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buildings and palace, and securing possession of all the artillery fortified the palace. The regular troops, by order of the King, refused to assist the cabinet, who called upon the white militia and white citizens for assistance. The call was promptly responded to. The revolutionists were protected by an 8-foot stone wall around the palace, and used artillery as well as rifles, while the cabinet supporters were armed with rilies alone. The fighting opened at 9 o'clock in the morning with less than 30 cabinet supporters in position in front of the palace, which number was later increased to about 500. The royalist revolutionists opened with a furious fire of both artillery and small arms. Within half an hour they were driven from their guns. Seven were killed and 12 wounded, and before dark all of them were dispersed or captured, while not one of the Cabinet supporters was injured.
"Such is the undisputed record of events upon two occasions when the royalists and the organizers of the Provisional Government have come into armed conflict when there has been no suggestion of support to either side by any outside power. Under these circumstances I submit that the burden of proof is upon those who claim that the leaders of the Provisional Government are cowards, or that they are incompetent to organize or successfully carry out a revolution against the royalists in Hawaii.
"It is unnecessary for me here to restate the details of the bitter constitutional conflict which had been carried on between the Queen and the Legislature during the seven months prior to January last, or to speak of the intense indignation existing among all classes of citizens by reason of the open and successful alliance of the Queen with the opium and lottery rings. The political liberties of the people had been trampled upon, and their moral sense shocked. It simply needed the added provocation of the arbitrary attempt to abrogate the constitution and disfranchise every white man in the country, to spontaneously crystallize opposition into a force that was irresistible.
"In reply to the sneer that the persons taking part in the movement were 'aliens,' I would say that every man of them was, by the laws of the country, a legal voter, whose right to the franchise was, by the proposed constitution, to be abrogated; a large proportion of them were born in the country, and almost without exception those who were not born there had lived there for years, owned property there, and had made it their home. They were the men who had built up the country commercially, agriculturally, financially, and politically, and created and made possible a civilized government therein. They were and are such men as to-day are the leading citizens of the most progressive communities of the United States, with interests as thoroughly identified with the interests of Hawaii as are the interests of native and foreign born citizens in similar communities in this country identified with it?"
Adjourned until Monday, the 22d instant, at 10 o'clock a. m.
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Washington, D.C., Monday, January 22, 1894.
The subcommittee met pursuant to adjournment.
Present: The Chairman (Senator Morgan), and Senators Gray, Butler and Frye, and Senators Daniel and Davis, of the full committee.
SWORN STATEMENT OF JOHN A. McCANDLESS—Continued.
The Chairman. What connection had you with political movements in Hawaii, and when did you first become associated with any political movement in Hawaii?
Mr. McCandless. My first connection was in 1887. During the winter of 1886 and 1887 there was organized, under the laws of the Kingdom, an organization called the Honolulu Rifles, and it suddenly became very popular with all the foreigners and whites of the islands. I joined that military organization, and continued to be a member of it until 1888, when I made a visit to the States.
The Chairman. Did you hold any office in that organization?
Mr. McCandless. I was nothing but a private. I was one of a committee of thirteen of the political organization.
The Chairman. At that time?
Mr. McCandless. Yes.
The Chairman. What was the nature of that organization ?
Mr. McCandless. That was an organization to compel the King to grant a new constitution, or it was organized with the intention of forming a republic, making a republic—that is, deposing the King, making a republic with a view of annexing the islands to the United States.
The Chairman. Then why was not that purpose persisted in, or was it abandoned?
Mr. McCandless. It was persisted in that a great many people thought we should give the King one last show to redress the wrongs that he had committed, and take a great many of the prerogatives away from him, and perhaps he would do better. That spirit prevailed to such an extent that a mass meeting was called and strong resolutions were drawn up. They were made so strong that they did not think that any man of self-respect could accede to the demands of the resolutions, and so soon as he should refuse they would start the revolution.
The Chairman. How was that mass meeting as to numbers?
Mr. McCandless. The mass meeting of 1887 was a mass meeting of 1,200 people.
The Chairman. Of what class of people was that mass meeting composed?
Mr. McCandless. Of most of the white people of the Hawaiian Islands.
Senator Gray. Where did you go from to Hawaii?
Mr. McCandless. West Virginia.
Senator Gray. Where were you born?
Mr. McCandless. In Pennsylvania. My father moved from Pennsylvania when I was a boy. I went to California and stayed there a year and a half, and went to the Hawaiian Islands in 1881.
The Chairman. Your business out there was sinking artesian wells?
Mr. McCandless. Yes.
The Chairman. Did the King make concessions that reconciled this
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mass meeting or combination of citizens to his longer remaining on the throne?
Mr. McCandless. There was a committee of thirteen appointed at the mass meeting to wait on the King and present the resolutions to him, and he was given 24 hours to accede to the demands or take the consequences.
Senator Frye. And you were a member of that committee?
Mr. McCandless. No; I was of the executive committee. This was a committee appointed for the purpose of carrying the resolutions to the King.
The Chairman. Did the King accede to the demands?
Mr. McCandless. He did.
Senator Gray. Did he grant a new constitution?
Mr. McCandless. Yes; he proclaimed the new constitution which we wrote out. I can tell the details of that.
Senator Frye. That was the constitution of 1887?
Mr. McCandless. Yes.
Senator Gray. Did the King proclaim that by his own authority?
Mr. McCandless. Yes.
The Chairman. Did his cabinet join him in signing it?
Mr. McCandless. Yes.
The Chairman. Do you know whether the legislative assembly took any action in regard to that constitution?
Mr. McCandless. It was taken in this way—recognized as the law of the land, and that question was never raised.
The Chairman. The general grievances of which you have been speaking, I suppose, consisted of the King's connection with the opium bill?
Mr. McCandless. That was one.
The Chairman. What else?
Mr. McCandless. It got to that point that the Government did not exist for anything but to tax the people and give them no return for it. Money was squandered in different directions—it was squandered in an embassy to Russia to assist at the coronation of the Czar. Then there was a man-of-war bought by Kalakaua, in which there was a stealage of something like $10,000. This was common report in Honolulu.
The Chairman. That is the information upon which you were acting?
Mr. McCandless. Yes. Two of the ministers got $500 a month, but they actually only got $150 a month, and the remainder went to the King. The register of public documents, an office the same as our county recorders, whose office is carried on and supported by fees— in that office the King put a notorious man and entered into an agreement with him that he should have $150 a month and the balance of the fees to go to the King.
The Chairman. This is a general description of the nature of the abuses of which the people were complaining?
Mr. McCandless. Yes.
The Chairman. How long was it after that reconciliation or restoration of confidence in Kalakaua that you remained in Honolula or in the islands?
Mr. McCandless. Of course, the revolution was the 30th day of June, 1887, and I remained there until the middle of July, 1888.
The Chairman. Where did you go then?
Mr. McCandless. I went over to the State of Washington and
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stayed there about a year. But my interests were the same in the islands.
The Chairman. And you returned to the islands?
Mr. McCandless. Yes.
The Chairman. And remained there until when?
Mr. McCandless. The 1st day of June, last year.
The Chairman. Where was your place of residence on the islands?
Mr. McCandless. Honolulu.
The Chairman. Were you carrying on this business of sinking wells duning all this time?
Mr. McCandless. Yes.
The Chairman. That was your vocation in this country?
Mr. McCandless. Yes.
The Chairman. Did you have many men in your employ?
Mr. McCandless. The business varies there. At times I had 30 or 40 men.
The Chairman. Were these wells sunk on private account or Government account?
Mr. McCandless. Mostly on private account.
The Chairman. Did the Government have any interests in any of them?
Mr. McCandless. Yes; we have drilled wells for the Government.
The Chairman. Under contract?
Mr. McCandless. Under contract.
The Chairman. Between the period of the establishment of the constitution of 1887 and, I will say, within a year before this recent revolution, what was the state of the public mind, the public order, in Honolulu, I mean among the Hawaiian people?
Mr. McCandless. The state of the public mind from 1887 was that we had made a mistake, a serious one, that we had not carried out our intentions, because the King had no sooner proclaimed the new constitution than he began to reach out for his prerogatives, and it was a conflict from that day up to January, 1893, between the people and the sovereign.
The Chairman. During that period of time do you know of any movement to break down the constitution or of dethroning Liliuokalani or for the purpose of annexation to the United States?
Mr. McCandless. From that period up to the 14th of January of last year?
The Chairman. Yes.
Mr. McCandless. I do not; except the Ashford and Wilcox conspiracy.
The Chairman. If such an organization as that had existed in Hawaii would you necessarily have known it?
Mr. McCandless. I will state it this way: I was in the revolution of 1887, and was one of the executive committee. I was one of the committee of thirteen that made the constitution of 1887, and I was one of the committee of safety that was organized that afternoon from a large crowd, and I do not think anything of that kind could have been in existence in the Hawaiian Islands and I not know it.
The Chairman. So that your position was a prominent one in connection with this movement that you have been describing?
Mr. McCandless. Yes.
The Chairman. Now, at what time did you personally get the first information that Liliuokalani had discarded the constitution of 1887, or intended to do so?
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Mr. McCandless. So soon as she came on the throne, or so soon as the remains of Kalakua came back (of course that was the first information that we had of his death), rumors were circulated that she did not intend to, or would not, take the oath under the constitution of 1887. We had information that she hesitated, and that the chief justice urged her, and the friends urged her, to sign the constitution, and she did so with hesitancy. Then, probably in the fall of 1892, my brother came to me with the information that the Queen had a programme. This information came to him, I think, from Mr. Peterson, but I am not sure on that point—that is, her late attorney-general—that the programme was to give the opium to the Chinese, which would win the Chinese; to give the lottery to the gamblers, which would win the gamblers, and to grant a new constitution to the Hawaiiaus. All that was then left were the missionaries, who could go to Hades. That was the programme that was given to me in the fall of 1892. But we did not believe it. There were rumors of that kind constantly through the Legislature during the term of the Legislature of 1892. But anything aside from that—it came to me about half past 1 on Saturday afternoon, the 14th of January.
The Chairman. Do you recollect the month in which the Legislature met?
Mr. McCandless. On the 30th day of May.
The Chairman. And continued in session without interruption?
Mr. McCandless. Without interruption; yes.
The Chairman. Was that an exciting term of the Legislature?
Mr. McCandless. Very much.
The Chairman. And the public attention was brought to its proceedings?
Mr. McCandless. Constantly.
The Chairman. And it was during this session of the Legislature that you heard this rumor, that it was suggested that Liliuokalani intended to overthrow the constitution?
Mr. McCandless. Yes.
The Chairman. And you stated the information to be that she had in fact attempted or intended to make the attempt to overthrow the constitution?
Mr. McCandless. Yes; on the 14th of January I was walking up Fort street and I met Mr. Hopper, a gentleman who has a large rice mill in the Hawaiian Islands and lives just adjoining the palace grounds. He said, "The Queen is up there attempting to promulgate a new constitution." I laughed at it, because she had won everything, and had appointed her own ministers and had control of everything for a year and a half.
The Chairman. And had passed the opium bill?
Mr. McCandless. Had passed the opium and lottery bills, and the ministry would do her bidding.
The Chairman. And you thought that was all she would do?
Mr. McCandless. I thought that was enough for her to do. He said, "You go into Spreckels' bank, and you will find out." I went into Mr. Spreckels' bank, to Mr. Spalding, and I said, "I understand that the Queen is giving us a new constitution." He said, "It is so; I have just come from there." I walked up to the corner of Fort and Merchant streets—that is probably the business center of Honolulu—and the people began to congregate immediately. In a little while the information began to come down from the palace, which was about three blocks from there, of how matters were progressing there. Finally
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the crowd grew to several hundred—of course this was all white people's business—and probably about 2 o'clock, or half past 2 o'clock, the information came down from the ministers to know what support they could get as against the Queen.
