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Reports of Committee on Foreign Relations 1789-1901 Volume 6 pp920-921 300dpi scan (VERY LARGE!)

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Senator Gray. I ask you if he did not mean what I have said, or indicate something of that meaning?

Mr. Stevens. I think he indicated to me that Mr. Mills had arranged for going to the hotel. I can not say that is the form of the statement, but that is the implication.

Senator Gray. That he refused the hospitality?

Mr. Stevens. That would not be a fair statement. They did not propose free hospitality. They simply said he might pay the same as would be charged at the hotel. I only took the message from them. They asked me to give the message. I do not know—it was arranged that they would be willing to furnish him accommodations at the same rate as at the hotel.

Senator Gray. Was anything said about "from nothing up"?

Mr. Stevens. Some other parties might have used that expression, but I was asked to make no such offer.

Senator Gray. Did anybody go out with you?

Mr. Stevens. Yes; this committee went out.

Senator Gray. Who were the committee—a committee of what?

Mr. Stevens. Committee of citizens. Judge Hartwell, Dr. McGrew, and Mr. Scott. Judge Hartwell has been one of the supreme judges, a leading lawyer.

Senator Gray. Was Judge Hartwell one of the Provisional Government?

Mr. Stevens. No; he had no connection with it. And Mr. Scott is the teacher of the high school, a man of very high standing, and has been there for years. He was for six years at the royal college in Japan.

Senator Gray. Was there any committee from the Annexation Club who went out, or communicated with Mr. Blount in regard to it?

Mr. Stevens. I think the three gentlemen already named were members of the Annexation Club. I am not sure that Judge Hartwell was. They took these gentlemen because they were disconnected with the Provisional Government and were American citizens. The Provisional Government had nothing to do with it and did not know of it.

Senator Gray. After Mr. Blount's arrival there, and after he was established at his headquarters, did he ask any information of you about the situation of affairs in Hawaii?

Mr. Stevens. Not the slightest.

The Chairman. Did you offer to communicate to him any information which you had in regard to the situation of affairs there?

Mr. Stevens. It was not possible for me to do so without being discourteous.

The Chairman. Did you ask him to have any conference about the condition of affairs in Hawaii?

Mr. Stevens. No.

The Chairman. Did he ask you whether it would be politic or safe or unsafe to haul down the flag and order the troops on board ship?

Mr. Stevens. Not the least—not a word; never a hint of what he was going to do.

The Chairman. Did he ask you what your relations were to Hawaii and other foreign governments?

Mr. Stevens. Not the least. He did not ask me to do what is usual for a retiring minister to do—to go and introduce him to the foreign representatives. I do not think he meant any harm in that. I do not think he was posted as to diplomatic usage. But that is what custom requires.


The Chairman. Did you in any way interfere in any investigation that he made while he was there?

Mr. Stevens. Not the slightest.

The Chairman. Did you enter any protest or objection to his removing troops from the shore?

Mr. Stevens. Not the slightest.

The Chairman. Or hauling down the flag?

Mr. Stevens. Not the least.

The Chairman. Did that act of removal, etc., produce any commotion in the community?

Mr. Stevens. An intense silent feeling.

The Chairman. I speak of outbreak or commotion?

Mr. Stevens. Just the opposite of that—intense silence. But in the homes of the families you would see the exhibition.

The Chairman. What is your information in regard to the power of Liliuokalani, as Queen of Hawaii, to organize and conduct any enterprise, political or military, for the purpose of displacing the Government that exists there now?

Mr. Stevens. I think she would have very little power. But I think there are parties who might in her name do it; but I do not think it probable.

The Chairman. Parties who might displace the existing Government?

Mr. Stevens. No; I do not say that. But I think it possible that an expedition organized in California or Vancouver might attempt it, if they could obtain the money to do it.

The Chairman. But I am speaking of the power of the Queen.

Mr. Stevens. Her own power—nil.

The Chairman. I understand you, then, that without assistance from foreign governments any enterprise of the character that I have just asked about would be a failure?

Mr. Stevens. An utter failure. There is not the least danger of any attempt being made except by outside aid. That is my opinion.

The Chairman. Suppose that Liliuokalani had the undivided support of the native born, of the Kanaka population, with all the resources at their command, do you believe that she would be powerful enough with that support to overturn the existing civil government in those islands?

Mr. Stevens. I think one-fourth of the force of the Provisional Government could resist all the native force on the islands.

The Chairman. Then your answer must be, she would not be powerful enough?

Mr. Stevens. Not powerful enough. Two hundred American soldiers could resist them all.

The Chairman. Do you consider the Hawaiian population, native-born Kanaka population, as being a warlike population?

Mr. Stevens. They are the reverse of that in every sense.

The Chairman. How would they compare with the American born?

Mr. Stevens. I should say that a native Kanaka force of 2,000, two hundred United States soldiers would more than equal.

The Chairman. So that you do not think the Provisional Government is in any danger from the Hawaiian population?

Mr. Stevens. Not the least. From the native population? It would be the whites from whom the organized opposition would come.

The Chairman. Did you ascertain before you left Hawaii, and after

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