Summary of Alexander's Testimony
William DeWitt Alexander was a native-born subject of the Kingdom, born on Kauai in 1833. His father was a Presbyterian missionary. He attended a mission school which has now (1894) become Oahu College. It has a large endowment given by Charles R. Bishop. Alexander attended Yale; then taught at Beloit and Vincennes, then returned to Oahu College where he taught for 7 years and then was president for 7 years. Alexander wrote a 340-page book on the history of Hawaii used as a school textbook, and also a grammar textbook for Hawaiian language. Later he became surveyor-general of the Kingdom under Kamehameha V. Discussion of Mahele, and unique surveying problems for ahupuaa system. Discussion of forests and wood supply; sandalwood trade; streams, wind, climate, rain, ocean currents.
Alexander's father was fluent in Hawaiian and preached in that language; Alexander himself was fluent in Hawaiian and wrote a book about Hawaiian grammar. As of early 1894 nearly all the schools use English as the language of instruction; only about 1/20 still use Hawaiian. Hawaiian is an easy language to learn; but it lacked words needed for theology, mathematics, and law -- those words had to be invented. Nobody has ever tried to teach chemistry in Hawaiian.
When Alexander was a child, the Hawaiians "... had thrown away their idols—their taboos. But they had a great deal of superstition still, particularly about sorcery. I think the most injurious superstition they have is in regard to the cause of disease—sickness. They think that diseases are caused supernaturally. The CHAIRMAN. In your childhood was this condition of ignorance and paganism almost universal? Mr. ALEXANDER. Almost universal. The CHAIRMAN. What is the degree of the improvement? Mr. ALEXANDER. At the present time they are all nominal Christians —Catholics, Protestants, Episcopalians, Mormons. There is yet more or less of underlying superstition spread among the natives. ... The old superstitions, about the cause of sickness and about sorcery have never been rooted out."
Alexander: "I joined the Board of Education in 1887. There was then a great deficiency of schoolhouses. During the reign of Kalakaua government money was diverted to other purposes. But a great many schoolhouses were built, improvements made, and at present schoolhouses are pretty well provided. ... The CHAIRMAN. So that it might be said that the native youth of Hawaii are universally under process of education? Mr. ALEXANDER. Very nearly. The CHAIRMAN. Do the Chinese, Japanese, and Portuguese send their children to those schools? Mr. ALEXANDER. Yes; they are obliged to, except where they attend a private school. There are about eleven thousand children there in schools and three thousand of these are in the private schools. The Chinese and Japanese have not many children; a great maiority of them are adult males. Mr. CHAIRMAN. But the Chinese and Japanese are subject to this compulsory education the same as the Hawaiian? Mr. ALEXANDER. Yes. The Chinese have a few Chinese schools."
[School budget discussed in detail.]
Discussion of the economy. Clothing, food supply, leprosy colony, prisons, low crime rate, almost never a murder except among Japanese on sugar plantations; beef, pork, poultry, taro, rice, fruit, coffee, artesian wells, tobacco crop, railways and tramways. "Mr. ALEXANDER. In the 40's it was referred to as a serious evil that so many of the young men were sailors—never came back; and they passed a law in 1850 restricting young men from leaving the country without permission of the Government."
"... the revolution of 1887... was expected to put an end to personal rule in the Hawaiian Islands by making the ministry responsible only to the people through the legislature, by taking the power of appointing the Upper House out of the hands of the Sovereign, and by making officeholders ineligible to the legislature. The remaining three and a half years of Kalakaua's reign teemed with intrigues and conspiracies to restore autocratic rule. ...
"Two Hawaiian youths, R. W. Wilcox and Robert Boyd, whom Moreno had placed in military schools of Italy, as before stated, had been recalled towards the end of 1887. They had been led to expect high positions from the Gibson government, and their disappointment was extreme. Hence they were easily induced to lead a conspiracy which had for its object the abrogation of the constitution of 1887, and the restortation of the old regime. They endeavored to form a secret league, and held public meetings to inflame the native mind, but without much success.
