time?

Mr. McCandless. Yes.

The Chairman. What was the nature of that organization ?

Mr. McCandless. That was an organization to compel the King to grant a new constitution, or it was organized with the intention of forming a republic, making a republic—that is, deposing the King, making a republic with a view of annexing the islands to the United States.

The Chairman. Then why was not that purpose persisted in, or was it abandoned?

Mr. McCandless. It was persisted in that a great many people thought we should give the King one last show to redress the wrongs that he had committed, and take a great many of the prerogatives away from him, and perhaps he would do better. That spirit prevailed to such an extent that a mass meeting was called and strong resolutions were drawn up. They were made so strong that they did not think that any man of self-respect could accede to the demands of the resolutions, and so soon as he should refuse they would start the revolution.

The Chairman. How was that mass meeting as to numbers?

Mr. McCandless. The mass meeting of 1887 was a mass meeting of 1,200 people.

The Chairman. Of what class of people was that mass meeting composed?

Mr. McCandless. Of most of the white people of the Hawaiian Islands.

Senator Gray. Where did you go from to Hawaii?

Mr. McCandless. West Virginia.

Senator Gray. Where were you born?

Mr. McCandless. In Pennsylvania. My father moved from Pennsylvania when I was a boy. I went to California and stayed there a year and a half, and went to the Hawaiian Islands in 1881.

The Chairman. Your business out there was sinking artesian wells?

Mr. McCandless. Yes.

The Chairman. Did the King make concessions that reconciled this

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