The Chairman. Who brought that information?
Mr. McCandless. I could not say; It was sent down by messenger.
The Chairman. Sent to whom?
Mr. McCandless. Just down town. They knew who the business men were and where they would be likely to be.
The Chairman. What did you say was the nature of the message which had been sent?
Mr. McCandless. To know what support the ministers could get from the white people as against the Queen. They went into the office----
The Chairman. Let me understand whether it was the common understanding of the crowd there that the ministers had made such a suggestion or such a request?
Mr. McCandless. Yes.
The Chairman. Then they went into the office?
Mr. McCandless. Went into the office of W. O. Smith. Someone took a piece of office paper, brown paper such as lawyers use, the size of a sheet of legal cap, and then wrote a heading in lead pencil stating that, "We hereby agree to stand by the ministers against the encroachments of the Queen"—something to that effect. It was only a line or two, and the people as they came in signed that.
The Chairman. About how many?
Mr. McCandless. There may not have been more than a hundred. That included most of the lawyers there. Paul Neumann----
The Chairman. Paul Neumann?
Mr. McCandless. Yes; and Mr. Cecil Brown, an Englishman, who was very much wrought up over the matter. There was scarcely anyone who entered the office, and whom I knew, but signed the paper.
The Chairman. DO you remember any person who refused to sign it?
Mr. McCandless. I do not.
The Chairman. Do you think there were as many as a hundred signatures to the paper?
Mr. McCandless. I should judge so.
The Chairman. What was done with that paper?
Mr. McCandless. I do not know.
The Chairman. Do you know who took charge of it?
Mr. McCandless. It was left on that desk. It was certainly there the next day. In fact, it was there Monday. Of course, the information kept coming down right along, and finally some of the ministers came down.
The Chairman. As I understand you, that was an enrollment of the citizens who were with these ministers in their antagonism to the Queen?
Mr. McCandless. Yes.
The Chairman. Well?
Mr. McCandless. About 2 o'clock in the afternoon two of the ministers came down.
The Chairman. What day?
Mr. McCandless. The same day, within an hour.
The Chairman. Do you mean Saturday or Monday?
Mr. McCandless. Saturday.
Senator Gray. Name the ministers.
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Mr. McCandless. Colburn and Peterson.
The Chairman. They came to Smith's office?
Mr. McCandless. Came down to Smith's office. By this time there were probably 700 or 800 people around there. Of course, there is a very complete system of telephone, and the news was telephoned all over the city. Mr. Colburn came in and someone said, "Make us a speech," and he said, "Do you want a speech?" and they said, "Yes; tell us the story." Mr. Colburn proceeded and told the story.
The Chairman. What position did he hold in Liliuokalani's cabinet at the time?
Mr. McCandless. Minister of the interior. They said: "Tell us the story." He said he had information that morning that the Queen intended to promulgate the new constitution. He said that he immediately carried the news to Judge Hartwell and Mr. Thurston. They had been political enemies, of course, and they had advised the ministers to resist—that is, to refuse to countersign the new constitution, and to do all they could with her to keep her from signing the new constitution. After the Legislature had been prorogued they proceeded to the palace, right across the street, and there she made the speech (which of course is a matter of history) to the effect that she proposed to give the people a new constitution. She asked the ministers to countersign it, and they refused to do so. Mr. Colburn told the story of her becoming very angry, and Mr. Peterson made the remark that the constitution was faulty in some respects, whereupon she replied: "You have had it in your posession for a month and you returned it without any comment, and I took it that it was all right."
The Chairman. That is what Mr. Colburn told the crowd?
Mr. McCandless. That is the speech that Mr. Colburn made to the crowd.
The Chairman. Well?
Mr. McCandless. He stated that they had escaped from there and thought that their lives were in danger; that she had sent for them again, and that at this time she had concluded not to promulgate the new constitution.
Senator Butler. Have you any information as to who it was prepared that constitution for the Queen?
Mr. McCandless. All the information is that she prepared it herself. It is a constitution taken from the constitution of Kamehameha V and some extracts from the constitution of 1887. We got information from Mr. Colburn and, probably, from Chief Justice Judd, who read it, and he noted some changes.
Senator Butler. You say it was claimed that she prepared that constitution herself?
Mr. McCandless. That is what she claimed since.
Senator Butler. Is she capable of writing such a constitution?
Mr. McCandless. She took the constitution of '87 and the constitution of Kamehameha V and prepared it. The constitution of 1887 is very much like the constitution of Kamehameha V, with some vital changes. We compared them.
The Chairman. I want to know what Mr. Colburn said to that crowd, and all that he said, as you remember it. I think where you paused in answer to the question of Senator Butler you were proceeding to state that Mr. Coiburn had said that the Queen had retracted her purpose of promulgating that constitution.
Mr. McCandless. For the time being.
The Chairman. Is that the way he stated it?
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Mr. McCandless. I think so.
The Chairman. Go on.
Mr. McCandless. In regard to Mr. Colburn. "Now," said he, "gentlemen, we want to know what support we can get as against the Queen, because she is apt to do this at any time."
The Chairman. That was in this public speech?
Mr. McCandless. That was in the public speech he was making. He said that the only reason she had desisted was that she was unable to get them to sign the constitution. She got it into her head that it would not be legal unless countersigned by the cabinet, and if she could get the cabinet to sign she felt that she had a legal constitution.
The Chairman. Did Colburn state that?
Mr. McCandless. Yes. That was the strange thing. It was said at the meeting that she did not believe that it would be valid without the signatures of the ministers.
The Chairman. Is that about all that Colburn said?
Mr. McCandless. All that I can remember. Of course, that is the substance.
The Chairman. Was any action taken by that crowd upon that statement made by Mr. Colburn or in consequence of it or immediately afterward ?
Mr. McCandless. Yes.
The Chairman. What was it?
Mr. McCandless. Immediately someone—I can not say who it was—proposed that we must have a committee of public safety. It was in a room that was packed, a room a little larger than this and an outer room. The two rooms were packed and Mr. Cooper was seated at the desk. The paper was where the ministers were.
The Chairman. By what number had this paper been signed on Monday?
Mr. McCandless. This was all on Saturday.
The Chairman. Oh, yes; I beg pardon.
Mr. McCandless. Someone made the motion that there be a committee of safety appointed, and someone said, "Appoint Mr. Cooper chairman of the meeting and we will leave it to the chair to pick them out," and that was unanimously agreed to. It was just informal. There had been no organization before that; and in the presence of Mr. Colburn and Mr. Peterson, Paul Neumann—no, I would not say as to Neumann then; I do not think he was in; he had gone out—the committee of thirteen was picked out, and it was taken from that list of people in the immediate vicinity.
The Chairman. Who picked them out?
Mr. McCandless. Mr. Cooper; but he was assisted by two or three gentlemen—suggestions made. The committee of thirteen was selected and someone suggested that they be made a committee of safety, and someone said, "Get out of here," and the rooms were immediately cleaned out, and we began to discuss the situation.
The Chairman. Were you one of the committee?
Mr. McCandless. I was.
The Chairman. Appointed in that way?
Mr. McCandless. Appointed in that way. I said, "I will carry my gun, but I wish to be excused."
The Chairman. You were not excused?
Mr. McCandless. No.
The Chairman. And you went on the committee?
Mr. McCandless. Went on the committee.
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The Chairman. "What was the first thing the committee did after organization?
Mr. McCandless. The first thing? The doors were closed and some one said: "Gentlemen, we are brought face to face with this question. What shall we do?" And there was but one sentiment prevailed: "The Queen has violated the constitution, and we have to carry it to the end; we can not live in this country; we have to resist that or leave the country."
The Chairman. Whom did you select as chairman of that meeting?
Mr. McCandless. Mr. Cooper.
The Chairman. Did you come to any resolution as to what you would do in the way of resisting?
Mr. McCandless. If you will allow me to go back just a little— a couple of hours.
Senator Butler. Did you keep any minutes of your proceedings?
Mr. McCandless. We did not care to keep any minutes then. We were going in to a ticklish business.
Senator Butler. You did not keep any minutes?
Mr. McCandless. I think there were some slight notes. The hardware stores closed at 1 o'clock; but about half past 2 o'clock they all opened again to deal out ammunition and guns to the people, to those who wanted to buy them. Cecil Brown, who had been in the Wilcox cabinet, come to me and said: "You can get all the ammunition you need, if you have not enough." He said: "I have just got my arms." We began to gather up arms and ammunition. I sent my brother to the country to catch a late afternoon train and bring up his arms and ammunition. He had a cattle ranch about 7 miles from town. He went down and returned to town about 7 o'clock with his gun and ammunition. So we began as early as that to prepare to resist; the conclusion was arrived at—of course, it did not come off immediately— at that meeting. It was half past 4 or 5 o'clock when the committee of safety was appointed, and we appointed a committee to see what arms we could get. We discussed the situation and decided that we would go right on now, if we had the entire support of the white population— that we would go ahead and proceed to organize a provisional government.
The Chairman. Was there any resolution for the purpose of ascertaining whether you had the support of the population?
Mr. McCandless. No; and the first meeting was the next morning.
The Chairman. Sunday morning?
Mr. McCandless. Yes.
The Chairman. Where did you meet then?
Mr. McCandless. At W. R. Castle's.
The Chairman. Was he a member of that committee?
Mr. McCandless. I am not sure about that; I think he was not.
The Chairman. He was a friend to the movement at all events?
Mr. McCandless. Yes. We held the meeting, and one of the first things we decided was to hold a mass meeting and ascertain whether the public of Honolulu was in accord with that sentiment. If it was, we would go ahead and perfect the organization in the meantime as much as possible, and if, at the mass meeting, the whites showed they were anything like they were in 1887, we would proceed with the revolution. The first thing we did at the mass meeting was to send one of the members to a printing office for the purpose of putting out posters immediately.
The Chairman. When was that called?
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Mr. McCandless. At half past 1 Monday, the 16th.
The Chairman. The meeting was determined on and the posters were ordered printed on Sunday?
Mr. McCandless. Yes; and posted that day.
Senator Gray. Posted on Sunday?
Mr. McCandless. Yes.
The Chairman. Did you appoint any committee or take any steps in regard to the number of persons who would go into that meeting, and the extent to which they were to be supplied with arms and ammunition?
Mr. McCandless. I will have to go back of that a little. On Saturday afternoon the old officers of the Honolulu Rifles were there among the first men, and they hunted up the rosters of 1887 and hunted up every man they could find, to see how he was fixed for arms and ammunition.
The Chairman. Had that organization been dissolved?
Mr. McCandless. It was dissolved in 1890. It consisted of four companies— a battallion. The old officers began to get the men together and hunt up the arms and ammunition. Aside from still continuing to discuss the situation, they came to the conclusion to call a mass meeting. I do not recall anything that we did there of the details, but discussed the situation generally.
The Chairman. Did you find the movement was a strong one, both to numbers and as to the supply of arms and ammunition?
Mr. McCandless. We found arms and ammunition enough.
The Chairman. How about the men?
Mr. McCandless. That was the question—could we get the men. That was still in the hands of the officers of the different companies that had been organized in 1887 and disbanded in 1890, and they were working on that right straight along.
The Chairman. A sort of recruiting service?
Mr. McCandless. Just a recruiting service that was started before the committee of safety was organized.
The Chairman. When did you become satisfied that you had enough of military strength, consisting of soldiers, arms, and ammunition, to warrant you in starting on the work of revolutionizing the Government?