"It is said that the royal guards were won over, and that the three chief conspirators, R. W. "Wilcox. C. B. Wilson, and Sam Nowlien, demanded the King's abdication in favor of Liliuokalani. Several members of their league, however, turned informers, and a mass of sworn evidence was collected, but never used against them. The leader, Robert Wilcox, was allowed to go to California, where he remained about a year, biding his time. ...
"Mr. Thurston gave me more especial evidence. He had the conspirators examined one by one, took down their statements, and he has them locked up. ... He was minister of the interior, and virtually premier; leading member of the Cabinet. ... Meanwhile a secret organization was being formed throughout the islands, and when some progress has been made, Mr. Wilcox returned to Honolulu in April, 1889, formed a rifle club, and began to prepare for another revolution. The object was to make him abdicate in favor of the Princess Liliuokalani. The meetings of the league were held in a house belonging to the Princess Liliuokalani. At the subsequent trial it was proved by the defense, that the King had latterly come to an understanding with the conspirators, whose object was to restore his autocratic power."
"Before light, on the morning of July 30, 1889, Robert Wilcox with about one hundred and fifty armed followers, occupied the Government buildings and the palace yard. No declaration of any kind was made, as they expected the King, who was at the seaside, to come up and proclaim the old constitution of 1864. ...The King, who distrusted the conspirators, had retired to his boathouse in the harbor to await results. ... The volunteer riflemen promptly turned out, and many of the citizens took up arms for the Government. ... Two of my sons were members of the rifle company. I went down to the station house and offered my services. ... It was Kalakaua's Government putting down the rebellion against him, although it was believed the King connived at it. You see the conspiracy was planned in Liliuokalani's house, one of her houses, and before daylight in the morning they started from her house. Nobody has any doubt that she was at the bottom of it." The CHAIRMAN. And her purpose was to dethrone Kalakaua? Mr. ALEXANDER. It was thought later that they came to an understanding; they were not strong enough to carry that out. Senator GRAY. What year was that?"
"Mr. ALEXANDER. July 30,1889. Kalakaua acted in such a way that, whichever way the affair went, whether success or failure, he would be safe. If they had succeeded he would have gone up and proclaimed the old constitution; as they failed, he denied that he was connected with the movement. ... At the request of the United States minister, Mr. Merrill, a body of marines was landed, and marched up to the legation, where they remained during the day." [Where were the insurgents assembled?] In the palace yard. The rifles formed a cordon. ... The insurgents went to the barracks, got cannon and ammunition, and the troops in the barracks were ordered by the Queen to remain neutral. But they allowed the insurgents to go there and help themselves to ammunition and cannon. There was a duel took place between our artillerymen and the cavalry. The ministry drew up a written summons to them to surrender, which was served on them by Hon. S. M. Damon, but they refused to receive it, and immediately afterwards the conflict commenced between their three fieldpieces and the sharpshooters in the Opera House and other buildings commanding the palace yard. The result was that their guns were soon silenced and they were driven into a wooden building on the palace grounds, where they were besieged during the afternoon. Towards night a heavy rifle fire was opened upon them and the roof of the building burst in by dynamite bombs, which forced them to surrender. ... About the dynamite. The palace was surrounded by a stone wall 8 feet high, and the dynamite bombs were thrown from behind that wall by a base-ball pitcher and between 200 and 300 feet. They fell on the roof of the building and burst it in. It was covered with corrugated iron. They did not stay there very long. The CHAIRMAN. That was what building? Mr. ALEXANDER. Iolani Palace. Unfortunately this was by no means a bloodless affair, as seven of Wilcox' deluded followers were killed and about a dozen wounded. It was afterwards known that 10,000 rounds of ammunitions were loaned from the U. S. S. Adams to the Government forces. ... Wilcox was afterward put on trial for treason, and was acquitted by a native jury, on the theory that what they did was by and with the King's consent. He became a popular idol, and had unbounded influence over the Honolulu natives for a time. The Princess, Liliuokalani, however deserted him and denied all knowledge of the conspiracy. This unfortunate affair was made the most of by demagogues to intensify race hatred. The license of the native press was almost incredible."
"Under the old constitution it was almost impossible for a white man to be naturalized. Under Kalakaua's reign the law required five years' residence, and it was then at the King's discretion; he could sign the naturalization paper or not. And I know cases where white men were refused on political grounds. For example, Mr. Hitt Wallace, brother of General William Wallace, his application was refused because he was opposed to Gibson in politics. Under the old naturalization laws the applicant did not abjure his own nationality; there were cases that came up before the United States commissioner where they claimed that they were still American citizens.
Senator GRAY. What I ask is whether during the last few years it is not a fact that foreigners, Americans, Europeans, whatever their nationality, vote and exercise the rights of suffrage without being naturalized? Mr. ALEXANDER. That is true under the constitution of 1887. The CHAIRMAN: "A copy of the treaty, including an article, canceled by the cabinet, which authorized the landing of United States troops in certain contingencies, was secretly furnished by the King to a native paper for publication, and the cry was raised that the ministry were 'selling the country' to the United States. Owing to division in the reform party, and other causes mentioned above, a strong opposition was elected to the Legislature, and the reform ministry went out of office on a tie vote." ...
Senator GRAY. You were a royalist? Mr. ALEXANDER. Yes; I was a royalist then.
"... The King ... urged the establishment of a large standing army. Another project favored by the King and agitated by the royalist papers was that of convening a convention, to be elected by universal suffrage, to frame a new constitution, in which the white race should be deprived of political power. With great difficulty and by the exercise of much patience and tact, this revolutionary measure was defeated, and certain amendments were proposed, lowering the qualifications required of voters for nobles, etc. After a stormy session of five months the legislature adjourned without undoing the reforms of 1887.
"In order to recruit his failing health, the King visited California in the United States cruiser Charleston ... and on the 20th of January, 1891, he breathed his last at the Palace Hotel, San Francisco. ... Grave apprehensions were then felt at the accession of his sister, Liliuokalani, which, however, were partially relieved by her promptly taking the oath to maintain the constitution of 1887. ... Her ideal of government was the same as that of her brother, and her determination to realize it brought on the last revolution. ...Her first and chief condition with the incoming ministry was that C. B. Wilson, a notorious palace favorite (who had been appointed superintendent of water works at her request in 1881), should be appointed marshal of the Kingdom, with control of the entire police force of the islands. During the following year the administration of his department became a national scandal. The marshal openly associated on intimate terms with such criminals as Capt. Whaley, who was one of the owners of the smuggling schooner Halcyon, and was styled 'King of the opium ring,' and those Australian fugitives from justice who came to Honolulu in the yacht Beagle. He drew around him a gang of disreputable characters, and the whole police force became more corrupt than ever, while opium joints, gambling dens, and other criminal resorts flourished and multiplied, with its connivance. At the same time it was universally believed that the said Wilson exercised as much influence in the administration of public affairs as any member of the cabinet. To put an end to this state of things, was the chief object both of the members of the reform party and of the so-called liberals in the elections of 1892. In the spring of 1892 a secret league was formed, headed by V. V. Ashford, R. W. Wilcox, J. E. Bush and others, for the purpose, as they expressed it, of promoting justice and equal rights in the political government of Hawaii. ... Their objects included the removal of all property qualifications for voters, the abolition of the monarchy, and ultimate union with the United States. ... I believe that C. W. Ashford is on the side of the Queen. C. W. Ashford has changed sides so many times it would be hard to keep run of him."
[Many more details provided about numerous cabinets being appointed and dismissed, bribery. corruption, the lottery bill and the opium bill.]
The CHAIRMAN. "The pains taken by the Queen to destroy all known copies of her proposed constitution show how much she dreaded the effect of its publication, but its main points are well known." How did they become known? Mr. ALEXANDER. By statements of Mr. Colburn, Paul Neumann, and Ned Bush, which do not entirely agree with one another. Senator FRYE. Paul Neumann is supposed to have drafted it; that is, it is so rumored? Mr. ALEXANDER. Yes. Senator GRAY. Who was Paul Neumann?