Mr. McCandless. We were satisfied of that on Monday morning from the reports of the officers of the different companies, and we were satisfied in this way; almost every man we went to said, "What is this for; annexation, or is this a repetition of 1887?" That would be the first question asked us, or asked anyone who was recruiting or talking on the subject. We said, "Of course, there is but one answer to it— provisional government, annexation, and wipe the monarchy out;" and they said they would be with us. Many of us were there in 1887 and took the same stand.
The Chairman. Now, at what time did you first see the proclamation of Liliuokalani after she had receded from her purpose of establishing this new constitution?
Mr. McCandless. That was about 10 o'clock Monday morning, I think. No; I beg pardon; I saw that in the Government building; I saw that about 9 o'clock.
Senator Gray. Saw what?
Mr. McCandless. That she would not attempt to promulgate the new constitution.
Senator Davis. Was it signed?
Mr. McCandless. It was signed. I saw the document. That would be another story. I had business at the foreign office about 9 o'clock
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where all four of the ministers were present, and they showed us the original document signed by Liliuokalani and the ministers.
The Chairman. The four ministers of whom?
Mr. McCandless. The ministers of Liliuokalani.
The Chairman. Was that proclamation scattered around the city?
Mr. McCandless. Yes; broadcast.
The Chairman. Printed?
Mr. McCandless. Yes.
The Chairman. It was by authority, then?
Mr. McCandless. Yes; by authority.
The Chairman. It was a paper printed, called "by authority"?
Mr. McCandless. That is what they put at the head.
The Chairman. To indicate its official character?
Mr. McCandless. Yes.
The Chairman. Notwithstanding that proclamation, your mass-meeting was held when?
Mr. McCandless. About half past 1.
The Chairman. What members assembled?
Mr. McCandless. Just similar to the mass meeting in 1887. There was not a business house in Honolulu that was not closed. All the business houses closed up and the heads of the firms came to the meeting; all factories stopped, all machine shops, all business stopped just as in 1887. There were some events that transpired on Monday morning, the 10th, before the mass meeting. Had we better finish those up?
The Chairman. Yes.
Mr. McCandless. We met first----
The Chairman. You mean the committee?
Mr. McCandless. On Monday morning the committee of safety met in Mr. Thurston's office. Just as I was going in Marshal Wilson came out of the room with Mr. Thurston. He took him into his private office, and they stayed there some minutes, and Mr. Thurston came back and reported what the conversation was between them. The report in regard to that was that Marshal Wilson said to Mr. Thurston, "Can't this thing be stopped?"
Senator Gray. What did he mean; the meeting?
Mr. McCandless. The movement; the revolution.
Senator Gray. Are you sure he meant the movement, or the meeting?
Mr. McCandless. I will state the whole thing and you will see he meant the movement. Thurston said, "I do not think it can." Marshal Wilson said, "Well, I will guarantee that she won't do that any more; if she attempts it I will lock her up before she can attempt anything again." Mr. Thurston said, "We can't stop on any such guarantee as that; it has gone too far now; we can't stop it." That is the substance of Mr. Thurston's statement to the committee of safety as to what occurred at his interview with Marshal Wilson. Of course, I can not give you the exact words now. Then there was a committee of three appointed from the committee of safety to go up and confer with the ministers. They had requested it in writing, the day before, in a letter to Mr. Thurston. They asked for a conference with the committee of safety, and William Wilder, F. W. McChesney, and myself constituted that committee. We were instructed to go and hear what they had to say, and say nothing. We went up to the Government building and the foreign office. They were all there. We were ushered in, and they were on the other side of the room. We were opposite to them. Finally there was a pause—one of the ministers said, "What is it, gentlemen?" And we said, "We have come up here to see you on
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account of the appointment you asked of Mr. Thurston." One of the ministers said, "We have decided that there is nothing to say, just now; the Queen has just signed a paper that she will not commit an act of this kind again, and agreed to abide by the constitution."
Senator Gray. That was Monday morning?
Mr. McCandless. Monday morning. Of course, we had nothing to say. McChesney said, "What is this mass meeting of yours?" They had gotten out posters late Sunday night.
The Chairman. To whom did he address that question?
Mr. McCandless. To the cabinet.
The Chairman. Name them.
Mr. McCandless. Colburn, Peterson, Parker, and Cornwall.
The Chairman. They were all present?
Mr. McCandless. All present—all four of them. They had gotten out posters calling a mass meeting of the people in Palace Square. McChesney said, "What did you call that meeting for?" Parker said, "To draw the crowd away from your meeting." That, I think, ended the interview. I do not remember anything else being said.
The Chairman. Was that a formal visit of the committee of safety to the Queen's cabinet?
Mr. McCandless. That was a formal visit of a committee of the committee of safety to the cabinet.
The Chairman. Where did it occur?
Mr. McCandless. In the foreign office of the Government building.
Senator Gray. Two members of the cabinet had been before the committee, and said they did not agree with the new constitution, and were at outs with the Queen. That is so?
Mr. McCandless. That is so—down at the public meeting. But there was at that time, as we afterward ascertained—did not know it then—a proclamation drawn up by the ministers, and it was even signed—I think drawn up and in their possession ready to be proclaimed at any time—declaring the Queen deposed and reorganizing the Government. This letter from the cabinet to Thurston, asking for the conference, was in regard to the ministers taking charge of the Government and deposing the Queen entirely, and their entering into the movement with us, we supporting them.
Senator Gray. The first movement was largely initiated by the support of these recalcitrant ministers of the Queen?
Mr. McCandless. I will put it the other way—they were the ones who initiated----
Senator Gray. I say the movement was initiated in support of the recalcitrant ministers against the Queen's proposition to proclaim a new constitution?
The Chairman. At their request.
Mr. McCandless. Yes; at their request.
The Chairman. You spoke of a proclamation drawn up and ready to be signed, or had been signed. What proclamation was that?
Mr. McCandless. That was the proclamation drawn up on Saturday afternoon.
The Chairman. By whom?
Mr. McCandless. I think by Judge Hartwell and Thurston, and probably W. O. Smith and the cabinet.
The Chairman. What cabinet?
Mr. McCandless. Peterson, Colburn, Parker, and Cornwall.
The Chairman. What was included in that proclamation?
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Mr. McCandless. Just declaring that the Queen had violated the constitution, and declaring the throne vacant.
The Chairman. Do you say that paper was signed by anybody?
Mr. McCandless. I understand it was signed by the ministers and ready to be proclaimed if the Queen resisted any further.
The Chairman. It was intended that, if the Queen insisted in going on with her revolutionary projects, the ministers would unite with Thurston and others in issuing a proclamation declaring the throne vacant?
Mr. McCandless. Deposing—declaring the throne vacant. I think that it is rather a mistake; it would be deposing her and wiping the government out of existence as a monarchy. It was together with a movement for annexation.
The Chairman. Why was not that proclamation issued?
Mr. McCandless. I will go back to Saturday afternoon at, say, half past 2 o'clock, when Mr. Neumann was present in W. O. Smith's office. The people began to gather in and get the information of the Queen's attempt to promulgate the new constitution. Then came the cry, "Now is the time to get rid of the whole thing." Neumann said, "Well, I don't know that I would go as far as that." I remember distinctly hearing Neumann make that remark.
Senator Gray. So far as what?
Mr. McCandless. Wiping out the whole monarchy. And on Saturday night—you must remember now that up to half past 1 Saturday afternoon the ministers and the element that promised support were political rivals, political opponents----
Senator Gray. You mean Saturday?
Mr. McCandless. Yes. The ministers on Sunday night had a meeting and came to the understanding that, as the Queen had receded from the position she had taken, their best plan was to try to stop this revolution if they could, at least throw cold water on it, and they still continue as ministers of the Queen.
The Chairman. You are now speaking of the Queen's ministers?
Mr. McCandless. Yes. On Sunday they were in communication with the committee of safety in regard to the next move, the proper move to make to stop the Queen in her mad career and to turn over the Government entirely. There were two communications on Sunday requesting a conference with the committee of safety, the time set being Monday morning at 9 o'clock.
The Chairman. Two communications to whom?
Mr. McCandless. From the ministers to the committee of safety; and it was for that reason that this committee was appointed that went up to the Government building to wait on the cabinet.
The Chairman. We are trying to find out why that proclamation, which you say was drawn, and which you say was signed by the ministers, was not issued.
Mr. McCandless. Simply because this element that had backed the Queen, had been her supporters from the time she had been on the throne, was against the white element of Honolulu. They had not been political friends, and if there was any way in which they could get out of it they would do it.
The Chairman. Is it your idea that they were then experimenting to see whether the safe side for them to take was the side of the monarchy or the side of the revolution?
Mr. McCandless. Yes; that was the way it was Sunday; and the best information we had was that at their meeting Sunday, at which
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Macfarlane, Joe Carter, and Paul Neumann were present, they decided that their safest place was to go back on the side of the monarchy. Therefore, when the meeting took place Monday morning they had not anything to say. They had this proclamation of the Queen ready and showed us the original copy.
The Chairman. As I gather from your statement, your idea is that they had become convinced between Saturday and Monday that their personal interests lay in the direction of maintaining this Queen on the throne, and that they were attempting to get and did get from her a declaration that she would carry out the constitution of '87?
Mr. McCandless. Yes; and would not attempt to promulgate the new constitution again.
The Chairman. That was their attitude as you understood it?
Mr. McCandless. That was their attitude as I understood it.
The Chairman. Do you think you can be mistaken about that?
Mr. McCandless. I do not think I was. They met Saturday, asked for aid; we got together, gathered up arms and got recruits to support them, and by Monday morning they had issued this proclamation and posted notices for a counter mass meeting.
The Chairman. And that was after they had given their assent to the proclamation dethroning the Queen and abolishing the monarchy?
Mr. McCandless. Yes.
The Chairman. You do not know whether it was signed?
Mr. McCandless. If I understood correctly, it was signed.
The Chairman. As I understand, the whole cabinet, with these two ministers, had given their assent to that?
Mr. McCandless. The whole cabinet had given their assent to that programme on Saturday afternoon. They were completely demoralized, because their lives were in danger.
Senator Frye. You said there were two or three things that you thought were important, and those you stated. Then you got down to the meetings on Monday morning. Now, go back.
The Chairman. I asked you what was done at the mass meeting held by the opponents of the Queen?
Mr. McCandless. All the business houses were shut up, and the whole white population of Honolulu came to the mass meeting.
The Chairman. Do you mean the male population?
Mr. McCandless. The male population; the women did not go, because they were in a terrible state at home.
The Chairman. State of apprehension?
Mr. McCandless. State of apprehension; because before this we had rumors that the half whites proposed to burn the town.
The Chairman. What numbers met there?
Mr. McCandless. I should judge from 1,000 to 1,200.
The Chairman. Were there any armed persons in the crowd?
Mr. McCandless. No; I do not think there were, unless individuals with concealed arms.
The Chairman. Were the persons there in the habit of carrying concealed arms about them?
Mr. McCandless. No.
The Chairman. On that occasion did you know that they were with arms concealed about their persons?
Mr. McCandless. No; I do not recollect any one at the meeting.
The Chairman. Did they elect a chairman?
Mr. McCandless. Yes.
The Chairman. Who was it?
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Mr. McCandless. William C. Wilder.
The Chairman. Were speeches made?
Mr. McCandless. Yes.
The Chairman. By whom?
Mr. McCandless. I do not know that I can give you the names; I have them here in this little pamphlet.
The Chairman. Have you an account of the proceedings of that meeting?
Mr. McCandless. Yes; I have a complete account here: "Two weeks of Hawaiian history, from January 14 to the 28th." One of the printing houses printed that. I have read it, and it is a very correct statement.