Mr. ALEXANDER. He was a German by birth. I do not know his early life. He was a lawyer in California, a member of the legislature from Sacramento. He ran for Congress and was defeated—defeated by his record, which was scandalous. He was charged with doing things for which he should have been disbarred. Soon after that he went down to the islands and became Attorney-General with Gibson, in 1883. He is supposed to have been a Spreckels man at tha time.
Senator FRYE. Bright man, is he not?
Mr. ALEXANDER. Bright, but unscrupulous—a Bohemian, and with it a bonhomie which pleases the people. They did not take him seriously. He has done things which were condoned—things which would surprise you. He is not taken seriously.
The CHAIRMAN. "Its success would have realized her dream of reestablishing a barbaric despotism in the islands, and it was to have been followed by a clear sweep of all the offices. An unfortunate feature of the easels that the lower class of the natives, from race prejudice, would prefer such a despotism to a civilized government controlled by white men."
[After adjourning for the day, the Committee on Foreign Affairs reconvened the following day to continue the testimony of Mr. Alexander. At the request of Chairman Morgan, Mr. Alexander had prepared a written document ""PERSONAL RECOLLECTIONS OF THE REVOLUTION OF 1893", and now began to dicsuss the events at the prorogation of the legislature.]
At the prorogation of the legislature, 40 members of the Hui Kalaiaina were in attendance "wearing black broadcloth suits and tall silk hats. I did not, however, suspect the object of their attendance. ... It had been arranged by the Queen that they should abrogate that constitution and go through the form of asking her to proclaim it. ... After the ceremony they followed the Queen to the palace, together with most of the native members of the Legislature. ... Meanwhile I went down town, and had gone into Mr. Waterhouse's store, when I was told of a rumor that the Queen was going to proclaim a new constitution that very afternoon. A few minutes after I met my assistant, Mr. C. J. Lyons, who had just come from the Government building, and who informed me that the rumor was true; that the household troops were drawn up in line from the front steps of the palace to the west gate, in fighting trim, with their belts full of cartridges, and that a large crowd had gathered to hear the new constitution proclaimed. On my way up I noticed that citizens were gathering at Hon. W. O. Smith's office. On arriving at the Government building I was told that a conference was going on upstairs in the attorney-general's office ... On returning to the Government building I found a crowd of spectators watching the palace with intense anxiety. Civil war seemed to be impending. We saw Mr. J. Richardson and Sam Parker come over from the palace to confer with the other three members of the cabinet, who were said to be still in the attorney-general's office. It was said that they had left the palace from fear of their lives. Later on we saw the four ministers return to the palace, and the excitement among the spectators was increased. After another long interval, near 4 p.m., there was evidently a movement taking place in the palace, and the soldiers, part of whom had stacked their arms, hastily took up arms and re-formed their line. In a few minutes we saw the Hui Kalaiaina pour out of the palace and form in front of the steps. Then the Queen attended by some ladies in waiting, came out on the balcony and made a brief speech, the purport of which was repeated to us by a native, who came out of the palace yard. ... He told us that she had given way to the advice of her ministers not to proclaim the new constitution, but to go home and wait, and some one of these days she would carry out their wishes—that they could trust to her ... And began an incendiary harangue to the assembled crowd, but was persuaded to desist by Col. James Boyd. We were told at the time that he had urged the crowd to lynch the ministers on the spot as traitors. The Hui Kalaiaina then marched out, carrying a Hawaiian flag, and appearing very much downcast.
"On Sunday afternoon posters were out calling for a mass meeting of citizens to be held at 2 p.m., the next day, at the Armory, on Beretania street. The next morning another call was issued by the ministry for a counter mass meeting on Palace Square, and between 10 and 11 a. m., a by authority notice was also posted about the streets and sent to the members of the diplomatic corps, which contained an apology for the Queen; alleging that she had acted on Saturday under stress of her native subjects, and a promise that "any changes desired in the fundamental law of the land will be sought only by methods provided in the constitution itself." This retraction came too late. It was considered by many as a humiliating evidence of panic on the part of the Queen's Government. Her conspiracies during her brother's reign, and her treacherous course in regard to the lottery bill had destroyed all confidence in her word, so that her promise produced but little change in the situation.
"As 2 o'clock drew near all business was suspended, stores were closed, and but one subject was talked of. I attended both mass meetings. The meeting at the Armory comprised probably not less than 1,500 persons, and the unanimity and enthusiasm shown surpassed all expectation. As a full account of the proceedings has been published I need not spend time on them. The so-called 'law and order' meeting on Palace Square I estimated at the time to number about 500 natives. It was a tame and dispirited meeting, the speakers being under strict orders to express themselves with great caution and moderation. A resolution was adopted accepting the assurance that the Queen would not again seek to change the constitution by revolutionary means, the very thing which no doubt most of them desired her to do. It seemed unnatural to hear R. W. Wilcox and Bill White exhort the natives to keep quiet, and not to provoke the 'haoles' to resort to violent measures.
"About 5 p. m. I happened to be near the post-office when the troops landed from the Boston, and saw them march up Fort street. A party of 30 or 40 marines went up to the U. S. legation, on Nuuanu street, and a guard was left at the U. S. consulate, while the main body marched up King street, past the Government building, and bivouacked in Mr. Atherton's grounds until late in the evening; quarters were secured for them in the 'Arion House,' a low one-story wooden building west of the Music Hall, a large brick building which intervenes between it and the palace. ...
"After the mass meeting the tension of feeling was extreme. What was chiefly feared was incendiarism during the following night. To my knowledge, warnings had been given by friendly natives that preparations were making to set houses on fire. As it was, two incendiary fires were started during that night. The knowledge that the troops were on shore undoubtedly gave the white residents a grateful feeling of relief and security.
"Here I will explain that an organization of four rifle companies had been brought to a high degree of efficiency in 1887 and had crushed the insurrection of 1889. This organization, which had been disbanded in 1890, was now revived, with some changes in personnel. It embraced many of the best class of young men in Honolulu.
"On Tuesday morning 1 was informed of this fact, and that Judge Dole would lead the movement. It was rumored that the crisis would take place at 4 p. m. The Queen's supporters were believed to be panic-stricken and divided among themselves.
"I happened to visit the main Government building (Aliiolani Hall) about a quarter to 3 p. m., when I found that the proclamation of the Provisional Government was being read at the front entrance. ... I walked over to my office in another building within the same inclosure, and passed Company A, a German company, under Capt. Ziegler, arriving on the double quick, in company order, to the number of 40 or 50. I told my assistants in the office what had happened, and directed them to close it for the day. On returning to the other building, I found that a large part of Company B, composed of Americans and Englishmen, had arrived. The grounds were then cleared of spectators, and guards set at the gates, and less than half an hour there were 100 riflemen drawn up in front of the building, awaiting orders. An hour later I estimated that there were about 200 present. The officers told me at the time that the United States marines had orders to remain neutral." What officers did you speak of? Mr. ALEXANDER. Officers of the volunteers. Capt. Potter, of Company B, said that word had been ascertained from Lieut. Swinburne— I think that was his name. ...
"One C J. McCarthy had been placed by Wilson in charge of the Government building, but waited there in vain for a force that never came. Several thousand cartridges were found in the foreign office, intended for the defense of the building. I can not speak from personal observation of the number of men collected in the station house and barracks, but was told by eye witnesses that there were about 80 men in each place. For several hours it looked to us as if a bloody contest, and perhaps a siege, would be necessary. Messengers were coming and going, but when I left the place to do patrol duty in the eastern suburb it was not known whether Mr. Wilson would surrender or not.
"As much importance has been attached to President Dole's letter to Minister Stevens, written in the afternoon of January 17, in which he suggested the cooperation of the United States marines with the citizen volunteers in maintaining order during the night, I will add that the event showed this request to have been wholly unnecessary.
"In regard to the Government building, Aliiolani Hall, I wish to say that it has always been considered the visible seat of Government. Together with the two smaller buildings attached to it, it contained all the offices of the departments of Government, the chambers of the supreme court and the court records, the land office and the registry of conveyances, the Government archives, and the treasury. The action of the late cabinet in abandoning it and seeking refuge in the station house went far to show that they had given up all hope of maintaining their authority.