The Chairman. Are there any statements in that history that you object to as being untrue?
Mr. McCandless. I do not remember any. I have read it over several times.
The Chairman. The facts stated in that history came under your personal observation generally?
Mr. McCandless. Yes; as a general statement.
The Chairman. Are you willing to submit this as your statement of the facts that occurred during that time?
Mr. McCandless. I should not like do that now, without reading it over very carefully.
The Chairman. Were any resolutions adopted at that meeting?
Mr. McCandless. Yes.
The Chairman. What were they?
Mr. McCandless. I can give them to you word for word out of that book.
The Chairman. Just read them.
Mr. McCandless. The resolutions are as follows:
"1. Whereas Her Majesty, Liliuokalani, acting in conjunction with certain other persons, has illegally and unconstitutionally, and against the advice and consent of the lawful executive officers of the Government, attempted to abrogate the existing constitution and proclaim a new one in subversion of the rights of the people;
"2. And whereas such attempt has been accompanied by threats of violence and bloodshed and a display of armed force; and such attempt and acts and threats are revolutionary and treasonable in character;
"3. And whereas Her Majesty's cabinet have informed her that such contemplated action was unlawful, and would lead to bloodshed and riot, and have implored and demanded of her to desist from and renounce such proposed action;
"4. And whereas such advice has been in vain, and Her Majesty has in a public speech announced that she was desirous and ready to promulgate such constitution, the same being now ready for such purpose, and that the only reason why it was not now promulgated was because she had met with unexpected obstacles, and that a fitting opportunity in the future must be awaited for the consummation of such object, which would be within a few days;
"5. And whereas at a public meeting of citizens, held in Honolulu on the 14th day of January, instant, a committee of thirteen, to be known as the 'committee of public safety,' was appointed to consider the situation, and to devise ways and means for the maint nance of the public peace and safety, and the preservation of life and property;
"6. And whereas such committee has recommended the calling of this, mass meeting of citizens to protest against and condemn such
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action, and has this day presented a report to such meeting, denouncing the action of the Queen and her supporters as being unlawful, unwarranted, in derogation of the rights of the people, endangering the peace of the community, and tending to excite riot, and cause the loss of life and destruction of property:
"Now, therefore, we, the citizens of Honolulu, of all nationalities, and regardless of political party affiliations, do hereby condemn and denounce the action of the Queen and her supporters;
"And we do hereby ratify the appointment and indorse the action taken and report made by the said committee of safety; and we do hereby further empower such committee to further consider the situation and further devise such ways and means as may be necessary to secure the permanent maintenance of law and order, and the protection of life, liberty, and property in Hawaii."
The Chairman. Was that resolution adopted by the meeting?
Mr. McCandless. It was, unanimously.
The Chairman. Was there much enthusiasm exhibited on that occasion?
Mr. McCandless. A good deal. The speakers had all been instructed to be as moderate as possible, and every speaker—whenever there was any allusion to the intentions of the people, they just went wild.
The Chairman. At the time that meeting was being held another meeting was being held, as I understand, by the supporters of the Queen?
Mr. McCandless. Yes.
The Chairman. What distance was there between the places of the meetings?
Mr. McCandless. Less than half a mile—third of a mile.
The Chairman. Did you visit the meeting in the palace grounds?
Mr. McCandless. Palace Square.
The Chairman. Yes; Palace Square.
Mr. McCandless. No; I did not.
The Chairman. After your meeting dispersed, the meeting of the opponents of the Queen, did the committee of safety reassemble?
Mr. McCandless. Yes.
The Chairman. Where did you meet?
Mr. McCandless. At W. O. Smith's office.
The Chairman. What steps did you take, if any, to carry out the resolutions which you have just read?
Mr. McCandless. We knew we had the support of the whole white population in the movement on foot. In the morning, at the morning meeting, before this mass meeting, we had drawn up a paper and asked the American minister to land troops to protect life and property.
Senator Gray. When was that?
Mr. McCandless. The Monday morning meeting.
The Chairman. Was that request communicated to the minister before the mass meeting was held?
Mr. McCandless. I believe so.
The Chairman. Do you know who communicated it to him?
Mr. McCandless. No; I could not state. After the mass meeting the information was that the troops were to be landed at 5 o'clock. There was a division in the committee as to whether it was wise for the troops to land then or not. Those who were thinking of their property and their families, and the families of the whole white community,
S. Doc. 231, pt 6----62
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were anxious that the troops should land on account of a fear that the city might be burned and looted, and knowing that the troops were ashore nothing of that kind would take place. On the other hand, there were other members of the committee who felt that if the troops came ashore it would make a changed condition, and we did not know just what the result would be.
The Chairman. Were they apprehensive that if the troops came ashore they would support the Queen, or what were they apprehensive about?
Mr. McCandless. We were absolutely ignorant on that point.
The Chairman. What was the apprehension with regard to the landing of the troops?
Mr. McCandless. We were making such rapid progress with our organization, and the other people so completely cowed, we thought probably it would precipitate a crisis so soon as the troops came ashore, and in a day or two we would be better prepared to resist it than then, and it was between those two ideas the committee was divided.
The Chairman. By precipitating a crisis did you think the troops would attack you?
Senator Frye. The Queen's troops, encouraged by the United States troops?
Mr. McCandless. Yes. We did not know anything about that.
Senator Gray. Was anything said in your meeting on Saturday, after your committee of safety was formed and you had cleared the room, about Mr. Stevens and the United States ship Boston?
Mr. McCandless. Yes; we talked that over.
Senator Gray. So soon as your committee was formed?
Mr. McCandless. Well, its was during the conversation.
The Chairman. On Saturday?
Senator Gray. Yes. Was anything said about the attitude of Mr. Stevens?
Mr. McCandless. It was talked of—what his attitude would be.
Senator Gray. Was anybody deputed to go and see him ?
Mr. McCandless. Yes; I think there was a committee of one or two appointed on Saturday afternoon to have a talk with him, to ascertain what his attitude would be in the then crisis.
Senator Gray. Did that committee report?
Mr. McCandless. The report was that there was no information; that he was entirely noncommittal.
Senator Gray. Who said that?
Mr. McCandless. Mr. Thurston, I believe.
Senator Gray. But said he would protect life and property?
Mr. McCandless. Yes.
Senator Gray. He did not say he was noncommittal?
Mr. McCandless. Well, he was noncommittal as to contending forces; but would protect life and property.
Senator Gray. Was anything said by them that conveyed the idea to you that Mr. Stevens was hostile or indifferent to the movement ot the committee of safety, or was without sympathy for it?
Mr. McCandless. I think not.
Senator Gray. Anything at all?
Mr. McCandless. I think we felt this way, that without any encouragement from him we certainly had the sympathy of the American minister.
Senator Gray. That was the general feeling, was it not?
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Mr. McCandless. Yes.
Senator Frye. A committee was sent to Minister Stevens to request him not to land the troops then?
Mr. McCandless. Yes; we did not feel certain that night, and thought we would get our strength better in a day or two.
Senator Gray. That the landing of the troops might bring on a crisis?
Mr. McCandless. Yes.
Senator Gray. If you were not as well prepared as you thought you would be later?
Mr. McCandless. No, sir.
The Chairman. Was there a request sent to Mr. Stevens not to land the troops?
Mr. McCandless. Yes.
The Chairman. Who composed that committee?
Mr. McCandless. Mr. Thurston and W. O. Smith.
The Chairman. Did they report to the committee of safety?
Mr. McCandless. They did.
The Chairman. What was the report?
Mr. McCandless. The report was that Mr. Stevens said, owing to the unsettled state of affairs he was going to land troops.
Senator Frye. He would not change his purpose?
Mr. McCandless. No.
Senator Gray. You had previously asked Mr. Stevens to request the landing of the troops?
Mr. McCandless. Yes.
The Chairman. Had any troops landed at the time he announced his intention to have them landed notwithstanding your request?
Mr. McCandless. No.
The Chairman. What time Monday afternoon was that?
Mr. McCandless. At the time of the meeting?
The Chairman. No; the time you got this report?
Mr. McCandless. Probably a quarter to 5, from half-past 4 to quarter of 5.
The Chairman. How long after this report was made of Mr. Stevens's refusal to prevent the landing of the troops before they were actually landed?
Mr. McCandless. I do not think it was over a half hour, perhaps three-quarters.
The Chairman. They must have been on their way to the shore at that time?
Mr. McCandless. I presume they were. I did not know.
The Chairman. Did the committee of safety, acting under the resolutions of which you have spoken, prepare any programme for the organization of the civil government?
Mr. McCandless. Yes. We began that. That was discussed hurriedly Saturday evening. It was more in detail on Sunday morning; but by Monday morning we had the plan completed.
The Chairman. Projected?
Mr. McCandless. Yes.
The Chairman. After you got the indorsement of the mass meeting you proceeded to execute the programme which you had already agreed upon?
Mr. McCandless. Yes.
Senator Gray. Were you at the meeting at Mr. Castle's on Sunday morning?
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Mr. McCandless. I was.
Senator Gray. By which was appointed the committee that waited on Minister Stevens and reported?
Mr. McCandless. Yes.
Senator Gray. Who reported, Mr. Thurston?
Mr. McCandless. I think it was Mr. Thurston and Mr. Smith. They were the gentlemen who were appointed first.
Senator Gray. Do you recollect what they reported then at that meeting?
Mr. McCandless. Of course, they went to see what would be the probable attitude of the American minister in the case of our uprising.
Senator Gray. What did they report?
Mr. McCandless. They reported that Mr. Stevens, in regard to that point, was noncommittal.
Senator Gray. Did he not say he would land the troops at any moment to protect life and property?
Mr. McCandless. He did.
Senator Gray. Did he not say that he would recognize the Provisional Government or whatever government it might be?
Mr. McCandless. I think there was a report of that kind.
Senator Gray. That Stevens would recognize the Provisional Government when established?
Mr. McCandless. When there was any in existence.
Senator Gray. When it was in existence?
Mr. McCandless. Yes.
The Chairman. Did the committee of safety select the officers of the Provisional Government?
Mr. McCandless. They did.
The Chairman. And selected Mr. Dole as President?
Mr. McCandless. Yes. I will tell the story of that. All that happened at the meeting at Mr. Waterhouse's----
Senator Gray. Monday evening?
Mr. McCandless. Monday evening. We were there until, perhaps, 11 or 12 o'clock.
The Chairman. What took place at the meeting at Mr. Waterhouse's house?
Mr. McCandless. At that meeting when we proceeded to appoint the members of the advisory council and the members of the executive council, we sent a committee of one, Mr. Bolte, to Judge Dole asking him if he would take the position of president of the Provisional Government. Mr. Dole, at that time Judge Dole, knew no more of the workings of the committee of safety than any other outsider, and Judge Dole gave Mr. Bolte no encouragement at all. But finally, after entreaties on the part of Mr. Bolte, he came and said he did not care about that at first; finally he said he would come to the meeting. Judge Dole came to the meeting, and of course we stated to him at the meeting that we desired him to become president of the Provisional Government which we were about to inaugurate. At first he declined entirely; that is, at first, he could not see his way clear. He finally made the statement, after talking quite a while, that he had not arrived at the conclusion yet that that was the only solution of the matter— that is, a provisional government looking to annexation. Then he was asked what his opinion was. He said, my opinion is—of course Llliuokalani is out of the question; she has started this revolution, and can not be trusted any longer—my opinion is that Kaiulani would be best for us; to have Kaiulani on the throne with a regency until she is of age.
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That was Judge Dole's statement to the meeting on Monday evening at 8 o'clock. That was argued with him, and finally before he left he agreed to take it under advisement and consult with his friends and let the committee know the next day.