Senator GRAY. Do you know what time that evening—can you fix precisely the time the barracks were given up? ...You were not present at any meetings of the committee of safety on the evening of the 17th? Mr. ALEXANDER. I was not. ... I suppose, being an officer of the old Government, they did not take me into their confidence. The CHAIRMAN. When you speak of yourself as being one of the privy council, what were your functions in that office? Senator GRAY. Were you ex officio a privy councillor, being surveyor- general? ... Mr. ALEXANDER. No. I was appointed in the previous reign, Kalakaua's reign. Their principal functions were to act as the board of pardons. ... most of the other powers had been taken away from them.
The CHAIRMAN. In regard to this change in the form of government there, the revolution was, according to your opinion, belief, and judgment caused more by the passage of the opium and the lottery bills, or by the action of the Queen in attempting to change the constitution? Mr. ALEXANDER. More by the latter. The CHAIRMAN. Do you think the people of Hawaii would have set on foot a revolution in order to get rid of the lottery bill or opium bill, or both, if the Queen had not attempted to promulgate the new constitution? Mr. ALEXANDER. I think not. They would have tried to remedy it in some constitutional way, within the constitution.
[Discussion of the riot in 1874 when Kalakaua was elected King. American peacekeepers came ashore, restored order, stayed for a week in charge of Honolulu, and then went back to their ships.]
Mr. ALEXANDER. I think that probably seven-eighths of the Americans are on the side of the Provisional Government; nearly all the Germans: all the Portuguese, without exception. In regard to the English, they are divided. I think a majority of the English would probably favor a monarchy from jealousy of the Americans. ... Senator GRAY. How many votes were in that island under the constitution that existed prior to this emeute? Mr. ALEXANDER. According to the census and the registration of 1890, under the constitution of 1887, there were about 13,000. ... Along about August or September the annexation club had 6,200 names on its rolls including about 1,200 natives. Probably at the present time there is a reaction the other way, among the natives, at least. Senator GRAY. Against the Provisional Government. But you think at the time the Provisional Government was formed the people who had the right to vote were in favor of it? Mr. ALEXANDER. Yes, if you counted noses. There was a number registered. I noticed in the election of 1890 the number of votes cast was actually 11,072; in the election of 1892 it was 10,000 or 11,000 actual votes. The CHAIRMAN. What proportion of the enlightened property-holding element in Hawaii, taking the whole of them together, do you believe was in favor of this Provisional Government at the time of its establishment? Mr. ALEXANDER. Well, I think about seven-eighths. I judge that from a list that was published in the papers of the tax-payers, who pay taxes on property above a certain valuation, which list gave their names. It was footed up. I remember the footing gave about that result. I think it is safe to say three-fourths. ... I would like to add one word, that the most intelligent natives, those of the best character, independence of character, were on the side of the Provisional Government when I left the islands. I think two-thirds of the native preachers and those members of the Legislature who had independence enough to vote against the lottery bill, and many of those whom I consider the best natives, are on that side. It required a good deal of moral courage on their part, because they were called names, traitors, by their fellow-countrymen, and were threatened in case the Queen came back that it would go hard witli them (and it was confidently believed that the Queen would be restored); that element of the natives has been ignored by some writers on the subject.
Mr. ALEXANDER. On my part I thought it was a mistake to have declared a protectorate; I thought it was unnecessary. Senator GRAY. You thought it a mistake to raise the flag? Mr. ALEXANDER. Yes; it tended to put the Provisional Government in a false light. The events following showed it was unnecessary. But, being there, one could not see the flag hauled down without deep emotion. Senator BUTLER. Then you think it was unnecessary to have hoisted the American flag? Mr. ALEXANDER. It was. Senator BUTLER. In other words, the Provisional Government could have sustained itself without it? Mr. ALEXANDER. Yes. The CHAIRMAN. After that time, was there any outbreak on the part of the populace against the Provisional Government. Mr. ALEXANDER. No; there was not. The CHAIRMAN. No disturbance of the peace? Mr. ALEXANDER. It was supposed that there was a class, principally composed of white men, which was only deterred by the display of force.
The CHAIRMAN. Was the Provisional Government put into possession of all the arms that had theretofore belonged to the Royal Government? Mr ALEXANDER. That was doubted. I went to the barracks the next day after the surrender and they showed me the arms. There were 90 Springfleld rides, 75 Winchesters, 4 field pieces, and 10,000 rounds of ammunition. It was rumored that some arms were kept back. I do not know whether it was true. Senator BUTLER. Were there any other ammunition or arms of that Government in the hands of the Provisional Government? I mean, were the men supplied with arms and ammunition? Mr. ALEXANDER. Not that I know of. The CHAIRMAN. Were there any armed forces except in Honolulu and Oahu? Mr. ALEXANDER. Not now. The CHAIRMAN. The whole force of the Kingdom was concentrated at Honolulu? Mr. ALEXANDER. Yes. The CHAIRMAN. Were there any fighting ships, called ships of war, belonging to that Government? Mr. ALEXANDER. None. The CHAIRMAN. Had the Government any ships at all? Mr. ALEXANDER. No, except steam tugs. These steam tugs towed vessels in and they belonged to the Government. The CHAIRMAN. At Honolulu? Mr. ALEXANDER. Yes.
The CHAIRMAN. What other men-of-war were in the harbor of Honolulu when these troops landed in January, 1893? Mr. ALEXANDER. No other men-of-war except the American man-of war. The CHAIRMAN. No British? Mr. ALEXANDER. No other nation. The CHAIRMAN. So that there was no chance to appeal to any outside power? Mr. ALEXANDER. No other nation represented.
NOTES ON COL. BLOUNT'S REPORT.
Prof. W. D. Alexander had several informal conversations with Col. J. H. Blount in Honolulu, which were not taken down by his stenographer. At Col. Blount's request, Prof. Alexander prepared written papers on the history of the uncompleted annexation treaty of 1854, on the general causes which led to the late revolution, on the political history of Kalakaua's reign until 1888, and on the constitutional history of the country since the beginning of this century. All of these were printed except the last. He also furnished him pamphlets on the land system, the census, etc.
"Col. Blount's sketch of the causes of the late revolution on pp. 3-15 of his report betrays a total misconception of Hawaiian history and of the nature of the political contest that has been going on during the last fifteen years or more.
His remarks about the descendants of missionaries seem to be borrowed from C. T. Gulick and Nordhoff. The sneering use of the term dates from the days of the "beach-combers" and Botany Bay convicts, who preceded the missionaries in those islands. The descendants of the latter are hated chiefly for their adherence to the principles of their fathers and their endeavors to preserve the constitutional lines on which the Government was administered under the Kamehameha dynasty.
Col. Blount's total misapprehension of history is shown by his astonishing statement on page 7, that the ex-Mormon adventurer Gibson was "free from all suspicion of bribery."
On page 8 he speaks of several criminal acts, proved in open court, as "alleged," and says that the "alleged corrupt action of the King Kalakaua could have been avoided by more careful legislation," when the whole difficulty lay in the autocratic power of the King, which enabled him to appoint the upper house and to pack the lower house of the Legislature. He ignores the fact that it was impossible for a white man to be naturalized unless he was a tool of the King. He passes very lightly over the outrages which caused the uprising of all white men and of the more decent natives in 1887.
On page 10 he omits the vital change made in section 20, which struck at the root of the King's power to pack or bribe the Legislature.
It also should be borne in mind that naturalization in the Hawaiian Kingdom never had included abjuration of one's former citizenship.
Col. Blount is grossly misinformed in regard to the character of the election held after that revolution, 1887. It was the first fair and free election by really secret ballot held for many years. No intimidation whatever. The law was improved afterwards, on the Australian system, by the reform party. The appointment of the upper house was taken from an irresponsible semi-savage monarch and vested in citizens possessing a moderate property qualification. Otherwise all the great financial interests of the country would have been at the mercy of an ignorant populace.