Senator Gray. That was at Mr. Waterhouse's house Monday evening?
Mr. McCandless. Yes.
Senator Gray. Was anything said about Mr. Stevens then?
Mr. McCandless. I think so.
Senator Gray. Were the United States troops mentioned?
Mr. McCandless. We talked over everything.
Senator Gray. The attitude of the United States minister and the landing of the troops were talked over?
Mr. McCandless. We had a good deal of business on hand.
Senator Gray. You say you talked over everything, and that was talked over?
Mr. McCandless. Yes.
Senator Gray. Was any committee sent to Minister Stevens that evening?
Mr. McCandless. Not that I remember. No committee—I do not think there was. We also invited Mr. Cecil Brown there. Mr. Cecil Brown is an Englishman and has quite a large following there. We wanted him very much to be one of the new government, and, of course, he came there. The whole plan was laid before him, the intentions of the committee and the appointment of the Provisional Government, including the application for annexation to the United States. Mr. Wundenburg and I individually talked to Mr. Brown, perhaps a half hour, to convince him that he should see it in our light and come over and be one of the supporters. We retired from the room, went out on the veranda, and continued our entreaties with him to try to get him to come in the government, and, of course, we laid the whole matter before him. Finally he said to us, "Let me alone." Said he, "I will solve this for myself." He said, "If I decide not to become part of the government no one living will know that I was here," and after staying out there, probably an hour, he retired, and could not see his way clear to coming in there. Afterwards he became a member of the advisory council. As I stated, Judge Dole took it under consideration and went home. I think we selected most of the names of the Provisional Government. They had been selected up to that time. The first idea was to have 4 ministers and a President, but in picking out 5 men that we thought could agree, we found difficulties. In fact, we consulted Judge Dole in regard to that. So that we finally gave up the idea of 5, and came to the conclusion that we could find 4 men who could work very harmoniously in the government.
Senator Gray. Had Minister Stevens been advised of the project for a Provisional Government and annexation to the United States ?
Mr. McCandless. I do not know.
Senator Gray. Do you know whether it was understood there that he knew what was going on?
Mr. McCandless. Well, everybody knew it.
Senator Gray. Did you not understand that he knew it; was not that your opinion?
Mr. McCandless. It would be my opinion that he would know.
Senator Gray. Do you not know now, and did you not know then, that he did understand it?
Mr. McCandless. No; I do not know it.
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Senator Gray. It was not talked about?
Mr. McCandless. Oh, it was discussed, certainly.
Senator Gray. In what respect was it discussed?
Mr. McCandless. It was discussed in respect to what would be the attitude of the American minister.
Senator Gray. Was it thought his attitude would be sympathetic or unsympathetic?
Mr. McCandless. There were doubts about that.
Senator Gray. Were there any doubts that Mr. Stevens sympathized with the movement.
Mr. McCandless. Yes.
Senator Gray. Did you doubt it?
Mr. McCandless. It was doubted that much that we requested him, after we requested the troops to be landed, not to have them landed, for fear it would precipitate a crisis.
Senator Gray. Had you any doubt at that time in regard to Mr. Stevens's sympathies with this movement?
Mr. McCandless. I do not think there was any serious doubt in my mind about it, although I was one of the members who took the side that we would stand a better show on Monday afternoon not to have the troops landed.
Senator Gray. When did you want them landed?
Mr. McCandless. Well, I thought we had better be let alone. The idea prevailed that they had better be let alone, and when the crisis came he would land them himself.
Senator Gray. Then it was your idea it would be better not to have them landed? I see it stated here that the proposition of the committee was that they should be landed the next morning at 9 or 10 o'clock. When did you think they should be landed?
Mr. McCandless. I do not think there was a time stated. We thought it was better to let them stay there because the crisis would be precipitated.
Senator Daniel. What were you afraid of in that crisis?
Mr. McCandless. The Queen's forces.
Senator Daniel. That they would suppress the revolution?
Mr. McCandless. Yes; might attempt it.
Senator Daniel. Do you think they could do it?
Mr. McCandless. I do not think so.
Senator Daniel. Did you then think so?
Mr. McCandless. We did not think so Monday morning. Minister Thurston defied Marshal Wilson in his interview with him.
Senator Frye. But as I understand you the uncertainty was as to what effect the landing of the troops would have; whether it would encourage the Queen's troops?
Mr. McCandless. We did not know what effect it would have— encouragement or otherwise.
Senator Frye. The landing of the troops the last time had put Kalakaua on the throne, had it not?
Mr. McCandless. Of course in 1889 the movement was an intrigue that both Kalakaua and Mrs. Dominis were in, and they were taken by complete surprise.
Senator Frye. The troops had the aid of the King, the existing Government?
Mr. McCandless. I can not say as to that.
Senator Frye. He remained on the throne, did he not?
Mr. McCandless. That movement in 1889 was not to put him on the throne; he was on the throne.
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Senator Gray. Had you not heard before the meeting on Monday evening, if not at that meeting, that Minister Stevens would land the troops to protect American life and property, and that he would recognize that Provisional Government so soon as it had possession of the Government building?
Mr. McCandless. That he would recognize the Provisional Government whenever it was a government.
Senator Gray. That he would consider the Government—put it that way—when it had possession of the Government building?
Mr. McCandless. No; I do not think so.
Senator Gray. What did you understand?
Mr. McCandless. When we had the upper hand he would recognize us.
Senator Gray. What did you understand? Did you not suppose during Monday or Tuesday that the presence of the United States troops was the important factor one way or the other? or do you mean to say that you gave no account to it at all?
Mr. McCandless. I say it had its bearing. It stopped all ideas of riot and bloodshed.
Senator Gray. Did you not think it stopped all idea of your movement?
Mr. McCandless. I do not think so. Our movement was weaker Monday morning than Monday evening.
Senator Gray. Do you not think the landing of the United States troops stopped all idea of the movement?
Mr. McCandless. On their part?
Senator Gray. I am not talking from a standpoint one way or the other. It is quite possible from what you say if I had been there I would have been where you were. I am not criticising you. But as a matter of fact, looking at it, state, under the responsibilities you are under as a witness, if you did not believe that the idea of your movement was entirely dissipated by the presence of the United States troops?
Mr. McCandless. No; I do not think so.
Senator Gray. You think it would have been precisely as it was if there had been no troops there at that moment of time?
Mr. McCandless. If you take into consideration the movement of 1887, how we won then, and could have set up a government, and the whites taken by surprise in 1889, yet maintained their supremacy----
Senator Gray. You supported the existing government in 1887?
Mr. McCandless. We did not support them in 1887. Of course, there was a complete overthrow of the monarchy.
Senator Gray. Did it continue?
Mr. McCandless. Yes.
Senator Frye. In view of those facts—you were going on to say?
Mr. McCandless. In view of those facts we had the same amount of confidence that any man had who had been through the same thing, and there was no reason why we should not win again.
Senator Frye. You were going on to state how they formed this provisional government. You got the notice to Dole and notice to Cecil Brown and stated that they were awaiting replies.
Mr. McCandless. Of course Mr. Brown left. We did not expect him to go in after that. And then we began to pick out the members for the advisory council. I think we agreed that night on the executive council—the four ministers—and we selected most of the names for the advisory council. We probably stayed there until 11 or half past 11 o'clock, and then adjourned until the next morning.
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Senator Frye. Was that Monday night?
Mr. McCandless. That was Monday night. We met the next morning at Mr. Smith's office.
Senator Gray. That was Tuesday?
Mr. McCandless. Tuesday morning. By that time we had before us the programme for the Provisional Government, and Mr. Damon had been selected as one of the members of the advisory council. That morning he was at our meeting for the first time, and he made a statement to the committee that he had just come from the palace. He stated his interview with the Queen, and he stated that he said to Her Majesty, "On former occasions you have called on me for advice, and I now come unasked to give you some advice; you can take it or reject it just as you choose." He said, "Heretofore I have defended the monarchy, and thought it was possible to get along with it; but it has got to that point now, after your actions on Saturday, that I have to change my standard, and I have joined the forces who propose to annex these islands to the United States of America;" and he said, "It would be useless for you to resist; if you do there will be bloodshed and a great many killed; you will probably be killed, and we will win in the end, because we are determined to carry this through." She assured him that she would give up.
Senator Gray. Did he mention to the Queen the presence of the United States troops?
Mr. McCandless. No; that was the statement made to the then committee of safety.
Senator Gray. Mr. Damon said he did mention to the Queen the United States troops?
Mr. McCandless. Of course, I am giving you the substance.
Senator Gray. Do you know whether he mentioned the fact to her of the presence of the United States troops?
Mr. McCandless. That may be so; I do not remember.
Senator Gray. Where did you get this information?
Mr. McCandless. From Mr. Damon, and Mr. Damon reported it. We were busy on the papers in connection with the Government, and probably about 10 or 11 o'clock I was informed—did not happen to be present—that Judge Dole had come in and announced that he had made up his mind, and had taken the position of president. I was out in the meantime recruiting; had been hunting up men; all around men were waiting for the word to fly to arms, and the time was set for 2 o'clock. It is well known; they knew it just as well as we did. I learned it afterwards that that was the time set for the overturn of the Government. At half past 1 we had finished everything; the proclamation was signed, and all the papers in relation to the Government were signed and delivered. There was nothing to do then but to get to the Government building and take it, and launch the new Government. About that time Judge Dole came to me and said, "McCandless, will you go and get the troops ready; we are ready;" and of course I said, "yes." So I started out. If I had a map I could show just exactly the course I took in getting to the Government building. I started from W. O. Smith's office, at the corner of Fort and Merchant streets. Just as I came out of the door a car was passing that went right past the armory on the corner of Beretania and Punchbowl streets, and of course that was our headquarters. That was where we had agreed upon to rally the troops before starting for the Government building. When I got to the corner of King and Fort streets the car was passing.
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The streets are very narrow at that point; there is only room for a carriage to pass. I heard a policeman's whistle. I ran to the rear end of the car, and found that John Goode had come out of E. O. Hall's with guns aud ammunition, and a policeman was trying to stop him. There was a dray that blocked the way, and the policeman was trying to get on the wagon. There is where I cried out to Goode to shoot, and he did. And I hollered for them to shut up their shops and get their guns, and they came right out lively. When I got to Beretania street I saw this first company making for the armory. They had been in the building from 6 o'clock in the morning. It was Ziegler's company, A. They started for the armory all together, with Winchesters and everything. When I got there I jumped off the car, and told them of the shooting of the policeman. They double-quicked to the armory, and Goode with his load of ammunition had gone up that street there, and along there down to the armory. [Indicating on diagram.] By this time our friends were arriving in all directions, coming in there single and double, with arms.
Senator Gray (indicating on the diagram). Is this a thickly settled part of the city?
Mr. McCandless. All this is a residence part.
Senator Gray. Thickly settled?
Mr. McCandless. Pretty thickly settled, grounds around—all these lots extending here for the next 5 miles, clear to Waikiki. Just as soon as there were enough arrived to take care of what we had collected, the wagonload, the first company was sent to the Government building with Capt. Zeigler. They marched down to this corner into the Government building yard. I stayed there [indicating on the diagram].
Senator Gray. Which front of the Government building was the proclamation read from?
Mr. McCandless. On the front steps of the Government building, facing the palace. I stayed there until the third company marched down. I came down with the third company. There were four companies and all the men conveyed the arms to the Government building. When I arrived there they had finished reading the proclamation. This is police headquarters, just a block from where we were, and all through these streets here were full of people—2,000 or 3,000 people in the streets. When that shot was fired the people left and came down town. They thought the war had commenced down there. Some one came to the committee of safety and reported that now was a good opportunity to go up; the streets were entirely bare going to the Government building, and they came out and marched up to the Government building a few minutes earlier than they would have done if there had been no firing of the shot.
Senator Frye. They got up there before the troops did?
Mr. McCandless. Yes. On that account the way was all open, and nothing to interfere.
Senator Frye. How many were there altogether?
Mr. McCandless. There were 18 altogether. I was one of them.
Senator Frye. Eighteen of what?
Mr. McCandless. The committee was composed of 13 members in the first place, and when the men were appointed it was found that there was some good man to come in, and it was increased to 14, and the 4 ministers were put in, which made 18.
Senator Frye. You went yourself where the military was?
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Mr. McCandless. Yes. And I think the other company marched up together.
Senator Frye. But you did not see them?
Mr. McCandless. I did not see them. I was sent off on other business. That is a statement up to the proclamation. When I got up to the Government building, just as fast as the men came in and the guns came in they were given to the men, and they organized the Provisional Government. They immediately wrote letters to all the foreign ministers there, stating that they had organized a government, and had charge of the public buildings and archives.
Senator Frye. Did you go into the councils of the Provisional Government, or stay in the military?
Mr. McCandless. I carried my gun up there, and I was sent for, and I went out of the ranks into where the councils were. I know the first gentleman who called there was Maj. Wodehouse, the English minister. When he came in President Dole was sitting at a table about the size of this, at one end of it, and the members of the council around through the room. Mr. Wodehouse came in on that side and came around to President Dole and shook hands. I did not hear what was said; but the statement of President Dole afterwards was that the minister hoped the Government would protect Englishmen— see that the English subject's property was not jeopardized. And the Japanese minister was right behind him. He came in and spoke to President Dole, and did not speak afterwards. Then he and Mr. Wodehouse went out.
Senator Frye. What time was that?
Mr. McCandless. That was probably 4 o'clock; I think a little later than that Mr. Pringle called; just came in, did not say anything, just looked around and left.
Senator Frye. When did you send a communication to Mr. Stevens that you had proclaimed your government?
Mr. McCandless. They were all sent together.
Senator Frye. When you sent the messages to the other ministers?
Mr. McCandless. Yes. That was between 2 and 3 o'clock.
Senator Frye. When did you get your answer from minister Stevens?
Mr. McCandless. I think it came from him about half-past 4.
Senator Frye. After the English minister and the Japanese minister had called?
Mr. McCandless. Yes.
Senator Gray. Some others came?
Mr. McCandless. Those were the only two that came, Mr. Wodehouse and Mr. Fuge.
Senator Gray. Did any others come in?
Mr. McCandless. Mr. Canavara came later.
Senator Frye. Who was he?
Mr. McCandless. The Portuguese minister.
Senator Gray. Do you recollect when the reception of the note of recognition from Minister Stevens was?
Mr. McCandless. Yes; I was there when it came.
Senator Gray. You can not fix the time?
Mr. McCandless. Things were in such confusion that I could not fix the time exactly; but it was 4 or half-past 4 that the note of recognition came.
Senator Gray. Had Capt. Wiltse been in?
Mr. McCandless. I am not sure whether he came.
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Senator Gray. Had Mr. Swinburne been in? Mr. McCandless. They were in during the evening before dark; I mean the afternoon.
Senator Gray. Were they there before or after you sent out the notices?
Mr. McCandless. After the notices; I do not think any before.
Senator Gray. Had you any conversation with them that afternoon?
Mr. McCandless. No; I was kept busy on military matters and was in and out of the building.
Senator Gray. Did you see any of the United States forces, bluejackets, whatever they were?
Mr. McCandless. Of course, I knew where they were.
Senator Gray. Did you see them?
Mr. McCandless. No; not that I remember.
Senator Gray. Did you see the sentries?
Mr. McCandless. I did not pass the gate, so, of course, I could not see the sentries.
Senator Gray. Where were you; in the foreign minister's office?
Mr. McCandless. Of course, if I had come out to the front of the building and looked directly to the left—no; I could not see the gate from there, I would have to step out into the yard to the side gate. That I could see, but the front gate I could not, because of the Music Hall.
Senator Gray. Were you in the ranks, or a private?
Mr. McCandless. I was in the ranks.
Senator Gray. You had no officers?
Mr. McCandless. We took the officers of '87.
Senator Gray. You had officers, then?
Mr. McCandless. Yes.
Senator Gray. Did you have any military organization at the time you went there, or did you just go as you pleased?
Mr. McCandless. Oh, no; came up there organized.
Senator Gray. Did you have any communication, or any of the officers, with the commander of the U. S. troops?
Mr. McCandless. No; I do not think there was any one who had communication with the officers of the U. S. troops.
Senator Gray. Did I interrupt you? You got where these ministers came in, and you knew of the note of recognition from Minister Stevens, and so on.
Mr. McCandless. Probably a little earlier than that, probably 3 o'clock or a little after, a deputy marshal was sent up from down at the police headquarters. He came in and asked that the ministers— our ministers—go down to the police station in order to see if we could not effect a compromise. That is the statement he made. He said he was authorized to make the statement. That, of course, was refused. He said: "There are some of the ministers who would be glad to come up, but they are afraid."
Senator Gray. That is, of the old ministers?
Mr. McCandless. The old ministers, the Queen's ministers. I think he said if a couple of gentlemen will come down, that will inspire confidence in our ministers, and they will come up. He went back with word that if they would come up there would be no harm done; they would be allowed to come and depart again; and so Mr. Parker—there were two of them came up; I am not sure which two; but I think it was Parker and Cornwall came up, and Mr. Parker came in as good
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natured as possible. He is a great big, good-natured Hawaiian. They had a little friendly chat.
Senator Gray. Do you mean a native?
Mr. McCandless. He is a native, a half white.
Senator Frye. About the color of the rest of them?
Mr. McCandless. Yes; about the color of the rest. He said: "Can't we fix this thing up? We don't want to be fighting you people." We told him that there could be no compromise. He said: "I wanted the others to come up with me, but they would not come; they were afraid." And I think he volunteered the statement that if we would send one or two men down it would inspire confidence in them. Mr. Damon and Mr. Bolte accompanied them back to the police station. In a short time all the Queen's ministers came to the Government building, and on behalf of President Dole a demand was made on them for the surrender of the barracks and the surrender of the police station. They said they would go over and see Her Majesty, and that some one should accompany them. Mr. Damon accompanied them. The ministers went over to the palace and stayed there an hour—between an hour and an hour and a half. In the meantime we moved from the interior office and went to the finance office so that this front office might be turned over to the military; that is, the council did. Then Mr. Damon came back with some one representing the Queen. I think it was Parker. This protest was written out, and it was presented to Judge Dole, and he was asked to acknowledge the receipt of it. He acknowledged the receipt of the paper just as any officer or anyone would acknowledge the receipt of a paper.
Senator Gray. Who handed it to him?
Mr. McCandless. I cannot say whetherit was Parker or Mr. Damon.
Senator Gray. But you can say what was said when it was handed?
Mr. McCandless. That I can remember. The paper was handed to President Dole. He made a statement; said, "Here is a protest they want to file, and I do not see any objection to acknowledging the receipt of it."
Senator Gray. Did he say that?
Mr. McCandless. It was something to that effect. Of course, it is hard to remember the words in an exciting time like that, and a year ago. But he said, "I do not see any objection," or words to that effect
Senator Gray. You understood that there was some point made before about the reception of that protest by President Dole?
Mr. McCandless. Yes.
Senator Gray. Do you say you can not recollect the words?
Mr. McCandless. I do not recollect the exact words. It is hard to do that. I have a pretty good memory, but it is hard to get those exact words; but they were just the words that "I do not know of any objection to acknowledging the receipt of this dispatch which is presented."
Senator Gray. He did receive it?
Mr. McCandless. Just indorsed it, and handed it back to them.
Senator Gray. He did receive it?
Mr. McCandless. Yes; and the paper was indorsed and handed back to Parker. He took it off. He wrote the words there, I do not remember what they were, just acknowledging service. Then it got to be pretty nearly 7 o'clock, dark, and they said that the police station was surrendered, and everything was surrendered, and they deputized Soper, who had been appointed commander-in chief, to go down and demand the surrender of the police station, and take it, and there were
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20 men deputized under Capt. Ziegler to accompany us. We marched down Merchant street.
Senator Gray. That was after the protest had come in?
Mr. McCandless. Yes.
Senator Gray. Did you have an order from the Queen?
Mr. McCandless. No; we marched down and halted the troops in front of the post-office, in the line of Bethel street, probably within 75 feet of it. We, Col. Soper and I, had to force our way, the streets were jammed, and the troops were halted there. We marched forward into the station house and the marshal's office, and demanded the surrender. They had their Gatling gun and had commenced to take it apart to get it away. The doors were so narrow tbey could not get it from one part of the building to the other without taking it apart.
Senator Gray. Who was there?
Mr. McCandless. Mr. Wilson.
Senator Gray. Was there any order from the Queen?
Mr. McCandless. I do not know that there was.
Senator Gray. Do you know of any order from the Queen?
Mr. McCandless. No.
Senator Gray. Do you not know that Marshal Wilson received an order from the Queen?
Mr. McCandless. I do not; I never heard of it. He then invited us into the deputy marshal's office, and we talked over the details of the government, and he ordered the men to assemble below. It was just as strong there of liquor as any place I was ever in—to get up Dutch courage. They had a barrel down there.
Senator Gray. What sort of liquor did you drink?
Mr. McCandless. The natives prefer gin. We went down below in the back yard, and Marshal Wilson made a speech to the men and Col. Soper made one to them, and that ended the formal turning over of the station house to the Provisional Government. I then went out into the street and told Capt. Ziegler to march his men in. We marched them into one of the rooms, took charge of it, and went back.
Senator Gray. How many Gatling guns were there?
Mr. McCandless. One.
Senator Gray. How many cannon?
Mr. McCandless. The cannon were at the barracks.
Senator Gray. How many arms were there? Did you take any account of the arms delivered?
Mr. McCandless. There was not then; there was that night.
Senator Gray. You did not take any account?
Mr. McCandless. No. I went back to the Government building. In the first place Mr. Wundenburg had been selected to be put in charge of the station house; but Mr. Wundenburg protested against it, saying, "I have been a lifelong friend of Mr. Wilson, and it is pretty hard to go down there and ask him to surrender; you send Soper and McCandless to take charge of it, and when Wilson is gone I will go down." A brother of mine went down with Wundenburg and took charge of the station house, and they were in charge of it for several days.
Senator Gray. Where did you go when you went from the station house?
Mr. McCandless. Back to the Government building.
Senator Gray. Into the council room ?
Mr. McCandless. Into the council room.
Senator Gray. Do you know what time it was then ?
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Mr. McCandless. Eight o'clock, or half past 8.
Senator Gray. Did you see any United States troops then?
Mr. McCandless. No.
Senator Gray. Did you go over there that evening at all?
Mr. McCandless. Went past.
Senator Gray. Did you have any communication with them at all?
Mr. McCandless. No, not any person.
Senator Gray. Do you know whether anybody furnished the United States troops with provisions that night?
Mr. McCandless. They had their own provisions.
Senator Gray. Do you know whether anybody connected with the city or Provisional Government, the committee of safety, furnished or caused to be furnished refreshments or provisions to the United States troops?
Mr. McCandless. Not that I know.
Senator Gray. Either that night or the next morning?
Mr. McCandless. Yes; the next day, I believe, the ladies went down and got them coffee.
Senator Gray. Do you know of any man, not ladies, who interested himself in doing it?