Col. Blount shows a singular hostility to the Portuguese, who form one of the most valuable elements in the islands, the most moral as shown by the reports of the attorney-general and chief justice, and perhaps the most industrious people in the country, and the most easily Americanized. He even goes so far as to say that they ought not to be classed as Europeans.
On the other hand, his account of the native race is surprisingly incorrect and superficial, although ample statistics relating to lands, property, occupations, accounts of native character, etc., were before him. He says the "majority (of the common people) received nothing" in the way of land. The fact was that all heads of families received homesteads, if they applied for them, and the census shows that 10 per cent of the natives, counting women and children, are even now landowners. Between 1850 and 1860 a large proportion, 40 per cent, of the Government land was sold, mainly to natives, at nominal prices, and every effort was made to encourage habits of thrift among them. Many are now living on the rents of their lands. The chiefs died out, leaving no heirs in many cases, and their lands were largely purchased by foreigners.
LEGISLATURE OF 1892.
Senator BUTLER. Do the Chinese come there to remain or do they generally return home? Mr. ALEXANDER. Generally return home. I might say that on that point we have a pretty strict law on Chinese immigration. Since 1876 the Chinese have diminished from 23,000 down to less than 14,000 —13,000 now. The CHAIRMAN. The policy of Hawaii has been to discourage Chinese immigration? Mr. ALEXANDER. Yes; and in lieu of that to import Japanese. The CHAIRMAN. Are those Japanese imported with the expectation of their becoming inhabitants of the country? Mr. ALEXANDER. They are under a three years' contract. The Japanese consul retains three-fifths of their wages to furnish them money to go home.
Mr. ALEXANDER. I think the missionary element comprises the strongest friends of the Kanakas. The CHAIRMAN. Is it, according to your understanding, the real purpose or desire on the part of the missionary element to build up and sustain the Kanaka element? Mr. ALEXANDER. Yes, it is. The CHAIRMAN. Was that the cause of the passage of the restrictive laws on Chinese immigration? Mr. ALEXANDER. That was one cause. The CHAIRMAN. You found that the foreign oriental population was building up the country too rapidly? Mr. ALEXANDER. Yes; the Chinese and the Japanese, come into competition with the white and Kanaka mechanics and shop keepers. They do not remain laborers; they serve out their contracts and try to make a living in some other way. The CHAIRMAN. Suppose the reciprocity treaty were continued with all the benefits which were had before the arrival of the McKinley bill, which you say was a blessing in disguise to the Kanaka people Mr. ALEXANDER I suppose many disagree with me about that. The CHAIRMAN. Suppose that condition of things would produce a continuous supply of Oriental people as laborers, what would be the ultimate result of that on the Kanaka people? Mr. ALEXANDER. They would be displaced gradually and the islands would become a Mongolian colony. The CHAIRMAN. And the Kanakas would disappear? Mr. Alexander. They would decrease. The CHAIRMAN. There is a decrease there, and you think the ultimate effect would be the disappearance of the Kanakas? Mr. ALEXANDER. Yes; the liquor and demoralization would hasten the decline of the Kanaka race. The CHAIRMAN. Is there not a purpose, a policy, amongst the missionary element, the more enlightened property-holding element in Hawaii, to prevent that result? Mr. ALEXANDER. Yes; they are very anxious to save the native race —have made sacrifices of money, time, and labor for the natives.
SKETCH OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL HISTORY OF THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
[In great detail: How and by whom the Declaration of the Rights of Man was written; how the first constitution was written, what laws were passed in the early years to implement those documents and to create the government bureaucracy and court system]
ORGANIZATION OF THE GOVERNMENT UNDER KAMEHAMEHA I.
THE FIRST WRITTEN CONSTITUTION, 1839-'40.
ORGANIZATION OF THE GOVERNMENT 1845-'47.
CONSTITUTION OF 1852.
THE WORKING OF THE CONSTITUTION OF 1852.
THE COUP D'ETAT OF 1864.
CONSTITUTION OF 1864.
THE CONSTITUTION OF 1864 UNDER LUNALILO AND KALAKAUA.
THE CONSTITUTION OF 1887.