Mr. McCandless. No. There may have been; I do not know.
Senator Gray. Have you heard of anyone?
Mr. McCandless. No; not on that point.
Senator Gray. Coffee was furnished them?
Mr. McCandless. I think it was.
Senator Gray. DO you know whether Mr. Carter had anything to do with it?
Mr. McCandless. No.
Senator Gray. Do you know who dug that latrine that night?
Mr. McCandless. I heard afterwards.
Senator Gray. Do you know whether any of the committee of safety or anybody connected with the Provisional Government had anything to do with digging that latrine?
Mr. McCandless. No.
Senator Gray. Do you know how long coffee was furnished them in the way you have described?
Mr. McCandless. For a day or so coffee was furnished them.
Senator Gray. By whom?
Mr. McCandless. Mr. Knowltie.
Senator Gray. Who is he?
Mr. McCandless. He has an eating house down town.
Senator Gray. Do you know at whose instance?
Mr. McCandless. Yes; at the instance of the Provisional Government.
The Chairman. That was in addition to their rations?
Mr. McCandless. Yes.
Senator Gray. Was it not at the instance of the Provisional Government that that coffee was furnished on Wednesday morning?
Mr. McCandless. I do not know. I think the ladies furnished that.
Senator Gray. On Tuesday evening?
Mr. McCandless. I do not know of anything being done Tuesday evening.
Senator Gray. You were otherwise engaged?
Mr. McCandless. Otherwise engaged.
Senator Gray. You were not in the commissary business then?
Mr. McCandless. No; we had more serious business on hand, at
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least we thought we had when we got back to the Government building that evening. There was not much done except proceeding immediately to organize a commission and charter a steamer to send the commissioners to the United States to negotiate for annexation. That was done that night. I do not think we adjourned until 11 o'clock.
The Chairman. Who was in charge of the Treasury, the Hawaiian money, at the time this revolution took place?
Mr. McCandless. It was in the Government building.
The Chairman. Who had charge of it?
Mr. McCandless. George Smithies was in charge. He was the register of accounts.
The Chairman. Did he become a member of the Provisional Government?
Mr. McCandless. He was kept there, and within the last two months he has been dismissed.
The Chairman. Was there any actual capture of the money by the Provisional Government.
Mr. McCandless. The information was that they went up there to inquire for the ministers, the advisory and executive councils. Of course it merged right from the committee of safety into them. They asked for the Queen's ministers, and they were not in there, and they asked for the chief clerk, Mr. Hassinger, and demanded the keys, and they were turned over.
The Chairman. That carried with it the custody of the money?
Mr. McCandless. Yes, and of the Government departments—all the affairs of the Government.
The Chairman. Did the affairs move along as smoothly under the Provisional Government as they had before? I mean the ordinary routine of the Government?
Mr. McCandless. Yes; we had taken the precaution to put men over the fire department.
The Chairman. I am not speaking about mob violence, but the civil government. Did it go on before?
Mr. McCandless. Yes, one of the first things was to suspend the writ of habeas corpus and declare martial law. That was Tuesday evening.
The Chairman. Who did that?
Mr. McCandless. The Provisional Government.
The Chairman. By proclamation?
Mr. McCandless. Yes; by proclamation.
The Chairman. From that time and as long as you remained in Honolulu, was there any outbreak or any mob violence, or any assemblage of citizens that appeared to be riotous?
Mr. McCandless. No, wfth the exception of one night. One night, probably I can not give that night, it was after the Garnet, an English war ship, came in. The United States men had liberty and the Englishmen had liberty, and very late at night, 9 or 10 o'clock at night, the streets on which most of the saloons are, a great many half whites got around there and got to talking with these English sailors; got to patting them on the back and telling them to go for the Yankee sailors, and so the Englishmen attacked some of the Americans.
The Chairman. A sort of sailors' fight?
Mr. McCandless. I think there were some natives.
The Chairman. Was any force used to put down that fight?
Mr. McCandless. No; the native people are not a hard people to handle at all, and if the marshal had done his duty there would not have been much of that.
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Senator Gray. When was that?
Mr. McCandless. That was probably the middle of February. I can not say the date.
The Chairman. Who was the marshal?
Mr. McCandless. George Ashley. He was appointed and removed afterwards.
The Chairman. Was any force used to put down that riot?
Mr. McCandless. Oh, no; that was allowed just to quietly subside.
The Chairman. Was there any occasion since the establishment of the Provisional Government when there were any riots which rendered it necessary, or it appeared to be necessary, to put them down?
Mr. McCandless. No.
The Chairman. The country has been in a peaceful state under the Provisional Government?
Mr. McCandless. Yes; there was only one thing they were afraid of, and that was incendiarism. Of course, we heard of that constantly— heard of it from the men it came from.
The Chairman. Threats of burnings?
Mr. McCandless. Threats of burnings.
The Chairman. After you had organized your force under Col. Soper on Tuesday the 17th, did you have any apprehension that Queen Liliuokalani could marshal a military force or armed citizens' force of sufficient magnitude and strength to reinstate her in her possession of the Government?
Mr. McCandless. No; but we did not take any chances on that— we continued to perfect our organization and to extend it so as to be ready for anything of that kind.
The Chairman. Taking all you know about the Hawaiian Islands and the native population and the warmth of the men who were engaged in and are now carrying on this Provisional Government, is it your opinion that Liliuokalani has any chance toward reinstating herself without the intervention of some foreign government?
Mr. McCandless. None whatever. She has not had from the first.
The Chairman. Did you regard the movement from the time it was inaugurated as one determined and resolute, or one that might give way to some counter movement on the Queen's part—some concessions on her part?
Mr. McCandless. There never was any such idea prevailed there that I know of. It was one of strict determination. We sent the commissioners to San Francisco. When we found that annexation had not taken place under Mr. Harrison's administration we felt that our interests were in just as good hands under President Cleveland. We did not see how the dial could be turned backward.
The Chairman. You say that annexation was the ultimate result of this revolution—that such was the belief of those who were engaged in it?
Mr. McCandless. Yes. You could not have gotten the men to take up arms otherwise. The whole object was annexation.
The Chairman. You spoke of that being the case the year before.
Mr. McCandless. That was only a stepping-stone—the annexation movement in '87.
The Chairman. Do you know whether the Kanaka population, the native population, sympathize in that sentiment?
Mr. McCandless. In '87 they did. Nearly the whole native population was on our side—sympathized with the movement. Of course there were none of them taken into the organization.
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The Chairman. Was that distinctively an annexation movement in'87?
Mr. McCandless. Oh, yes.
The Chairman. What change, if any, has occurred since that time?
Mr. McCandless. The natives were completely captured with the idea of the lottery being there, and that there would be no further trouble about having all the money they needed if they could get the lottery. They were carried away with that idea. The native is like an Indian; he will spend all the money he can get to gamble.
The Chairman. They are gamblers?
Mr. McCandless. Yes.
Senator Gray. What is their principal game, cards?
Mr. McCandless. They do not care for cards. They have a Chinese game there called "Paka Pia" and che-fah. There were as high as fifteen to twenty games running in the city at a time. That consisted of going in and buying the tickets, guessing a number or a word. It was a Chinese game, and they were very fond of it. It was a very common report that the marshal's office was receiving $500 a week to allow that game to continue—receiving the money from these different banks. The Chinese cook that I had at my place told me of it. The Chinese do not think anything of bribing, and the games are controlled by the Chinese. He said that the marshal got $500 a week and the deputy marshal so much, and the others still less, making about a thousand dollars a week that was paid.
The Chairman. This Hawaiian sympathy. Had that died out before the revolution?
Mr. McCandless. I think it had.
The Chairman. Among Kanakas.
Mr. McCandless. I think so, although the annexation question had not been discussed publicly until the last two or three years. It was discussed then publicly through the press and openly.
The Chairman. And that sentiment died out because they thought they could get the money under a separate government through lottery schemes and such like?
Mr. McCandless. Yes. I know the leaders of the last Legislature, among the natives, would pat their pockets, right in the legislative chamber, and say, "Here is what we are here for." It had gotten to that condition. I have seen that myself, right in the legislative hall.
The Chairman. By the members of the Legislature?
Mr. McCandless. By the members of the Legislature.
Senator Gray. The white members?
Mr. McCandless. The half-whites. It had gotten to that pass that it was just about as corrupt as it could be.
The Chairman. What time did you leave the islands to come over here?
Mr. McCandless. The 1st day of June.
The Chairman. Did you leave to come here to give your testimony?
Mr. McCandless. No. I have larger interests in the State of Washington than I have in the Hawaiian Islands. Like many people there, I come to the States to invest my money. I went to the State of Washington in 1886. My partner stayed there, and has been there ever since, and as I accumulate money I take it to the State of Washington.
The Chairman. Your visit to the United States is merely on business?
Mr. McCandless. Yes. I would not have come over except that I promised my family to come to the Fair.
S. Doc. 231, pt 6----63
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Senator Gray. Where is your family?
Mr. McCandless. I have two homes—one in Honolulu and the other in the State of Washington. I brought my family with me.
The Chairman. Your citizenship is in the United States?
Mr. McCandless. Yes; a citizen of both countries.
The Chairman. You are a citizen of the United States and vote under the Hawaiian constitution?
Mr. McCandless. Yes.
The Chairman. But your visit to the United States had no connection with the maintenance of the Provisional Government.
Mr. McCandless. No.
The Chairman. You had no political mission over here?
Mr. McCandless. No; just on my private affairs.
The Chairman. And you were summoned here from Seattle?
Mr. McCandless. No; Ellensburg is my home.
Senator Frye. As a member of the committee of safety did you expect at any time, from the commencement of the revolution down to its close, to receive any support whatever from the American minister or the troops of the Navy?
Mr. McCandless. No.
Senator Frye. If the troops of the Navy had remained on board their ship, in your judgment, would it have made any difference in the result?
Mr. McCandless. None whatever; I do not think.
Senator Frye. Did Minister Stevens, or anybody else connected with the American Government, any officer on board the ship, or anybody in authority, convey to your committee of safety any assurances or intimations that the marines would aid the revolutionary movement?
Mr. McCandless. Not that I am aware of.
The Chairman. Have you any reason to believe that there was an understanding as to that?
Mr. McCandless. No. On the contrary, Mr. Stevens was, of course, noncommittal; said he would protect American lives and property— noncombatants.
Senator Frye. Did you know Mr. Stevens pretty well?
Mr. McCandless. Yes; well acquainted with him; met him several times in Honolulu, visited his family, and my family visited his family.
Senator Frye. Do you know what the estimate of his character was among the citizens there?
Mr. McCandless. I do not know of an American who was not proud of him as a citizen and as the American representative. I happened to have a conversation with him just the day before the flag was taken down; had business with him. I went up to call upon him to talk about some matters. That was the 31st day of March, 1 think. It was either that or the 30th. At all events it was the day before the flag was taken down. We talked of the situation some, and he stated that he was very well satisfied with everything as it was; and the flag was mentioned, I am quite sure it was, among other things, and he said the flag would never come down, and that afternoon or that day, at 11 o'clock, Mr. Blount called on President Dole and said he was going to take the flag down at 4 o'clock that afternoon. Of course, it was very much of a surprise; and it was agreed that the flag should comedown the next day.
Senator Frye. Were any demonstrations made at all in taking it down?
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Mr. McCandless. No.
Senator Frye. What day did you leave the islands?
Mr. McCandless. The 1st day of June.
Senator Frye. The past June?
Mr. McCandless. Yes.
Senator Frye. What was the character of the members of the Provisional Government—high in that country?
Mr. McCandless. Yes; as I have stated before, the men who make up the advisory council are just such a class of men as make up the boards of trade and chambers of commerce where I have lived in the cities—men of character and standing in the community.
Senator Frye. In your judgment is there any danger that the royal party may recover the possession which it had and restore the Queen?
Mr. McCandless. I do not think there is any danger. There is only one element that is irreconcilable in the Hawaiian Islands, and that is the anti-American and the half whites.
Senator Frye. What is the trouble with the half whites?
Mr. McCandless. They, of course, believe themselves a good deal better than the natives, and they have been given a great many positions under the Government that it will be impossible for them to have with the white people controlling it. The part the full natives take in the Government, the positions they have they will continue to have— the Provisional Government have no quarrel with the Hawaiian people.
Senator Frye. Do you know what troops Marshal Wilson and the Queen had at the time you had this interview with Wilson?
Mr. McCandless. I think he was allowed 75 men. Those were not under Wilson; those were in the barracks. When we took charge of the station house I should judge there were 120 to 125 men.
Senator Frye. Were they policemen, or what?
Mr. McCandless. Policemen. And he said he had a good many extras in that night.
Senator Frye. From the time the Queen undertook to promulgate the new constitution up to the time of the establishment of the Provisional Government, was any police force on the streets preserving order?
Mr. McCandless. They were on the streets just as common as they were ordinarily.
Senator Frye. They were?
Mr. McCandless. Yes.
Senator Frye. Under the charge of Wilson?
Mr. McCandless. Under the command of Wilson.
Senator Frye. Did your committee of safety have any idea that in order to take control it was necessary to take those barracks where those 75 men were and the police station; did you have any such idea?
Mr. McCandless. Of course, we knew that there was no other armed resistance; and, of course, we were bound to take it.
Senator Frye. Did you not regard yourself as in full possession when you took possession of the Government building, the archives, treasury, and everything else?
Mr. McCandless. Yes; we had the Government and all the departments of the Government.
Senator Frye. Had the men in charge of the Government buildings deserted? I mean the Queen's men.
Mr. McCandless. The ministers were absent when the committee
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of safety went there. When the committee went there they asked ton them, and they made the demand of the chief clerk----
Senator Frye. What was the danger to your committee of safety that made you call on Minister Stevens and ask him not to land the troops? What did you apprehend?
Mr. McCandless. We apprehended fire and the looting of the city. We heard those rumors right along.
Senator Frye. Incendiarism?
Mr. McCandless. Incendiarism; yes. There were two or three fires the very night that we took charge of the Government—two or three fires that they never accounted for.
Senator Frye. And that you apprehended from the lawless element and not the Queen?
Mr. McCandless. From the element that were her supporters.
Senator Gray. You knew you were going to make some trouble, did you not?
Mr. McCandless. Yes.
Senator Frye. Do you know why Arion Hall was selected?
Senator Gray. Of your own knowledge?
Mr. McCandless. I do not know of my own knowledge.
Senator Frye. Do you know of any other suitable place for the soldiers to be protected that night?
Mr. McCandless. That is the only reason for selecting that. I did not know of any suitable place. That is the only suitable place that they could get.
Senator Gray. Were you with Capt. Wiltse and Minister Stevens when they were selecting the place?
Mr. McCandless. No.
Senator Gray. You said you knew it was the only place they could get?
Mr. McCandless. Of course I knew; they marched out beyond the Government building; I saw them there myself, with stacked arms. They marched out King street until they got in front of Mr. Atherton's, that is a mile from the business center, and Mr. Atherton, I understood, invited them into his yard to get them out of the street.
Senator Gray. Did you see them out at Atherton's?
Mr. McCandless. No.
Senator Gray. Did you go out with them?
Mr. McCandless. No. Senator Gray. You went out afterwards?
Mr. McCandless. Yes; I passed them afterwards, going home.
Senator Frye. Did the committee of safety have anything to do with making any request as to the placing of troops in Arion Hall?
Mr. McCandless. No.
Senator Frye. When the Provisional Government took possession of the Government building, were there any American soldiers drawn up in sight of the Government building, in martial array?
Mr. McCandless. Not that I know of.
Senator Frye. When you went there was there any in sight?
Mr. McCandless. No.
Senator Gray. Do you know where they were?
Mr. McCandless. Yes.
Senator Frye. Do you know of any interference on the part of the United States to help or hurt the Provisional Government's cause?
Mr. McCandless. No.
Senator Frye. Or to help or hurt the Queen's cause?
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Mr. McCandless. No; it was one of strict neutrality.
Senator Frye. What was the understanding of the committee of safety—that these troops were to be absolutely impartial?
Mr. McCandless. Why, yes; that was all the information they had. They would not be anything else.
Senator Frye. You were there while Mr. Blount was there?
Mr. McCandless. Yes; for some time after he arrived.
Senator Frye. Did the various members of the committee of safety call on Mr. Blount with any communication?
Mr. McCandless. The committee of safety called on him—not the advisory council—called on him in a body to pay our respects to him, and he was informed there that any members of the committee of safety or advisory council were ready at any time to come before him.
Senator Frye. Were they invited?
Mr. McCandless. Not that I am aware of.
Senator Frye. You were not invited?
Mr. McCandless. I was not invited. The only one that I know of being invited before I left the islands was Mr. Bolte.
Senator Frye. What was he; a member ot the commitee of safety?
Mr. McCandless. He was a member of the committee of safety and member of the advisory council, and still of the advisory council.
Senator Frye. Is he an American?
Mr. McCandless. He is a German. He is at the head of the American house of Gimbaum & Co., of San Francisco.
Senator Frye. Do the Germans sympathize with you there?
Mr. McCandless. Yes.
Senator Frye. Almost unanimously?
Mr. McCandless. Almost unanimously. I do not know of a German in the Hawaiian Islands who was against the movement.
The Chairman. Claus Spreckels was?
Mr. McCandless. He was not there. But at the beginning Claus Spreckels was in favor of it.
Senator Gray. Do you know the fact of your own knowledge that when this committee, the members of the council, or any of them, called on Mr. Blount that he said it was a matter of extreme delicacy on his part to ask any of them to come before him to testify as to the strength or ability or authority of their own government, but he would be glad to hear them?
Mr. McCandless. I never heard that statement before. I called on him and Mr. Damon was the spokesman. After the assertion was made that any members of the advisory council, or the committee of safety, would be glad to call on him at any time, he said, "Mr. Damon, I want to have a talk with you one of these days." "Very well," said Mr. Damon, "I will be ready at any time."
Senator Gray. I wanted to know if you knew of Mr. Blount making that statement?
Mr. McCandless. No; I spoke to him and told him that I represented the younger element of Honolulu, and was there to assure him there were hundreds of young men in Honolulu who were prepared to call on him and make statements if he desired to have them, but they knew he was busy and did not care to call unless invited by Mr. Blount. That is the statement I made to him. He told me to thank the Americans for the offer, and that was all there was of that.
Senator Frye. Do you think of anything else you wish to state that you have not stated?
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The Chairman. You identify this book, Two Weeks of Hawaiian History, of which you spoke in your examination?
Mr. McCandless. I read the resolutions of that.
The Chairman. Now, this book you will take with you and examine carefully, and see if you have any statements to make to the contrary of anything therein contained, on your own knowledge or information.
SWORN STATEMENT OF DEWITT COFFMAN—Continued.
Senator Gray. Were you on duty on the Pensacola at Honolulu in the fall of 1891 and during January and February, 1892?
Mr. Coffman. Yes.
Senator Gray. Were you frequently on shore?
Mr. Coffman. Yes.
The Chairman. On the Pensacola?
Mr. Coffman. I served on both ships.
Senator Gray. Were you frequently on shore?
Mr. Coffman. Yes.
Senator Gray. Did you mix with the people of Honolulu?
Mr. Coffman. Yes.
Senator Gray. So that your acquaintance with Honolulu was not confined to the few days that you were attached to the Boston, at the time of this revolution?
Mr. Coffman. I was there very nearly six months, the first time.
Senator Gray. After the passage of what was known here as the McKinley bill, the tariff bill of 1890, did you find from your contact with business people there that the prosperity of those islands had been affected by the provisions of that bill in regard to making sugar free in the United States?
Mr. Coffman. Yes; generally so.
Senator Gray. And was that very generally marked?
Mr. Coffman. Yes; I have heard it stated that they thought the monetary trouble they were laboring under at the time was generally due to the fact that the United States Government, by the passage of the McKinley bill, had killed, to a certain extent, if not altogether, the sugar industry of the islands.
Senator Gray. Now, what I was going to ask you is, did that have its effect on annexation sentiment?
Mr. Coffman. I believe that is at the bottom of it.
Senator Gray. Did it, to your knowledge, have the effect of creating a sentiment of annexation?
Senator Frye. For or against it?
Senator Gray. Have you knowledge that it did create annexation sentiment?
Mr. Coffman. Yes.
Senator Gray. Did you hear any persons who before that were opposed to it say they were in favor of it?
Mr. Coffman. Yes.
Senator Gray. You have already testified that you commanded one of the companies of the battalion that was landed on Monday, the 16th of January, 1893?
Mr. Coffman. Yes.
Senator Gray. You landed at the wharf. What did you do at the wharf, so soon as you got out of the boats ?
Mr. Coffman. So soon as we landed we formed our battalion.
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Senator Gray. Did you form immediately?
Mr. Coffman. Yes.
Senator Gray. Was it understood before you left the boat where you were to march?
Mr. Coffman. Yes; I think our route of march was mapped out before we left the ship.
Senator Gray. Who piloted you, if anybody?
Mr. Coffman. When we got to the Government building, after detaching the marines, Mr. Hugh Gunn, I think, guided us to Mr. Atherton's place.
Senator Gray. What relation did he have to the Provisional Government, if any?
Mr. Coffman. He commanded a company of volunteer soldiers of the Provisional Government after that, and was known as one of the Provisional Government men or people.
Senator Gray. Was there, to your knowledge, any other building suitable for the use of the troops of the Boston than the opera house and Arion Hall?
Mr. Coffman. Yes.
Senator Gray. Where?
Mr. Coffman. On Nuuanu avenue, a little more than halfway between the United States consulate and the American minister's residence.
Senator Gray. What sort of building was that?
Mr. Coffman. It was a large three-story, brand-new hotel, and unoccupied.
Senator Gray. Do you know who owned it?
Mr. Coffman. Mr. John Thomas Waterhouse, who was present while our troops were standing in the street waiting to find out where Mr. Atherton's was.
Senator Gray. Do you know whether that building was obtainable?
Mr. Coffman. I have no doubt in the world that it was obtainable.
Senator Gray. Is that simply an opinion?
Mr. Coffman. That is my opinion.
Senator Gray. Did you hear Mr. Waterhouse say anything about it?
Mr. Coffman. I heard Mr. Waterhouse say that he was glad to see the troops, and marched down in front of us after we had halted. He said, "I am glad to see this," and passed on in front of our troops as much as to say he was glad to see our troops.
Senator Gray. He owned that hotel building?
Mr. Coffman. Yes.
Senator Gray. Is the situation of that building in a more thickly built up part of the town?
Mr. Coffman. I can not say more thickly built up; but there are fine residences around there, and it is more accessible to the business portion.
Senator Gray. Was it nearer to what you considered the property of American citizens than Arion Hall?
Mr. Coffman. Yes.
Senator Gray. More so, or how?
Mr. Coffman. It was nearer to the residence portion, which was the part which would be attacked in any incendiary work to go on.
Senator Gray. Will you point on that map where it is?
Mr. Coffman. On Nuuana avenue.
Senator Gray. You say it is on Nuuana avenue, a little more than half way between the U. S. consulate and the U. S. legation?
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